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1
Hill, Peter. « Working hard or hardly working ? : evaluating New Labour's active labour market policy ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/88861/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When New Labour were elected in 1997, the party’s leader, Tony Blair, claimed the dawn of radical labour market reforms that would substantially reduce long-term unemployment and welfare dependency. This thesis is an evaluation of New Labour’s active labour market policy (ALMP), and focuses on the three central components of that policy agenda: the New Deal programmes, Tax Credit programmes and the National Minimum Wage. These reforms were targeted at key client groups such as the young (defined as those aged 18 to 25 year olds), the long-term unemployed, those aged over 50, the disabled and lone-parents. This thesis adopts Economics of Conventions (EC) as its focal theory, and uses a range of quantitative methods to analyse official labour market data while drawing into question the trajectories of improvement found in the official statistics. It also provides a systematic review of existing evaluative research including that conducted by the Department for Work and Pensions, Low Pay Commission and HM Treasury. This thesis found that rates of unemployment declined while New Labour were in power, arguably as a result of strong economic growth but potentially as a result of their ALMP. Rates of economic activity and inactivity did not significantly change, even after the introduction of additional obligations on lone parents. However, due to the introduction of programmes like the New Deal for Young People, individuals were re-categorised, drastically altering labour market statistics and trends. Indeed, when it comes to the justification and evaluation of their ALMP, New Labour made clear moral judgements about ‘the deserving poor’ and ‘the undeserving poor’ based on links between rights and responsibilities of benefit claimants. Indeed, the economic policies of New Labour continued and promoted neo-liberal precepts of labour market management, i.e. they focused on individual behaviour and personal responsibility, at the expense of potentially more effective policy alternatives.
2
Phillips, V. L. « The labor supply decisions of nurses in Great Britain ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:32714aba-06ac-4266-bec1-177100cc9a28.
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This thesis examines the nursing labor market in Great Britain. It describes the components of supply and demand, their interaction, and the dominant role of supply in the market. It also gives a detailed accounting of the conditions of employment for nurses, their training arrangements, and the system by which their pay is determined. Following this discussion, two types of supply models are estimated. The first is a static model which uses data from the Women and Employment Survey to explain two dimensions of supply at a particular point in time: participation and hours of work; discontinuities in the supply function are also discussed. The second is a dynamic model which uses hazard functions to identify the determinants of nursing quits over time. Work history data collected from the personnel files of the John Radcliffe Hospital are the basis of this analysis and three specific quit models: to leave for another job, to leave the labor market altogether, and to leave to take up training, are estimated along with the aggregate quit function for qualified and unqualified nurses. Finally, the elasticities produced from the supply models are used to evaluate the cost effectiveness of various policies to increase the supply of nurse labor.
3
Hayman, Mark. « The Labour Party and the monarchy ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34760/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work examines periods and episodes which illustrate the Labour Party's developing attitudes towards the monarchy. Chapter One traces the historical background in the nineteenth century, identifying those aspects of radicalism, republicanism and a changing monarchy which had a subsequent bearing on Labour views. It finds that the lack of a serious challenge to the monarchy resulted from its increasing popular acceptance, the prevalence of anti-monarchic sentiment over republicanism, and the indifference of social democracy to strictly political reform. Chapter Two finds the monarchy increasingly accepted by Labour during the Great War, and includes sections on republicanism during the war, patriotism, anti-Germanism, royal visits, civil liberties, and the Crown and royal philanthropy. Chapter Three concentrates on the early 1930's, and examines Labour's concerns about the powers of the Crown in the aftermath of 1931. The ideas of Laski and Cripps receive particular attention, as does the paradox of the left's fear of the use of the Crown's powers to frustrate them, whilst recognising the necessity of its use to realise their Jacobin plans. The next two chapters incorporate discourse analysis techniques. Chapter Four takes an extended look at the 1935 Silver Jubilee and 1937 Coronation celebrations, and analyses the range of Labour responses to the events, at local as well as national level. The chapter includes a section of textual analysis, contrasting Labour's Daily Herald with its popular rivals in their coverage of the two celebrations. The contrastive analysis points up the centrality of Labour's constitutionalism to its approach to the monarchy. Chapter Five deals with the Abdication crisis, again analysing the spread of Labour opinion, contrasting those ready to exploit the political opportunity with the constitutionalists. Chapter Six looks at the Honours System, and at the development of Labour's attitudes and conduct in the matter. It finds Labour drawn into the system it inherited and examines the justifications offered.
4
Mukherjee, Arpita. « Labour market experiences of Indians in Great Britain : (1947-1996) ». Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298596.
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According to the 1991 Census, Indians are the largest ethnic minority group in the UK. This thesis uses quantitative techniques to investigate the experiences of Indians in the British labour market over the past five decades. This study analyses the factors that encouraged Indians to migrate and settle in the UK and highlights the changes in their skill composition and labour market experiences over time. A comparative study is also made between Indian males and females and their counterparts from other ethnic groups in order to investigate the differences in industrial and occupational distribution, participation decisions and earnings across the various ethnic and gender groups. This thesis attempts to evaluate the extent of discrimination faced by Indians in the British labour market and investigates the consequences of discrimination and labour market disadvantages. Over the years, economists have made significant contributions towards analysing the employment prospects, earnings and disadvantages faced by minority groups in the labour markets of developed countries. Most of the UK studies in this area using quantitative techniques have attempted to evaluate the relative positions of different ethnic groups in the British labour market. This study is more focussed since it concentrates on the experiences of Indians - the largest minority group in the UK. The research also provides a perspective from India, that is, mainly the lessons learnt from the experiences of migrant Indians in the labour market of a developed country. This thesis investigates the impacts of migration on the Indian economy with emphasis on how the Indian government can address the problem of "brain drain" and benefit by utilising the technical know-how, skills and savings of Indians residing in the UK and other countries.
5
Whitworth, Adam. « Work, care and social inclusion : lone motherhood under New Labour ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670080.
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6
Vickers, Rhiannon. « Manipulating hegemony : British Labour and the Marshall Plan ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4260/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the impact of the Marshall Plan on the British Labour government and the trade union movement. It argues that the British government was able to 'manage' relations with the US in terms of limiting unwanted US influence, while restructuring relations with its domestic support base. in this way, the British government was able to play what Putnam has referred to as a two-level game, satisfying demands at both the national and international levels. The Marshall Plan provides evidence of how, as Putnam explains, 'central decision-makers strive to reconcile domestic and international imperatives simultaneously'. By drawing on TUC archives it shows how the government and the leadership of the TUC used the Marshall Plan to realign the unions and increase their control over the labour movement. The study rejects arguments that the Labour government was forced to change its policies because of the Marshall Plan. Instead it shows that the Labour government used American pressure to persuade its own constituents of the value of its policies. The government and trade union leaderships were able control those on the left through an anti-communist campaign while removing communists from positions of authority. Through its role in the establishment of an anti-communist, pro-Marshall Plan international trade union body, the British Trades Union Congress weakened the left's source of external support. The establishment of a network of pro-Marshall Plan organisations such as the European Recovery Programme Trade Union Advisory Committee and the Anglo-American Council on Productivity, helped the trade union leadership to delineate the parameters of debate and to assure the longer-term marginalisation of the far left.
7
Dickie, Marie. « Town patriotism and the rise of Labour : Northampton 1918-1939 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34807/.
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The thesis seeks to determine the relationship between community feeling and political activity in one interwar town, Northampton. It is argued that localism continued to be an important dimension of social and political experience in this period for businessmen, employers and workers. The development of modern industrial relations and welfare policies in industry gave employers a renewed interest in their location of operations. Depression and decline in the private enterprise economy made municipal intervention important to both the lower middle class and the working class. At the same time central governments expanded the role of local authorities by giving them more mandatory responsibilities and greater funding. A public culture developed in Northampton which stressed service to the common interest and meritocratic leadership. In this context the Labour Party was able to gain some legitimate authority in the town community. Its leaders were accorded a grudging acceptance in the meritocracy. The ethos of public and political life was reflected in neighbourhood and workplace experience. Most Northamptonians defined their social identity in terms of citizenship rather than class. However, there were a number of social, economic and industrial factors which produced a crisis in the 1933 to 1935 period. That crisis increased Labour support and led to abstention by many non-Labour voters. A different approach to the study of society and politics in Britain from 1918 to 1939 is advocated on the basis of the Northampton evidence. It is noted that there already exists considerable material showing that there was a wide range of difference in local response to government social policy. It is also argued that the Labour Party's philosophy and electoral performance during these years may owe more to community influences than has previously been acknowledged.
8
Manderson, Kate. « Fabian socialism and the struggle for Independent Labour Representation, 1884-1900 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43910.pdf.
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9
Watts, Jake. « Narratives of organisational reform in the British Labour Party, 1979-2014 ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/73552/.
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10
Román, Zozaya Carolyn. « Participant ideology : the case of New Labour social policy, 1997-2001 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d4d4cfe0-2798-498a-9395-0085cbe514a1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the relationship of ideology to policy-making on two levels: on the theoretical level, it advances a distinction between philosophical, commentative and participant ideology; on the policy level, it takes as its major case study the reforms initiated by New Labour in the Departments of Social Security, Health and Education and Employment between 1997 and 2001. The thesis pays particular attention to the deployment of morphological analysis as a means to interpret and decode New Labour's policy practices and thereby opens up new areas for research on the role of ideas in politics. It also delineates the conceptual formulae for the core concepts of New Labour's ideology, stressing conceptual interconnections and contributing to interpretative and normative political theory. Using these to frame the analysis, it presents an account of New Labour's conceptual patterns easily accessible to political philosophers. Finally, the thesis counters the dominant modes of analysing ideology in social policy and shows the strong similarities between the morphological conception of ideology and standard forms of institutional and social policy analysis. New Labour is shown to create the following patterns: Individuals have rights to the conditions of freedom as self-development, which generate duties sanctionable by legal and direct socioeconomic penalties on others. Where rights do not apply, individuals have personal responsibilities that are presented as supererogatory expectations. The conditions of freedom are to be distributed equally in a manner consistent with progress and social justice for all members of a community who, relating to each other ultimately on the basis of enlightened self-interest, are interdependent and working together across the spheres of a social conception of civil society, a strongly representative and government-dominated conception of democracy and a capitalist market conceived of as a common good. By so doing, each enjoys the freedom of self-development.
11
Young, Ross. « The Labour Party and the Labour Left : party transformation and the decline of factionalism 1979-97 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6e09469d-854f-420c-8167-c755b1b919f1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This Thesis examines the relationship between the organisational and ideological transformation of the Labour Party, and the decline of intra-party factionalism by the groups of the Labour Left during the period from 1979 to 1997. Two central questions are considered. First, whether the fragmentation and decline of the Left during this period can best be understood by examining the interplay between organisational and ideological factors at both the party and individual group levels. Second, whether 'New Labour' continues to exhibit some of the key traits of attitudinal dissent among its grassroots membership, despite the lack of an organisational apparatus within which sub-groups of activists could challenge the centralising tendencies of party leaders and influence the direction of party policy. Labour's ideological and organisational transformation had a number of important consequences for the prevalence of intra-party factionalism. The organisational reforms meant that Labour ceased to represent Duverger's 'branch-mass' type of party. Furthermore, party leaders regained centralised control over members and activists through the resurgence of Michels' 'iron law of oligarchy'. The depth of Labour's ideological transformation also reinforced the narrowing of the ideological gap between (radical) grassroots members and ordinary (moderate) voters, such that May's 'law of curvilinear disparity' appeared extinct inside Blair's New Labour. Labour's transformation had a remarkably fragmenting effect at the group-level. The Labour Left was a collection of various groupings, each of which displayed different structural properties and ideological characteristics. There was no single organisational form of Labour Left factionalism, nor was their any common sense of ideological purpose. The processes of party transformation would act only to further the Left's fragmentation and cement its decline. However, it would be premature to talk of New Labour as a party free from dissent. Despite the dissolution of the Labour Left, New Labour's grassroots membership has retained some of the principal features of factionalism. Using data from original survey research among party members, it is suggested that New Labour has encouraged new types of 'objective' and 'subjective' factionalism. The kind of factionalism typified by the Labour Left of the 1970s and 1980s may have disappeared, but we should not preclude the growth of new dimensions of conflict between party leaders and grassroots members.
12
Tabet, Marie-Christine. « Household labour supply in Great Britain : can policy-makers rely on neoclassical models ? » Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2358/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis empirically examines whether the neoclassical economic model provides an adequate framework to analyse a couple's labour supply behaviour in Britain using recent data from the British Household Panel Survey. The thesis comprises three empirical chapters. The first chapter uses the instrumental variable (IV) estimation procedure to model the hours of work of married couples. This approach allows us to test whether some of the assumptions of the neoclassical model (e.g., income pooling and Slutsky properties) are satisfied by the data. In addition, further variables that have been identified as distribution factors in the literature are introduced to the empirical model to assess whether they play a role in explaining a couple's hours of work. The first chapter only considers couples in which both spouses work. In the second chapter, the sample is amended to include all couples (i.e., those that work and those that do not) and the analysis conducted models a couple's labour market participation decisions rather than their hours of work. After testing for income pooling and the impact of distribution factors, a further variable, the wife's mother-in-law work status when the male spouse was aged 14, is introduced into the model. This is done to determine the effect of 'cultural' variables on labour market decisions. In the last chapter, this issue is explored further by explicitly modelling attitudes to a woman's role in the labour market. This approach uses a bivariate ordered probit model given the ordinal nature of responses to the attitudinal questions and again restricts the analysis to couples only. Finally, gender-role attitudes are introduced to the labour supply framework used in the second chapter in order to evaluate whether beliefs regarding women's role impact on a couple's labour market decisions.
13
Pettersson, Henry. « Den försiktiga kameleonten : europeisk socialdemokrati och brittiska Labour / ». Örebro : Univ.-bibl, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-68.
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14
Doherty, Robert Anthony. « New Labour : governmentality, social exclusion and education policy ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2667/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis critically explores the broad relationship between New Labour’s adoption of social exclusion as a policy concept and the outworking of this commitment within instances of policy directed at compulsory education. It presents and deploys Foucault’s idea of governmentality as a perspective from which to undertake critical policy analysis. It considers approaches to policy analysis and posits a layered model that looks to explicate levels and forms of power within the policy system; including a concern to integrate the place and function of policy texts. An account of the main dimensions of New Labour’s Third Way politics is developed, together with a broad account of New Labour’s attempts to govern compulsory education. Critical Discourse Analysis is applied to interpret and explain two texts posited as capturing a particular historical moment in New Labour’s adoption and commitment to a recognisable conceptualisation of social exclusion. A governmentality perspective is employed to analyse policy around social exclusion within the Third Way politics of New Labour following 1997. This analysis has a particular focus on how this social exclusion dimension was accommodated within the broader schematic of Third Way governmentality and how it interacted with and emerged within policy around compulsory education in the early years of New Labour. The analysis concludes that the social exclusion dimension of New Labour’s policy ambitions was present, but sublimated within the conflicted policy climate of compulsory education arising from New Labour’s distinctive governmentality.
15
Kirkup, Jonathan. « The parliamentary agreement between the Labour Party and the Liberal Party 1977-1978 : 'The Lib-Lab Pact' ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/42288/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a chronological case study into the origins, operation and consequences of the Lib-Lab Pact 1977-1978. Cross-party co-operation in British politics since 1945 is assessed. David Steel’s election as Liberal Party leader, his political philosophy and strategy are examined. Concepts of realignment, ‘co-operation strategy’ are explored. The parliamentary and political events together with a detailed assessment of the inter-party negotiations which led the Pact are examined. New perspectives include: the significance of the leader-led nature of the negotiation process; the Labour-Ulster Unionist understanding which ran concurrent with the Pact; the importance of Lib-Lab discussions on devolution which pre-dated the Pact in influencing Steel’s subsequent decision-making. Analysis focuses on the Lib-Lab negotiations into if the Direct Elections to the European Parliament Bill should include a proportional voting system and whether the parliamentary Labour party should be compelled to vote for PR. A key finding of the thesis is that rather than allowing a free vote, as was agreed, the Prime Minister, James Callaghan, was prepared to offer the Liberals a ‘pay roll’ vote; the significance of Michael Foot in this process is also noted. The structure of the Lib-Lab consultative mechanism is reviewed. Case studies include a review of on Liberal policy influence on the Budget 1977 and 1978. The nature of intra-party dissent is reviewed with the difference between Labour and the Liberal parties noted. An examination of the serious internecine conflict is complemented by a reassessment of the role of Christopher Mayhew in this process. The Lib-Lab Pact is reviewed, assessing its affect in influencing Callaghan’s decision not to call a General Election in 1978; its influence on Liberal/Liberal Democrat party strategy, and its importance in the subsequent formation of the triple-lock, as such the thesis highlighting the Pacts relevance to subsequent cross-party understandings.
16
Pitcher, Jane. « Diversity in sexual labour : an occupational study of indoor sex work in Great Britain ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2014. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/16739.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While there is a considerable body of academic literature on prostitution and sex work, there is relatively little research exploring the working conditions and occupational structures for men and women working in the indoor sex industry. There is a continuing tension between the theoretical position that considers prostitution as gendered exploitation and that which views commercial sex as work, although more recent studies have begun to explore different labour practices in some types of sex work. This thesis moves beyond previous analyses through framing the research theoretically as an occupational study, encompassing the experiences and transitions of female and male sex workers, as well as a small number of transgender participants, and setting these in the context of broader labour market theories and research. Using a qualitative approach, the study considers diverse labour processes and structures in indoor markets and adult sex workers perceptions of the terms and conditions of their work. The research develops an understanding of sex workers agency in relation to state structures, policy frameworks and varied working circumstances. It theorises the relationship of human agency to social stigma and recognition or denial of rights. It extends on existing classifications of pathways into and from sex work and develops typologies incorporating transitions between sub-sectors in the indoor sex industry, as well as temporary and longer-term sex working careers related to varied settings and individual aspirations. While the research identified gendered structures in indoor markets, which reflect those in the broader economy, the findings also contest gender-specific constructions of exploitation and agency through emphasising the diverse experiences of both male and female sex workers. I argue for development of a continuum of agency, which incorporates interlinking concepts such as respect, recognition and economic status and includes both commercial and private intimate relations. I contend that acknowledgement of sexual labour as work is a necessary precondition for recognising sex workers rights and reducing instances of physical and social disrespect. Nonetheless, this is not sufficient to counter social stigma, which is perpetuated by state discourses and policy campaigns which fail to recognise sex workers voices and, in doing so, create new forms of social injustice.
17
Mansfield, Malcolm Richard. « Organising the labour market : unemployment and policy in Great Britain and France 1880-1914 ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265500.
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18
Ho, Karl Ka-yiu. « The Subjective Economy and Political Support : The Case of the British Labour Party ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500261/.
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During the past two decades, extensive research efforts have focused on the conventional wisdom that the economy has a direct influence on a party's destiny. This hypothesis rests on the implicit assumption that the linkages between macroeconomic variables such as inflation and unemployment and party support are direct and unmediated. As the present study indicates, however, objective economic measures only serve as a proxy for the invisible force that drives voters' party support. Once the relevant variables, namely, the perceptual factors of the electorate, are controlled for, variables that describe the state of the objective economy fail to exert their "magic" on political behavior.
19
Gash, Vanessa. « Flexible labour markets : qualities of employment, equalities of outcome ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c409eb37-8c91-4e80-9e98-ab0018372149.
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This thesis investigates the quality of atypical employment to reveal whether support for the generation of temporary and part-time jobs is an effective policy for labour market renewal or whether it leads to labour market segmentation. This issue is investigated through analyses of the quality of atypical employment, with the following components of atypical work investigated: working-conditions, wages, poverty risk, exposure to unemployment and/or labour market drop out, as well as the extent to which atypical employment leads to the standard employment contract, termed its 'bridging function'. Strong and consistent variation in the quality of atypical work (relative to standard contract employment) combined with evidence of a weak bridging function is taken as an indicator of labour market marginalisation for these workers. Evidence of labour market marginalisation would suggest that non-standard contracts foster market segmentation. A key component of the analyses asserts that institutional context will structure atypical worker outcome with comparative analysis run on three countries to test this hypothesis. The countries chosen for the analysis varied in their combination of institutions thought to structure labour market outcome. The institutions thought to structure labour market outcome were classified into two groups, or axes, thought to structure labour markets in a different manner. The first group of institutions were thought to influence the relative openness or flexibility of markets, while the second was thought to influence the integration of labour market outsiders. Denmark is presented as a flexibly integrative labour market, the French market is presented as rigidly integrative and the United Kingdom is labelled flexibly non-integrative. The empirical analyses revealed strong and consistent variation in the quality of atypical work (relative to standard contract employment) and while the evidence suggests that temporary employment does provide a bridging function, the same was not true of part- time employment. This led us to conclude that policies which have sought to flexibilise the labour market through the generation of temporary and/or part-time employment are likely to contribute to market segmentation. Nonetheless we established important differences between countries which provided insights into the labour market conditions which were the most supportive of atypical worker inclusion.
20
Goodwin, Mark. « Education governance, politics and policy under New Labour ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1771/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.
21
Morton, Bess. « Making diamonds from dust : a working class history of British Labour Party women, 1906-1956 / ». Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm889.pdf.
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22
Wicks, Roger. « Political ideas and policy in the Labour Party, 1983-1992 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/222/.
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This thesis examines the political ideas of the Labour Party between 1983 and 1992. It adopts two detailed case studies: Labour’s economic policy and Labour’s social policy. Part I provides an historical context of Labour’s political ideas and Part II analyses the political ideas content of Labour’s social and economic policy between 1983 and 1992. This includes the work of ‘Labour intellectuals’, ‘thinker-politicians’ and official party documents, notably the Policy Review. The thesis shows the need for an historical context based on three factors. First, the history of Labour’s political ideas, discussed in Part I, illustrates the extent to which former debates re-emerge; to a large extent, Labour continued in the 1980s to be pre-occupied with traditional arguments. Second, Labour’s economic and social policy thinking was, at least in part, a reflection on its own ‘record’ in government. An historical context inevitably includes an analysis of Labour’s own post-war economic and social policy thinking. Third, the immediate political context between 1983 and 1992 is also central to an understanding of Labour’s ideas over this period. This includes the impact of Thatcherism, its policy and ideas, as well as the effect of fundamental economic and social change. However, it is the first which is most important. The history of Labour’s ideas is noticeably neglected in the literature on the period. This thesis constitutes an attempt to redress the balance.
23
Dalton, Raymond David. « Labour and the municipality : Labour politics in Leeds 1900-1914 ». Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2000. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/4872/.
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This thesis examines the emergence of the Labour Party in Leeds, from its establishment as the Leeds Labour Representation Committee in 1902 up to the outbreak of the First World War. This will include a description and analysis of the very different political features of the Labour Party in Leeds in the parliamentary and municipal elections in this period. While only able to have elected one member of parliament before 1914, the Labour Party was to obtain a presence on the City Council in 1903 and by 1914 became the second largest party. The success of the Labour Party in municipal politics was due to the willingness of most trade unions in Leeds to join with the Independent Labour Party in giving it political and financial support. This was achieved by the Party's advocacy of municipal government as a vehicle of social reform. In particular, they argued in favour of using the trading profits of municipally owned services for the financing of these reforms. A powerful voice in the Leeds Labour Party was provided by the unions organising municipal workers. As a result, the Labour group was to act as their defenders on the City Council in the face of a hostile Conservative-Liberal majority. However, the Party in Leeds was to establish a broad base of support from the trade union and socialist movements in the city, which enabled it to survive relatively unscathed the defeat of a general strike of municipal workers in 1913 and 1914.
24
Cooper, Matthew. « The Labour Governments 1964-1970 and the other equalities ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2013. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8384.
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This thesis explores the idea that an equality state has evolved in Britain since the 1960s. The policies and institutions that make up the equality state are those that seek to ensure some forms of equality between its citizens. Its latest development has been through the 2010 Equality Act that promotes equality in relation to nine protected characteristics, but just two of these are considered here, race and sex. The study will investigate the origins of the equality state under the 1964-1970 Labour governments through the formulation of policies that explicitly or implicitly promoted sex and racial equality. The main areas examined in relation to racial equality are the anti-discrimination provisions of the 1965 and 1968 Race Relations Acts; measures to promote the integration of immigrants, particularly in employment, education, housing and policing; the institutions which aided integration particularly the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants and Community Relations Commission; and the Urban Programme and other measures taken in response to Enoch Powell's 1968 'Rivers of Blood' speech. With sex equality the areas considered are the 1970 Equal Pay Act; the development of policy to promote equal opportunity in employment; and the reform of law relating to abortion, divorce and the availability of contraceptive services through state agencies. iv The primary focus of the thesis is on the policy making process and the research is based on government papers in The National Archives. Other influences on these policy areas have been researched through primary sources, particularly policies' origins in the Labour Party, the influence of the trade union movement, campaigning groups and, in the case of sex equality, the remaining first wave feminist organisations. Through this the thesis develops an understanding of the nature and limitations of the equality that the equality state promotes.
25
Ziaei, Zainab. « Internationally trained pharmacists : their contribution to, and experiences of, working in the Great Britain labour market ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/internationally-trained-pharmacists-their-contribution-to-and-experiences-of-working-in-the-great-britain-labour-market(7d75ad2b-671a-46b4-bfa1-5bcf13e0ff91).html.
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Background: In Great Britain (GB), international recruitment has been one of the methods used to tackle the shortage of healthcare professionals. Although research has been conducted on internationally trained nurses and doctors, studies on internationally trained pharmacists (ITPs) is limited. In the first stage of this programme of work, reasons for migration, experiences of work and future intentions of ITPs in GB were explored. Communicative proficiency of ITPs was then explored in the subsequent stages from the perspective of ITPs themselves, as well as that of pharmacy employers to see whether and how this has negative implications for patient safety. Methodology: For stage one 29 semi-structured interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 11 adjudication, 14 EU and four reciprocal pharmacists in Manchester and London. For stage two eight focus groups and two semi-structured interviews were conducted with 31 EU and 11 adjudication pharmacists in London, Manchester, Liverpool and Glasgow. For stage three, nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with seven community and two hospital ITPs' employers. Findings: The findings confirmed that reasons for migration of ITPs are multifactorial. Motives were often, but not exclusively, economic or professional. In general, adjudication pharmacists are happy with the Overseas Pharmacists' Assessment Programme and the pre-registration training that they had received, while the EU pharmacists tended to be more critical of their adaptation programmes. While overall the reciprocal pharmacists were happy with their work experience in GB, EU and adjudication pharmacists' narratives included some dissatisfactory experiences. Communication was described as a daunting challenge, especially during the initial period after their arrival. ITPs experienced communication difficulties through new dialects, use of idioms, abbreviations and colloquial language. Most, however, were adamant that communication problems did not compromise patient safety. ITPs' employers described the importance of having processes in place to assure EU pharmacists' overall language proficiency in the workplace. However, strategies used varied in type and rigorousness. Conclusion: This novel research provides a foundation for future work on ITPs in GB, and could assist employers to better target their efforts in development of standards to support the recruitment and the working experiences of ITPs in GB.
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Peck, J. A. « The structure and segmentation of local labour markets : aspects of the geographical anatomy of youth employment in Great Britain ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.233414.
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Wallace, John. « An examination of the influence of labour demand on the growth of part-time employment in Great Britain, 1951-1984 ». Thesis, University of Bath, 1985. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353695.
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Since 1951 the creation of approximately 4 million part-time jobs has been the only source of employment growth in Great Britain. Part-time employment, defined as regular work for not more than 30 hours per week, is concentrated amongst married women, in low-paid occupations and in service sector industries. This thesis examines the influence of employers' demands for labour on the growth of part-time employment, which has been hitherto investigated almost exclusively in the context of economic and social aspects of female labour supply. The increasing utilisation of part-time labour has been responsible for raising the rate of female labour force participation above a level which had remained unchanged since the mid-nineteenth century, and has more than offset the loss of 1 3/4 million jobs in manufacturing, agriculture and mining during the last thirty years. Part-time employment has therefore been instrumental in the transfer of labour resources necessary to the process of restructuring an economy in the advanced stages of industrial development. The research involved comprehensive analyses of the macro employment statistics pertaining to the British economy since 1881, and in-depth empirical research undertaken over the past five years, into the utilisation of full-time and part-time labour at organisational and establishment level in manufacturing and service industries. Workers entering part-time employment have for the most part been recruited by extending the supply of female labour. Expansion of the service sector has not provided sufficient suitable employment for those displaced from declining industries in the primary and secondary sectors of the economy, as part-time jobs offer neither the occupations, hours of work nor the earnings associated with the established structures of employment in these industries. Even the most optimistic forecasts of economic growth do not anticipate a return to previous levels of full-time employment. Future employment policies must be based on cognisance of the fundamental changes which have taken place in the patterns of employers' labour requirements in the more labour-intensive service industries.
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Hall, Duncan. « A pleasant change from politics : the musical culture of the British labour movement, 1918-1939 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4377/.
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The history of the inter-war labour movement in Britain had an endless, eclectic musical accompaniment. There were sentimental and comic ballads at social events, socialist hymns at meetings and services, massed choirs and full orchestras, soloists with voice and with instruments, dance bands, jazz bands, brass bands and serious composers. Alongside the performance and enjoyment of music there was a great deal of theorising on the subject. Why was music important? What was the source of its power? What was the difference between 'good' and 'bad' music? To whom did music belong? Did it have special usefulness for the labour movement or was it just 'a pleasant change from politics'? This thesis concerns itself with the practical use labour activists made of music in entertaining the comrades, propagating the socialist message and raising funds as well as the formation of musical organisations and societies within the movement and the special place given to music and song during times of struggle. In so doing it attempts to sketch both a national picture and a more detailed look at the musicality of selected local areas. It also examines the intellectual development of labour theories of music. As this period was one of great upheaval and change in both the worlds of labour politics and popular music alike, so important changes in labour music and labour approaches to music are identified. The developments in musical thought, fed by changes in international socialist ideas about music on the one hand and the experience of seeing music used as a 'weapon' in specific struggles on the other, led to changes in the form and nature of labour music as well as its intended function. It is the assertion of this thesis that such changes had cultural consequences stretching far beyond the inter-war British labour movement.
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Faggian, Alessandra. « Human capital, migration and local labour markets : the role of the higher education system in Great Britain ». Thesis, University of Reading, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.553098.
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The positive impact of higher education institutions (HEI) on local economies has been long acknowledged, but it has generally been evaluated by using regional multipliers or input-output techniques, which are static in nature and more focused on short-term effects. This study tried to give a more complete and dynamic account of how HEI are affecting the local economies by incorporating into the analysis the role of human capital and interregional migration. My analysis is based on micro- econometric data on around 800,000 British students graduating between the academic years 1996-97 and 1999-00. In order to analyse the data I employ dichotomous, multinomial, and conditional logit models, which investigate how the characteristics of the individuals, the institutions, and the regions together determine graduate migration behaviour. Most of my results on the determinants of student migration were in line with the expectations of the traditional migration research although some surprising results were also revealed. One of the most interesting results is the different attitude of men and women towards migration to study and migration to work. Another important result is the effect of the final degree classification on graduate migration. In the last part of the thesis we used the knowledge developed on student and graduate migration to study the relationship between innovation and human capital flows. Given the nature of the problem, we move away from a micro-econometric framework to use simultaneous equation models, which better account for the feedback mechanisms between the two phenomena under investigation. The results show that the primary role of the university system appears to be as acting as a conduit for bringing potential high quality undergraduate human capital into a region. If the region is already economically buoyant, many of these migrants will remain in the university region for employment after graduation, subsequently contributing to the region's innovative performance. The migration effects of embodied human capital appear far more important than informal university-industry spillovers as an explanation of regional learning effects.
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Melnick, Elaine Millar. « Women's employment, sex discrimination, and the law : legal and administrative remedies in Great Britain, with some reference to the United States ». Thesis, University of Surrey, 1986. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/688/.
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McCafferty, Patricia. « Working the 'third way' : New Labour, employment relations and Scottish devolution ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1537/.
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Labour’s election victory in 1997 was heralded as a new era, the dawn of a Third Way, a novel attempt to chart a unique political course overcoming the perceived limitations of both New Right and Old Labour. In this thesis, I explore that era of New Labour generally and, in particular, the impact of the Third Way on working lives. Key to my analysis is New Labour’s attempt to synthesise oppositional interests, in particular those of capital and labour. This involves a crucial rhetoric of flexibility, competitiveness and partnership. My research explores the rhetoric of New Labour in relation to the reality of this new force in power. It does this by: drawing out key features in the development of New Labour, especially its relation to Old Labour; examining central elements of New Labour ideology; arguing that Scotland should be seen as central to the transition from Old to New Labour; utilising a case study of industrial relations developments in a major electronics factory in the West of Scotland and, to a lesser extent, key developments in public sector employment. My main finding is that where New Labour’s ideology promises positive benefits, the form of its implication has negative impacts for workers. Since I take New Labour as a process, my thesis concludes with a more speculative exploration of possible future developments, both in relations to New Labour’s role in them, and their possible impact on the New Labour project.
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Perks, R. B. « The new Liberalism and the challenge of Labour in the West Riding of Yorkshire 1885-1914 with special reference to Huddersfield ». Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 1985. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/4598/.
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This thesis contributes substantially to a debate that has long been a preoccupation of historians surrounding the timing, underlying reasons for, and inevitability (or otherwise) of the Labour Party's replacement of Liberalism as the main opponent to the Conservative Party. In terms of the context for examining the extent and potential of Labour's challenge to Liberalism before 1914 and the presence of any form of 'progressive' or 'new' Liberalism, there has been a shift away from the ambit of national politics to that of local parliamentary and municipal politics. Amongst those areas of Britain that have been the subject of analysis, West Yorkshire, as the very birthplace of the Independent Labour Party, remains predominant and this study, by highlighting Huddersfield, complements and extends work already carried out on Leeds, Bradford and the Colne Valley. Through a close analysis of the local and regional press, election results, personal papers, party records, pamphlets and trade union records, in conjunction with secondary sources, the emergence and nature of the Labour movement's challenge to a Liberalism dominated by a Nonconformist textile manufacturer elite, is examined. Trade unionism's central role in the establishment of the Huddersfield Labour Union in 1891 is evident. So too is the belated conversion of the Huddersfield Trades Council to independent parliamentary labour representation which, when combined with a religious, ethical form of Socialism around 1906, posed so serious a threat to established Liberalism that only opportune party re-organisation, an undemocratic franchise, and bitter divisions within the Labour movement, could save it. Yet even amidst its parliamentary victories of 1906 and 1910 Huddersfield Liberalism was, through its continued intransigence towards working-class concerns and its espousal of outdated issues, which had diminishing relevance to a nascent class-based electorate, increasingly less viable both electorally and intellectually.
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Gardner, Mark J. « Restructuring social bargains : the politics of trade and labor policy in the US Democrats and British Labour / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10770.
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Dynes, Jacqueline. « 14-19 education reform under New Labour : an exploration of how politics and the economy combine with educational goals to affect policy ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/51394/.
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The area of 14-19 education and training was a significant priority for the Labour Government of Tony Blair and New Labour. Reforms such as the 14-19 White Paper (Feb 2005) were seen as key to this government’s ‘third term’ agenda. This research has at its heart the desire to identify the true drivers for 14-19 education and training reform, and critically analyse the results against alternative ‘aims’ of education. Much of current policy for this phase of education mentions the economic imperative of providing young people with the skills which both they and businesses need to compete in the global economy. This research intends to question the fact that economic goals appear to be inexorably entwined with this area of education, and analyse if this is an appropriate philosophy on which to base reform of the 14-19 phase. To achieve this, document analysis was used to identify the drivers for education reform contained within five policy documents in an attempt to understand the goals of New Labour’s 14- 19 education and training reform policy between May 1997 and February 2005. The conclusions which came from this analysis point to a consistency in the 14-19 reform programme of New Labour around the theme of the economy, with much of the content of the reforms focusing on adapting the phase in order to promote economic objectives. It is argued that by accepting economic objectives as a basis for educational reform, New Labour confused the influence of the economy for an educational aim.
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Mansi, Kamel Mahmoud Saleh. « Socio-economic and cultural obstacles to ethnic minority women's engagement in economic activity : a case study of Yemeni women in the UK ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2005. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.673819.
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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. « The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961 ». Ottawa, 1996.
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Ovey, Joey-David. « Between Nation and Europe : labour, the SPD and labour in the European Parliament, 1994-1999 / ». Opladen : Leske + Budrich, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50738826.html.
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Sponagel, Moritz. « An overview of the development of the German and UK labour dispute resolution systems and assessment of their respective strengths and weaknesses ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50572.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In many countries in the world today, Labour Courts have developed as an integral part of the law system arising from the need to afford labour disputes specialised adjudication, independent from the ordinary civil courts. This study presents a comparison of the German Labour Court System and the British Employment Tribunal System, representing the Continental Law System and the Common Law System respectively. In comparing the German Labour Courts and the British Employment Tribunals, the study highlights the special qualities of labour law and why labour disputes are treated differently from other legal disputes. It demonstrates that both systems have attempted to achieve the handling of labour disputes in different ways and proceedings. Similarly, the study reveals that both systems have their pros, cons and limitations and that no system can guarantee an optimal way to achieve a "better" justice. Nonetheless, the study attempts to show that each system can learn from the other's strengths and weaknesses by being open and reasonable to criticism. Another important objective of this study is to determine whether Labour Courts and Employment Tribunals should be maintained as a separate part of the law system or whether to merge them into the ordinary civil courts as some critics feel that such courts and tribunals create added expenses to governments. Furthermore, the study explores other dispute resolution mechanisms that if encouraged, provide additional benefit to labour issues in teoday's complex business environment. As a whole, the study proves that the German Labour Courts and British Employment Tribunals are a quicker, cheaper and better way of achieving justice, preferable to the civil litigation system. It is therefore concluded that such courts and tribunals should be maintained because of their significant successes so far. Furthermore, it is suggested that labour dispute resolution can be further developed through the increased use of mechanisms such as conciliation, negotiation and mediation in the management of organizations today.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In baie lande van die wereld vandag, het gespesialiseerde arbeids tribunale ontwikkel as 'n integrale deel van die regsisteem as gevolg van die behoefte om arbeidsdispute te onderwerp aan gespesialiseerde beregting, onafhanklik van gewone siviele howe. Hierdie studie behels 'n vergelyking van die Duitse Arbiedshofsisteem en die Britse "Employment Tribunal" sisteem, wat die kontinentale regsisteem en 'n gemeenregtelike regsisteem respektiewelik verteenwoordig. Deur die Duitse Arbeidshowe en die Britse "Employment Tribunals" te vergelyk, beklemtoon hierdie studie die spesiale eienskappe van arbeidsreg en waarom arbeidsdispute anders as andere regsdispute hanteer word. Dit demonstreer dat beide sisteme probeer het om die hantering van arbeidsdispute op verskillende maniere en deur middel van verskillende prosesse te bereik. Terselfdertyd, wys die studie dat beide sisteme hulle voordele, nadele en tekortkomings het, en dat nie een sisteem 'n optimale manier het om "beter" geregtigheid tussen werkgewer en werknemer te laat geskied nie. Nietemin, probeer die studie wys dat elke sisteem kan leer van die ander se sterktepunte en tekortkominge. 'n Verdere belangrike doel van hierdie studie is om te bepaal of die Duitse Arbeidshowe en Britse "Employment Tribunals" as aparte deel van die regsisteem behoort te voortbestaan, of hulle saamgesmelt moet word met die gewone siviele howe, want sekere kritici voel dat sulke howe en tribunale addisionele koste vir owerhede meebring. Verder ondersoek die studie ander dispuutoplossings meganismes, wat, indien dit bevorder sou word, dalk addisionele voordele in vandag se komplekse besigheidsomgewing kan meebring. In geheel toon hierdie studie dat die Duitse Arbeidshowe en Britse "Employment Tribunals" 'n vinniger, goedkoper en beter manier bied om geregtigheid te bereik en verkies word bo die siviele litigasie sisteem. Die gevolgtrekking is dat sulke howe en tribunale behou moet word as gevolg van hulle sukses tot dusver. Verder word dit voorgestel dat arbeidsgeskilbeslegting verder ontwikkel kan word deur groter gebruik te maak van meganismes soos konsiliase, onderhandeling en mediasie in organisasies.
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Monastiriotis, Vassilis. « Labour market flexibility and regional economic performance in the UK, 1979-1998 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/834/.
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Over the last two decades labour market flexibility has gained recognition as an important factor for good economic performance. Over the same period, the UK has followed a significant labour market deregulation programme, achieving probably the most flexible labour market in Europe. The main purpose of this study is to offer a concrete analysis of labour market flexibility and measure the impact that changes in flexibility in the UK have had on its regional economic performance. The thesis starts with a review of the forces that have created the conditions for enhanced labour market flexibility. This includes a discussion of the elements of flexibility, identifying its different forms, types, sources and targets. Through a systematic literature review the relationship between labour market flexibility and economic performance is examined. Some original international empirical evidence is also offered, based on a panel of data from the OECD. I then proceed to develop a technical economic model, examining the effects of labour standards deregulation on economic outcomes and inequalities in economic opportunities. This is followed by a theoretical discussion of regional dynamics in relation to labour market flexibility, where issues of spatial dependence are considered. In the main body of the empirical analysis, a large number of flexibility measures are developed and their evolution over time and across space is thoroughly discussed. Then, the economic effects of labour market flexibility are formally examined. The conclusion of this empirical analysis is that, on balance, labour market flexibility seems to have improved economic performance in the UK regions, although efficiency gains have coincided with larger inequalities in labour compensation and economic opportunities. The various elements of flexibility, however, are found to have variable, often opposing effects, suggesting that the issue of flexibility and improved economic performance is not purely quantitative, but mostly related to the specific combination of labour market arrangements which can lead to better or worse social and economic outcomes. It follows that this issue cannot be studied in isolation from its socio-economic environment, as the economic benefits of flexibility are not universal but rather place- and context-specific.
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Davies, Robert Samuel Walter. « Differentiation in the working class, class consciousness, and development of the Labour Party in Liverpool up to 1939 ». Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 1993. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4943/.
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Evans, Robert Lindsay. « A comparative study of trade union education for workplace representatives in Germany and Great Britain with specific reference to the provision by I.G. Medien for works councillors and M.S.F. for shop stewards ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367660.
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Chiarodo, Nicole M. « From Behind Closed Doors to the Campaign Trail : Race and Immigration in British Party Politics, 1945-1965 ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002660.
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Sage, Daniel. « Working for welfare ? : modifying the effects of unemployment through active labour market programmes ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/23033.
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In recent decades, research from across the social sciences has demonstrated a strong, consistent and causal link between unemployment and a wide range of negative outcomes. These outcomes go beyond economic problems, incorporating issues such as low well-being, poor health and weak social capital. During the same time, successive UK governments have expanded the use of active labour market programmes (ALMPs): a wide range of interventions that aim to move unemployed people closer to the labour market. ALMPs have been widely evaluated since becoming a central part of UK social policy, yet the majority of studies focus almost exclusively on economic outcomes, such as re-employment and wage levels. This is despite the weight of evidence suggesting unemployment is as much a social problem as an economic one. This discrepancy has led to a small but growing body of research suggesting that ALMPs might play a role in modifying some of the health and social costs of unemployment: beyond simply moving people closer to the labour market. Using a mixed methods research design, this study examines whether ALMPs achieve this by considering four key questions. First, are ALMPs associated with higher well-being, health and social capital compared to the alternative of 'open unemployment'? Second, if there is an association, how robust is this and is there any evidence of a causal function? Third, does the context of an ALMP - such as the specific type of scheme and the kind of participant - matter for understanding outcomes? And fourthly, how and why do people's experiences of unemployment and ALMPs shape their health and well-being? The findings presented in this thesis offer five original contributions to the study of the health and social effects of ALMPs. First, there is a dichotomy in the effects of ALMPs: participants have higher well-being than the openly unemployed but similar health and social capital levels. Second, ALMPs are most effective in changing how participants feel about and evaluate their lives but are largely unsuccessful in mitigating negative emotions like anxiety. These two findings are evident in both cross-sectional and longitudinal data, suggesting the possibility of a causal function of ALMPs. Together, the findings suggest that the positive well-being effects of ALMPs are not necessarily linked to improved health or social capital but because participants begin to think about their lives in a different, more positive way. Third, well-being gains are experienced by both short-term and long-term unemployed people but disappear upon re-employment. This finding has an important implication for policy, with ALMPs seemingly effective as a short-term protective well-being measure. Fourth, this is the first UK study to explore whether ALMPs work more effectively for different types of unemployed people. The findings presented in Chapter Seven show that work-oriented ALMPs are more successful than employment-assistance programmes, whilst men, younger people, those with fewer qualifications, lower occupational status and lower pre-programme well-being experience the largest benefits of participation. Fifth, the qualitative analysis presented in Chapter Eight argues that ALMPs worked best when schemes reversed the perceived ‘losses’ associated with unemployment. Three processes of loss were identified - agency loss, functional loss and status loss – which, it is contended, help explain both the observed effects of ALMPs and the broader experience of unemployment. The thesis concludes with policy suggestions for improving the capacity of ALMPs to mediate the experience of unemployment.
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Burke, David. « Theodore Rothstein and the Russian political emigre influence on the British labour movement 1884-1920 ». Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1997. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6122/.
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This thesis examines the influence of Russian political emigrés on the British labour movement, 1884-1920, with particular reference to the career of Theodore Rothstein. It takes as its starting point Sergius Stepniak's comments on the impact of a small group of socialists on a Liberal- Radical demonstration in Hyde Park in 1884, and closes with the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920 and the refusal to allow Th. Rothstein re-entry into Britain in August 1920. It takes issue with those historians who have argued that the Russian political emigré influence was essentially harmful, serving only to undermine natural developments already in evidence on the British Left and imposing new perspectives, which later made the CPGB subservient to the needs of Soviet foreign policy. This thesis, on the contrary, argues that the Russian political emigré community in Britain, predominantly Jewish, had become an integral part of the Left-wing of the British labour movement by the time of the formation of the CPGB, and as such formed part of the British socialist tradition that favoured Marxism. It looks specifically at the history of the Social-Democratic Federation, (SDF) which between 1884 and 1920 adopted the titles Social-Democratic Party and British Socialist Party before it merged itself with the CPGB in 1920. The SDF appealed particularly to the Russian political emigrés, as opposed to other groupings, because it saw itself as a Social-Democratic body and part of an international movement, to which the Russian Social- Democratic Labour Party was affiliated. The emigrés, therefore, felt that their activity within the British socialist movement was not something imposed upon a reluctant nativist body; but an integral part of that movement's development.
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Banks-Conney, Diana Elisabeth. « Political culture and the labour movement : a comparison between Poplar and West Ham, 1889-1914 ». Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2005. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/5797/.
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This thesis compares two areas of East London, Poplar and West Ham,that ultimately became strongholds of the Labour Party. The thesis attemptsto answer the crucial question of why, prior to 1914, it seemed as if Labour had succeeded in South West Ham but had failed to achieve similar representation in Poplar. This thesis considers that although contemporaries had identified similar social and economic problems in both Poplar and West Ham in the early twentieth century, more detailed analysis reveals differences as well as similarities in the underlying economic and social structure, which had implications for political outcomes. The difference in attitude of local trade unionists and councillors was crucial as was the behaviour of the political leadership. The reason for this, it will be shown, lay in the characters of the individuals who led their respective activists, as well as in the social and economic structure of the two boroughs. Using the theoretical model of social movements and political parties it is hoped that an understanding may be reached as to why socialist politics in these two boroughs, apparently so similar, achieved different outcomes in the years prior to 1914. The initial chapters outline the social and economic conditions in the boroughs and the national attitudes to their problems. Chapters Three and Four consider the left wing activists and their leaders, exploring their differing attitudes to the social and economic problems and their different styles ofpolitical activity. Chapter Five discusses the difficulties experienced by activists in achieving local and national representation so as to effect social and political change. Chapters Six, Seven and Eight, by considering the issue of unemployment, the campaign for women' s suffrage and the history of the Great Unrest, exemplify the main argument of this thesis. Thus by assessing economic factors, employment patterns and trade unionism, problems with the franchise and elector registration, the quality of local party organisation and the different attitudes and aspirations of the local activists, this thesis will test the hypothesis that the reason for the difference in political fortunes in these two boroughs was that left wing activity in Poplar was more characteristic of a social movement and that of West Ham was more representative of a political party.
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Lau, Pui Yan Flora. « Recruitment and promotion : the role of social ties in publishing ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a4063169-258b-4fb2-953c-0208d9e5f6d2.
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This thesis is an in-depth study of the labour market in the UK publishing sector. The aim is to study the role of social ties in publishing in external recruitment and internal promotion. Conventional sociological studies on social ties and labour market outcomes either neglect the perspective of the recruiter and the referrer or fail to explore the mechanisms by which social ties bring about labour market outcomes. This thesis fills these gaps. I used qualitative research methods, i.e. semi-structured interviews and participant observation for this research. The semi-structured interviews were with 40 interviewees, who were working in different roles (e.g. editorial and design) and levels (e.g. senior and junior) in Oxford and London-based publishing houses. I also served as a committee member of a publishing association in Oxford for seven months. Participant observation serves to triangulate the information I obtained through semi-structured interviews. This thesis examines different aspects of the labour market process and mechanisms. Regarding recruitment methods, I found that whether recruiters use formal or informal (word of mouth) methods depend on the level of uncertainty of recruiting a wrong person and the cost of making such mistakes. The greater the uncertainty and the cost, the more likely recruiters are to use social ties. Social ties serve to provide information about the availability of suitable employees. With regard to selection processes, I found that professional skills are a must but not enough in themselves. Recruiters use informal method at the final stage of selection to ensure the recruits possess the relevant qualities. As for job-hunting methods, I found that most newcomers introduce themselves using formal methods to get into publishing but in fact informality is often embedded in formal methods. Interviewees at managerial level almost entirely got their job through informal channels. Social ties have different functions as people rise through the different levels: whereas first entrants use social ties to obtain information about job opportunities, senior level staff members and freelancers carry with them reputation of their fitness to fill a particular position. Finally, when it comes to internal promotion, employers in my sample promote staff from within the company who already possesses the relevant skills, so as to minimize training costs and get around the uncertainties in settling in new staff. From the employees’ point of view, so long as they perform well in the job and establish a cooperative link with their boss and team members, they would be able to be promoted.
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Mužíková, Adéla. « Pracovní migrace Čechů do Velké Británie ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197056.
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Diploma thesis is focused on Czech migrants living in United Kingdom. I placed particular emphasis on the economic aspects of migration and integration in the labour market. The core of the thesis is to describe the situation on the labour market in United Kingdom, statistical data are complemented by issues of the local labour law. The integrity contributes my own research focused mainly on the position of migrants on the British labour market.
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Searles, Patrick James. « The measurement of economic and labour market conditions in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods and the use of data from the co-operative movement of Great Britain ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2896/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The overall aim of the thesis is to extract from a hitherto under-used data set a wide range of statistics that enable the calculation of annual average earnings for a geographically and occupationally diverse group of workers. The period covered is 1896 to 1913 and essentially attempts to draw economic and welfare inferences from spatial and time series analysis by occupational sector and between geographical location. The extent of the data may be exemplified by noting that the number of workers represented is 52,977 in 1896 and 178,674 in 1913. The thesis is divided into three sections as follows: 1. The introductory part discusses in general terms the measurement of economic and labour market conditions in the period, the relative importance of this issue, and difficulties that exist due to lack of representative data. The second part attempts to justify the use of data for annual average earnings of co-operative society workers as giving some representation of market wages. This is covered by two chapters, one qualitative and one quantative 2. The first part of this section draws upon statistics from productive societies in the Movement. The data is arranged by sector and comparisons are made with existing work by Bowley, Wood and Feinstein. Additional data is drawn from the Labour Gazette in the period and the results seem to suggest that, when actual earnings rather than wage rates are used, annual and periodic levels of income show greater variance. The possibility that these variances may be an indication of underlying economic and labour market conditions is discussed in detail. The second part of this section uses data from the largest section of the Movement, the distributive side. A database (Access) has been created and statistics on annual average earnings entered for all 1,167 distributive societies in 1906 (62,465 workers). A total of 890 have been mapped onto an outline of Great Britain. This data is also presented at metropolitan and regional levels of analysis for comparative purposes. 3. The final part of the thesis attempts to draw upon the preceding chapters to suggest that variance in annual average earnings may contribute to the debate concerning conditions within Britain for the period. Relative distress within the diverse economy that existed in the period has been an area of quite considerable discussion and authors have used a number of proxy measures - for example poor law returns, data for the recovery of small debts, marriage rates and trade union unemployment returns - to measure these variations. This section will investigate the possibility that one or more of these proxies may be indicative of relative conditions (by comparison with annual average wages) when tested at local levels.
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Duroňová, Tereza. « Vznik a vývoj sociálního státu ve Velké Británii v letech 1945-1990 ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71706.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main purpose of the work is to analyze the most important aspects of post war development in Great Britain. My attention will be focused primarily on measures taken by the Labour government, which for the first time in history came to power. In second part I will describe the building of the welfare state from the World War II until the end of 80's of the 20th century, when Margaret Thatcher was elected to be the prime minister. In the third part of the work I will analyze her impact on the economic conversion of Great Britain from Keynesianism to Monetarist doctrine of free market forces and responsibility of each individual for his / her fate. The government of Margaret Thatcher has set a new direction, which becomes the inspiration for many other politicians around the world. In the end of the work, I will describe the circumstances which led to the resignation of the first female prime minister in the history of Great Britain.
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Pešicová, Zuzana. « Trh práce a volný pohyb pracovníků (aplikační studie Evropské unie a Velké Británie) ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76680.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The graduation thesis Labour Market and Free Movement of Labour (European Union and Great Britain case study) describes the recent situation in the European and British labour markets. It concentrates on impact of financial crisis on labour markets. Then, it monitors the trends of free movement of labour in the European Union and assesses the impact of opening of labour markets on individual economies. Finally, the British migration system is analysed. The changes in migration to Great Britain after 2004 are outlined and new points based system is introduced. The impact of migrant workers on british economy is evaluated.