Articles de revues : « Labot Zionists »

1

Pappe, Ilan. « Israel at a Crossroads between Civic Democracy and Jewish Zealotocracy ». Journal of Palestine Studies 29, n^o 3 (2000) : 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676454.

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Mainstream Zionism (now comprising both Labor and Likud) is increasingly being challenged by the Right and Left. Post-Zionism has exposed the intellectual fallacies underlying traditional Zionism's attempt to combine ethnic segregation with an open society, but it is the moral and ideological substitute offered by neo-Zionism, opting for ethnic segregation as an ultimate goal, that is mounting the real political challenge. This article argues that while mainstream Zionists will delineate the space of a future Israel (by drawing the borders in a settlement with the Palestinians), the neo-Zionists will cast the ideological content into this space (by defining the identity and orientation of Israeli society).

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Biale, David. « Ehud Luz. Wrestling with an Angel : Power, Morality and Jewish Identity, trans. Michael Swirsky. New Haven : Yale University Press, 2003. 350 pp. » AJS Review 29, n^o 1 (avril 2005) : 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405380093.

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Perhaps no subject is more actual than the relationship of Zionism and the State of Israel to the exercise of military power. Ehud Luz's passionate cri de coeur appears, at first glance, to cover much the same ground as Anita Shapira's earlier Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948: both books analyze comprehensively the way Zionist thinkers, writers, and activists struggled with the moral limitations on the use of force and violence in the acquisition of Jewish sovereignty. But Shapira's focus is more on political history, while Luz treats primarily writers and rabbis, ranging from the ultra-Orthodox pacifist Aharon Shmuel Tamares, the Labor Zionist poet Natan Alterman, the messianic Zionist Zvi Yehuda Kook, and the secular apocalyptic Uri Zvi Greenberg. Where Shapira ends her story with what she describes as the emergence of a new Israeli mentality in the wake of the 1948 war, Luz brings the debates up to virtually the present day. Shapira leaves readers—perhaps unwittingly—with the impression that the values of havlagah (self-restraint) which characterized Labor Zionism in the 1930s were largely replaced by a more ruthless ethos of retaliation: after 1948, Labor Zionism came to adopt the position of its Revisionist archrival. Yet, as Luz demonstrates, the debates of the prewar period continued, if in a new key, in the half-century after Israeli sovereignty.

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Kafkafi, Eyal. « Segregation or Integration of the Israeli Arabs : Two Concepts in Mapai ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, n^o 3 (août 1998) : 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800066216.

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With the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of British rule in Palestine, the nascent Zionist labor movement, shortly to become the backbone of the Zionist undertaking in Palestine, found itself confronted by a series of fundamental questions. The purpose of this paper is to show that there was never a consensus within the Zionist labor movement; that the leadership was divided on vital issues; that Israel's leader, David Ben-Gurion, represented only one approach within labor Zionism, and that even after his approach had prevailed, following drawn-out disputes, and he had risen to a position of commanding authority, his policies continued to be challenged by successive leaders during the decades preceding and following the establishment of the State of Israel.

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Meiton, Fredrik. « The Radiance of the Jewish National Home : Technocapitalism, Electrification, and the Making of Modern Palestine ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, n^o 4 (octobre 2015) : 975–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000419.

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AbstractContrary to conventional wisdom, the history of the Palestine mandate and its power relations were not determined solely by a series of legal measures, beginning with the 1917 Balfour Declaration and ending with the UNGA partition resolution of 1947. Rather, the emergence of modern Palestine was a process significantly guided by global technocapitalism. Palestine was constituted on the basis of a successful Zionist pitch for the area as an economically viable territory—as an area of production and consumption and crucially also as an entity locatable in the global circulation of capital and commodities. A central vehicle for this technocapitalist vision in Palestine—proposed by the Zionists, and enthusiastically adopted by the British—was a hydroelectrical megasystem in the Jordan Valley. Significant portions of the mandate's borders were mapped onto the station's technical blueprint, and conceiving of and building the powerhouse created not just borders, but also “Palestine,” a bounded entity with a distinct political and economic character. While the electrification, like Zionism in general, was justified in a language of egalitarian universalism, the power system and the “free-market” capitalist system it helped create in Palestine generated familiar kinds of political and economic inequality. Specifically, it conjured a political-economic order based on a Jewish national scale in which the Arabs were expected to supply the menial labor power in return for the economic development that was to lift all boats.

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Cooper, Julie E. « In Pursuit of Political Imagination : Reflections on Diasporic Jewish History ». Theoretical Inquiries in Law 21, n^o 2 (28 juillet 2020) : 255–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2020-0014.

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AbstractIn recent years, scholars of Jewish politics have invested political hopes in the revival of “political imagination.” If only we could recapture some of the imaginativeness that early Zionists displayed when wrestling with questions of regime design, it is argued, we might be able to advance more compelling “solutions” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet how does one cultivate political imagination? Curiously, scholars who rehearse the catalogue of regimes that Jews have historically entertained seldom pose this question. In this Article, I revisit a historical episode—the appropriation of diasporic historical narratives by Zionists in mandatory Palestine—in an effort to cultivate a richer political imaginary. I analyze the labor Zionist deployment of Simon Dubnow’s influential master narrative, focusing on a 1926 speech in which David Ben Gurion depicts the autonomist regime that he advocates as a variation upon diasporic political practices. On my reading, this episode illustrates the dilemmas that confront thinkers who invest political hopes in regime design. To realize the promise that new political configurations may emerge from reflections upon Jewish history, I argue, we must develop a new account of political agency, once foundational assumptions of the nation-state have been suspended.

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Mashiach, Amir. « Changes in the Understanding of Work in Religious Zionist Thought : Rabbi T.I. Thau as a Case Study ». Religions 9, n^o 10 (20 septembre 2018) : 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100284.

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In Jewish religious texts, Torah study is placed at the top of the hierarchy of values. This suggests that work as such is of no religious significance; work is rather a prerequisite for the real essentials of life. The Mizrachi religious Zionist movement, founded in 1902 by R. Yitzhak Yaakov Reines (1839–1915), introduced a markedly different view. The movement upheld a concept of work as a religious value, not only an existential need. Later religious Zionist thinkers developed a dialectical notion of the mutual integration of the Torah and labor; this eventually became the motto of the Bnei Akiva youth movement that they inspired. With time, the theological approach of R. Kook the Elder (ReAYaH) and of R. Kook the Younger (RTziYaH) became dominant in religious Zionism. R. Kook the Elder founded the yeshivah at Merkaz ha-rav in Jerusalem, which he also headed; his son eventually succeeded him. To date, the yeshivah has produced a great number of students and rabbis, who made the teaching of the two Rabbis Kook the legacy of the religious Zionist community as a whole. The aim of the present article is to trace the changes taking place in the religious Zionist attitude toward work as this is articulated in the thought of a student of the two Rabbis, Kook whom many regard as the continuator of their teaching today. This is Rabbi Tzvi Israel Thau (b. 1937), one of the most influential rabbinic figures associated with religious Zionism, President of Yeshivat har ha-mor and the spiritual leader of the Torah academies referred to as “yeshivot of the line [ha-kav]”.

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Fuchs, Esther. « Labor Zionism in Cultural, Historical, and Political Perspective ». Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 32, n^o 2 (1998) : 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400037214.

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Yaron Ezrahi, Robert Littell, Shimon Peres, and Myron J. Aronoff offer varying assessments of cultural, historical, and political aspects of Labor Zionism. They differ in purpose and tone. Aronoff’s scholarly analysis offers an anthropological approach to political processes and procedures in the Labor Party, brilliantly depicted as symbolic actions that often stifle rather than inspire a genuine and democratic debate. Broader in scope, Ezrahi’s cultural critique of Labor Zionist ideology focuses on its failure to recognize individualism as an integral part of a democratic framework. And Robert Littell provides a historical overview of Labor governments, based on detailed interviews with Shimon Peres, a party leader who looks forward as he looks back on his political career and Israel’s challenges and achievements.

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Getzoff, Joseph F. « Zionist Frontiers : David Ben-Gurion, Labor Zionism, and transnational circulations of settler development ». Settler Colonial Studies 10, n^o 1 (10 septembre 2019) : 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2019.1646849.

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Peretz, Don. « ZEEV STERNHELL, The Founding Myths of Israel : Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1997). Pp. 432. $18.95. » International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, n^o 4 (novembre 2001) : 633–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801314071.

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The principal focus of Zeev Sternhell's screed is Labor Zionism, although like other Israeli so-called new historians, he touches on relations with the country's Arabs, tensions between the Ashkenazi elite and Sephardi under-class, the Yishuv and the Holocaust, and attitudes toward and perceptions of Diaspora Jewry. The author, whose professional field has been European history, mainly France and Italy, was motivated to undertake this study by “serious doubts” (p. ix) about the generally accepted ideas sanctioned by Israeli historiography and social science. Using his skills as a professional historian, he probed Zionist and Israeli government archives and reread original texts to compare what he perceived as social and political realities with the ideology guiding policies. Sternhell is critical of traditional Israeli historiography because of the damage it has caused by separating Jewish history from general history. The consequences, he asserts, are “truly appalling” (p. x), resulting in paralysis of any real critical sense and perpetuation of “myths flattering to Israel's collective identity” (p. x). This has led many historians of Zionism “to lock themselves up in an intellectual ghetto” (p. x), leading to ignorance and emotional blindness.

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Mashiach, Amir. « Land, Work, and Redemption in the Religious-Zionist Philosophy of Isaiah Aviad (Oskar Wolfsberg) ». Religions 14, n^o 4 (24 mars 2023) : 441. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14040441.

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This article seeks to examine R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad’s outlook with regard to the Land of Israel, worldly labor, and redemption, as reflected in his teachings. R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad (Oskar Wolfsberg) (1893–1957) was born in Germany. He was one of religious Zionism’s main thinkers. He was a pediatrician, and since the establishment of Israel served as an Israeli diplomat in Scandinavia and Switzerland. R. Aviad thought that religious Zionism is the complete Judaism, that which combines Torah and labor, spirit, and matter—multi-dimensional. In addition, R. Aviad believed in natural redemption and human effort, linking the redemption to the Land of Israel and to cultivation of the earth. He thought that human activism—i.e., redeeming the soil of the Land of Israel and cultivating it, is a religious precept that will bring about the redemption.

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Mashiach, Amir. « The Theological Sources of the Torah and Labor (Torah U’melakha) Yeshivas ». Religions 14, n^o 1 (10 janvier 2023) : 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010099.

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In this article, I seek to reveal the theological sources of the Israeli high school yeshivas designated “Torah U’melakha” (Torah and labor). High school yeshivas are schools for 9th–12th grade boys that offer religious studies in the first half of the day and secular studies, i.e., science and languages, in the second half. These schools serve mainly religious Zionist and modern orthodox society. Torah U’melakha yeshivas are high school yeshivas that are unique for combining vocational studies in the curriculum, such that graduates acquire a trade and can serve in the army and join the labor force in their field of expertise. Over the years, some of the Torah U’melakha yeshivas were subsequently closed and others changed their nature from vocational to technological. However, the educational trend toward “Torah and labor” has not disappeared. Vocational education, which became technological as well, has been assimilated in nearly all high school yeshivas, which, to a great degree, made the Torah U’melakha yeshivas redundant. The ideological and theological value of engaging in “Torah and work” became embedded in the pedagogic consciousness of religious Zionism and is continuing to infuse the many high school yeshivas in Israel and elsewhere.

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Glazer, Steven A. « Language of Propaganda : The Histadrut, Hebrew Labor, and the Palestinian Worker ». Journal of Palestine Studies 36, n^o 2 (1 janvier 2007) : 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.2.25.

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This article examines the terminology used in the Hebrew Labor picketing campaign of the 1920s and 1930s. It considers the framework within which the Histadrut conceived its efforts——using metaphors of war, religion, morality, and medicine and illness——and surveys the terms used to describe the Palestinian worker. Finally, the language of Hebrew Labor opponents——grove owners and parties to the left of the mainstream Labor Zionists——is examined in the context of rebuttals to Histadrut claims and charges.

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Letwin, Michael, Suzanne Adely et Jaime Veve. « Labor for Palestine : Challenging US Labor Zionism ». American Quarterly 67, n^o 4 (2015) : 1047–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2015.0069.

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Lockman, Zachary. « Labor Zionism and Its Heirs ». Journal of Palestine Studies 16, n^o 2 (1 janvier 1987) : 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537099.

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Chazan, Meir. « Culture in the Histadrut, 1930-1945 ». Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 34 (1 décembre 2020) : 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a103.

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The Yishuv in Mandatory Palestine was dominated by the Hebrew national culture. Culture was an important and sometimes definitive element in securing the dominance of the Zionist Labor Movement during the Mandate era. The construction and shaping of a new Hebrew culture was a central principle in the movement’s creedal, political, and educational approach. The General Federation of Jewish Labor in Palestine, known as the Histadrut, which was the main institutional player in the shaping of cultural endeavor in Yishuv society, hewed to the spirit of the Socialist Zionist worldview. During this period, the Histadrut emerged as the most progressive, authentic and current cultural agent working to shape the Jewish-Zionist atmosphere and every-day life in Palestine. In the 1930s, the leading figure in the Histadrut’s cultural endeavor was Jacob Sandbank, who operated as part of the Cultural Center established in 1935. According to Sandbank, culture, in the sense of kultura, cannot be ‘manufactured’. Instead, he claimed that it materializes in various spheres of life, and its vital and spiritual elements come about inadvertently – without prior intent, without setting goals, and without dictating things ab initio.

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Flikke, Rune. « Writing ‘naturecultures’ in Zulu Zionist healing ». Nordic Journal of Science and Technology Studies 2, n^o 1 (1 décembre 2016) : 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/njsts.v2i1.2131.

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<div>In this article my primary aim is to argue for an ontological and phenomenological approach to studying healing rituals within the African Independent Churches in South Africa. Through ethnographic evidence I will argue that the healing rituals are misrepresented in more traditional epistemologically tuned studies, and suggest that a better understanding is to be achieved through a focus on Latour’s ‘natures-cultures’ or Haraway’s ‘naturecultures’, thus showing how health and well-being are achieved through a creative process which continuously strive to break down any distinction of nature and culture as separate entities. I conclude by arguing that the contemporary healing rituals, which surfaced in South Africa in the mid eighteen-seventies, were a sensible and experience based reactions to the colonial contact zones of a racist Colonial regime dependent on African labor.</div>

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Mousavi, Hamed. « LABOR ZIONIST IDEOLOGY AND THE FOUNDATION OF ISRAELI FOREIGN POLICY ». Asian Affairs 50, n^o 3 (27 mai 2019) : 384–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1638151.

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Hanieh, Adam. « From State-led Growth to Globalization : the Evolution of Israeli Capitalism ». Journal of Palestine Studies 32, n^o 4 (2003) : 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.4.5.

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This article examines the development of the Israeli capitalist class and the role played by the state apparatus in that development. In contrast to analyses claiming that Israel was a "socialist-type" economy prior to the mid-1980s, it argues that the Labor Zionist movement fostered the emergence of an indigenous capitalist class by encouraging the growth of private capital through key conglomerates initially tied to the state. Following the 1985 Economic Stabilization Plan, these conglomerates were placed in private hands linked with large foreign capital. Israel's recent incorporation into the global economy has undermined the traditional sustaining elements of the Zionist project, producing a crisis of legitimacy in the state. It also has important ramifications for the future of Israeli-Palestinian relations.

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Shamis, Asaf J. « Nation versus State : A Comparative Inquiry into A. D. Gordon’s and Hannah Arendt’s Social and Political Thought and Their Views of the Jewish State ». Shofar : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, n^o 3 (2023) : 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a918855.

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Abstract: The paper offers a first comparison and critical review of the social and political theories of German-Jewish political thinker Hannah Arendt and Russian-born Zionist thinker Aaron David (A. D.) Gordon. Bringing these two thinkers into conversation sheds light on their distinctive human ontologies and competing theories of labor that led them, in turn, to critically assess modern politics. Subsequently, the analysis identifies the two thinkers’ opposing conceptual trajectories as underpinning their competing perspectives on the Jewish state. Whereas Arendt’s commitment to upholding neutral political spaces led her to call for safeguarding the state from the Jewish nation, Gordon’s view of nations as corporeal-organic entities led him to advocate securing the Jewish nation from statist institutions. In broader terms, the analysis seeks to add to the burgeoning literature in recent years that revisits the theoretical and ideological parameters conventionally understood as underlying the historical debate about the Jewish state. The analysis shows that whereas Gordon, as a Zionist thinker, set forth an antistatist doctrine, the non-Zionist Arendt assigned a key role to the state in securing Jewish national self-determination.

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Kaisar, Ilan. « Mobilizing American Jewish liberals to support labor Zionism ». Journal of Israeli History 15, n^o 3 (septembre 1994) : 231–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531049408576042.

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Kemp, Adriana, et Rebeca Raijman. « Christian Zionists in the Holy Land : Evangelical Churches, Labor Migrants, and the Jewish State ». Identities 10, n^o 3 (juin 2003) : 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890390228883.

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Kaminer, Matan. « The Agricultural Settlement of the Arabah and the Political Ecology of Zionism ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, n^o 1 (21 décembre 2021) : 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821001021.

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AbstractAgricultural settlement geared to capitalist commodity production and accompanied by massive ecological interventions has historically been central to the Zionist colonial project of creating a permanent Jewish presence in the “Land of Israel.” The hyperarid southern region known as the Central Arabah is an instructive edge-case: in the 1960s, after the expulsion of the bedouin population, cooperative settlements were established here and vegetables produced through “Hebrew self-labor,” with generous assistance from the state. In the 1990s the region was again transformed as the importation of migrant workers from Thailand enabled farmers to expand cultivation of bell peppers for global markets. But today ecological destruction, depletion of water resources, and global warming cast doubt over the viability of settlement in this climatically extreme region. I locate the settlements of the Arabah within the historical political ecology of the Zionist movement, arguing that their current fragility exposes the essential precarity of capitalist colonization.

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De Vries, David. « Productive Clerks : White-Collar Productivism and State-Building in Palestine's Jewish Community, 1920–1950 ». International Review of Social History 42, n^o 2 (août 1997) : 187–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114889.

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SummaryJewish clerks during the Zionist state-building period were intensively engaged in the social construction of productivity, and in turning the latter into a mechanism of social restraint. The clerks' productivism and concern with social utility was manifested in the reproduction of accepted Zionist physiocratic and constructivist notions of productivity, as a strategy in the politics of status; in the modernist transformation of the understanding of productivity to suit their own occupational terminology; in the prescription of the necessary qualities of the productive clerk; and in realization of these discursive campaigns in the practice of labor relations. These manifestations challenge a simplistic approach to the dissemination of the language of productivity as either a one-sided nationalist socialization, or a straightforward managerial strategy of control. Based on primary archival sources of the clerks and their union this paper argues instead that they reflected the intertwining of national attitudes with from-below advancement of group interests.

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Matan Boord. « Creating the Labor-Zionist Family : Masculinity, Sexuality, and Marriage in Mandate Palestine ». Jewish Social Studies 22, n^o 3 (2017) : 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.22.3.02.

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Shlaim, Avi. « The Iron Wall Revisited ». Journal of Palestine Studies 41, n^o 2 (1 janvier 2012) : 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.2.80.

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More than a decade after the publication of his acclaimed The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World, Avi Shlaim returns to Ze'ev Jabotinsky's theory as a framework for understanding Israel's Arab policies, this time focusing on the post-1967 period. The author revisits the theory's formulation by the leader of Revisionist Zionism in 1923 and its near total convergence with the (unacknowledged) strategy followed by Labor Zionism. Examining each Israeli government since 1967, he shows that all zealously followed stage one of Jabotinsky's strategy (constructing an “iron wall” of unassailable military strength) but that the lesser known stage two (serious negotiations with the Palestinians after being compelled by stage one to abandon all hope of prevailing over Zionism) has been completely ignored except by Yitzhak Rabin. Indeed, the recent periods have witnessed a full-blown return to the iron wall at its starkest, with increasing resort to violence and unilateralism.

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Mashiach, Amir. « Ontological Theology in Religious Zionism—Rabbi Y.M. Harlap as a Case Study ». Religions 11, n^o 7 (13 juillet 2020) : 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11070352.

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The present study sets out to shed light on R. Yaakov Moshe Harlap (1882–1951), Kabbalist, head of the Merkaz Ha-Rav yeshivah, in his understanding of ontological theology—material labor, meaning the basic life pattern, in which one gets up daily in the morning and goes to “work.” Did R. Harlap see labor as no more than a need and an obligation incumbent upon man to provide for his family? Or did he, perhaps, see labor as a religious value, an outgrowth of the theology he upheld? The conclusion is that work in the teaching of R. Harlap is not only needed to earn a living, but part of the multidimensional theology of Torah, textual–spiritual study and practical work effort. All this is part of the perfecting of the Land of Israel, which became central in the messianic age. Labor is a precondition and an indication of redemption—national, human and Divine.

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Khalaf, Issa. « The Effect of Socioeconomic Change on Arab Societal Collapse in Mandate Palestine ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, n^o 1 (février 1997) : 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064175.

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Between December 1947 and the first four months of 1948, the fabric of a centuries-old Palestinian Arab society unraveled with astounding rapidity, producing 750,000 refugees. The collapse occurred within the context of widespread socioeconomic disruption and dislocation among peasants and migrant and urban workers. The eroding socioeconomic foundation severely weakened this lower stratum's defense against Zionist settlement, colonial state policies, and military pressures. Beginning in late Ottoman times and throughout the British Mandate period (1918–48), the agrarian social economy had been slowly undermined by the urban landowning class and oppressive tax and land-tenure systems. Peasant dispossession, begun in the 19th century and aggravated by Zionist land-buying in the 20th, created a significant landless rural population that was increasingly dependent on wage labor in scattered rural locations and in the cities. During the British Mandate, as Palestine was rapidly incorporated into the world market, communal harmony and social integration were further strained by urban–rural and peasant–landowner tensions, disjointed urban–working–class development, unemployment, and overcrowding. As a result, by the late 1940s Palestinian Arab society was on the brink of disintegration.

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Rubin, Adam. « Converging Alternatives : The Bund and the Zionist Labor Movement, 1897–1985 (review) ». Shofar : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 27, n^o 1 (2008) : 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.0.0290.

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Shelef, Nadav. « Testing the Logic of Unilateral Withdrawal : Lessons from the History of the Labor Zionist Movement ». Middle East Journal 61, n^o 3 (1 juillet 2007) : 460–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.3.14.

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The combination of pessimism regarding the possibility of a negotiated settlement and a recognition that maintaining the status quo in the Occupied Territories is impossible has led leading Israeli policymakers to advocate a policy of unilateral withdrawal. This policy is at least partially based on the assumption that nationalist movements inevitably adapt to externally imposed realities. However, as this article demonstrates, even the famously pragmatic Labor Zionist movement did not shift its vision of the appropriate borders of their state in response to externally imposed territorial limits. Rather, when such ideological transformations took place, they were more closely linked to the contingencies of domestic and intra-movement politics. Unilateral withdrawals are thus unlikely to contribute to a resolution of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, in part, because they are animated by a faulty assumption about the mechanism of ideological transformation.

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Harris, Gregory. « The Ethno-Religious/Class Solidarity Dialectic : A Case Study on Labor Zionism ». International Journal of the Humanities : Annual Review 6, n^o 8 (2008) : 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v06i08/42507.

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Siegman, Jeremy A. « “Super-Israel” : The Politics of Palestinian Labor in a Settler Supermarket ». Journal of Palestine Studies 47, n^o 4 (2018) : 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.4.9.

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A careful examination of Palestinian service work in Israeli settlements and of everyday settler-Palestinian contact demonstrates how these encounters play a key role in normalizing the presence and dominance of settlers in the occupied West Bank. Based on ethnographic fieldwork at a settlement supermarket, this article shows that Palestinians are called upon to perform customer service in a setting where they are not only subjugated but are also coerced to help create the ultranationalist climate of their occupiers' holidays. In addition to being compelled to normalize Israeli dominance, Palestinian workers are also the object of a seemingly contradictory orientation, one that favors not having Palestinians around at all. The article thus weighs in on the broader contemporary significance of Palestinian labor for the settler-colonial logics of Zionism.

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Lockman, Zachary. « Land, Labor and the Logic of Zionism : A Critical Engagement with Gershon Shafir ». Settler Colonial Studies 2, n^o 1 (janvier 2012) : 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2012.10648824.

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Armstrong, Karen. « The Holiness of Jerusalem : Asset or Burden ? » Journal of Palestine Studies 27, n^o 3 (1998) : 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537831.

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Since the 1967 war, Jerusalem and the Jewish holy places have acquired a new centrality even in the traditionally secular Labor Zionist vision. After noting a parallel shift toward religiosity among the early Christians following the excavation of the Holy Sepulchre, the author discusses the connection between sacred relics and identity as well as the impulse to demolish rival artifacts and claims. Drawing numerous examples from history and scripture to illustrate her points, the author traces the city's changing importance to the three faiths over the centuries, correlating the intensity of feeling with perceptions of threat or loss. Finally, she examines the differing concepts of holiness, contrasting the traditionally pluralist Muslim vision of holiness with Judaism's and Christianity's more exclusivist cult of the city's sanctity. The article ends with a discussion of David's conquest of Jerusalem, which leaves scope for greater inclusiveness than is generally assumed.

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Cohen, Mitchell. « Labor Zionism, the State, and Beyond : An Interpretation of Changing Realities and Changing Histories ». Israel Studies Review 30, n^o 2 (1 janvier 2015) : 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2015.300202.

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Mahalel, Adi. « Yiddish, Scholarship, and Neoconservatism ». AJS Review 44, n^o 1 (avril 2020) : 119–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000916.

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After World War II, interest in Yiddish literature, and in Yiddish culture more broadly, began to develop beyond immigrant and Yiddishist spheres in America. Encompassing both popular and academic works, and some in between, this interest was driven by various impulses, some political, from the Left, including from communists, fellow travelers, the labor Left, and others, and some only indirectly political. And there emerged, unexpectedly, a conservative strain of interest. This article will examine the conservative approach to Yiddish studies and some of the ways it manifested itself in scholarship and culture. I ask how this shift in interest in Yiddish is related to the decline of the Jewish Left and to the rise of Zionist thought among the major Jewish Diaspora communities. As a case study, I will explore how these trends in Yiddish scholarship were expressed in the writings of Isaac Bashevis Singer, particularly in his novel Shadows on the Hudson (1957–58).

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Mogannam, Jennifer. « Feminist Intifada ». Radical History Review 2024, n^o 148 (1 janvier 2024) : 171–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846907.

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Abstract Highlighting twenty-first-century Palestinian feminist formations, this essay chronicles a trajectory of over a century of women’s organizing that led to the contemporary moment. The essay argues that women and feminist praxis have been exemplified in each moment of Palestinian intifada, though national anticolonial liberation politics did not always accommodate feminist language or ideas. Palestinian women have played an instrumental role in each phase of contestation and community organizing against colonial, military, and state formations. Whether creating a women’s front, making space for women within the national movement, or developing a communal politics of care from within, the labor women have performed for the Palestinian liberation struggle can be read through a feminist ethos. The essay argues that feminist praxis was always present and that, while the language of feminism is contested in Palestinian social and political spheres, Palestinian feminist trajectories are compatible with and necessary for the actualization of Palestinian liberation and freedom from Zionist rule.

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Ben-Ephraim, Shaiel. « From strategic narrative to strategic culture : Labor Zionism and the roots of Israeli strategic culture ». Comparative Strategy 39, n^o 2 (3 mars 2020) : 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2020.1718988.

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Katz, Yossi, et Shoshana Neuman. « Women's Quest For Occupational Equality : The Case Of Jewish Female Agricultural Workers in Pre-State Israel ». Rural History 7, n^o 1 (avril 1996) : 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300000959.

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There is a common belief that Israeli women have achieved gender equality over and above that attained in America and European countries. Evidence cited to support this is the fact that women routinely serve in the Israeli army and the country elected a woman, Golda Meir, as prime minister. Equality between men and women is claimed to date back to the days at the beginning of the century when both sexes worked shoulder to shoulder in road construction and land reclamation (Bernstein, 1992: 2). The years 1904–14 and 1919–23, known in Zionist history as the Second and Third Aliyah (waves of immigration), were indeed formative times during which the dominant values of the society were shaped and the infrastructure of future organizations was laid (Eisenstadt, 1967; Izraeli, 1981). The immigrants who arrived during this period, known as halutzim (male pioneers) and halutzot (female pioneers) were idealistic nationalists from Eastern Europe. They were young and single, and came with the express purpose of rebuilding Zion and creating a new type of egalitarian and labor-oriented society.

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Roth, Brad R. « Implementing “Two Peoples, One Future” : Conceptualizing Mutual Self-Determination in Israel-Palestine ». europa ethnica 80, n^o 1-2 (2023) : 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2023-12-79.

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The prevalent conception of the Israel-Palestinian “peace process” has long outlived any expectation for its success, and has provided cover for Israel’s de facto capacity to dictate terms. That framework fetishizes the two-state solution, mistaking the means (partition) for the end (mutual self-determination), while conceptually fragmenting the Palestinian political community so as to deprive it of its equal standing. Practical, moral, and legal considerations require nothing less than a re-imagining of the project of Jewish self-determination in Israel/ Palestine to accommodate the realization of Palestinian national rights on terms of equality. At the same time, it is errant and counterproductive for critics to treat the essence of that project – distinguishable both from the false universalism that marked the Labor Zionist era and from the unadorned ethno-nationalism that marks the contemporary practice of the Israeli state – as reducible to a colonialism fit to be vanquished. A consociational approach to the conflicting national aspirations promises a more productive engagement with the practical requisites of a mutual self-determination consistent with international legal standards.

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Sela, Ronen. « The HaZor'im Organization : Religious Pioneers in the Lower Galilee between 1937–1947 ». Moreshet Israel 19, n^o 1 (2021) : 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/mi/19-1/6.

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The HaZor’im settlement in the Lower Galilee, associated with the HaPo’el HaMizraḥi movement, was founded by religious pioneers from Europe. This article demonstrates that members of the HaZor’im organization were unable to fully realize their dream of combining the study of Torah with working the soil in the Land of Israel – “Torah and Labor” – that they had envisioned when they were on the training farm in Europe. Much has been written about the pioneering settlements of the secular labor movement, but there has been relatively little research about the pioneering religious settlements. This article seeks to address that lacuna by answering questions such as why the HaZor’im group was a dominant one throughout the Land of Israel. How could they realistically expect to create a viable settlement movement in Israel without faith in the righteousness of their choices and lacking social cohesion based on pioneering-religious ideology? The story of HaZor’im illustrates the worldview of religious Zionism during the British Mandate. The members were pioneers of the fifth Aliyah who faced social, economic, and religious difficulties. They collaborated in formulating and writing their ideological views, as well as in shaping a coherent work program for their activities on the land. The group began their venture in the Land of Israel in a labor camp near Rishon LeZion, then settled in the Galilee on land they received from other settlers. This study examines the difficulties they faced and shows how their conceptual world was expressed in practice.

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Abramitzky, Ran. « Lessons from the Kibbutz on the Equality–Incentives Trade-off ». Journal of Economic Perspectives 25, n^o 1 (1 février 2011) : 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.25.1.185.

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The first kibbutzwas established southwest of the Sea of Galilee in 1910, but the vast majority of kibbutzim were established in the 1930s and 1940s, shortly before the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. Founders aimed to create a “new human being” who cared about the group more than about himself, a homo sociologicus who would challenge the selfish homo economicus. This idealistic view can explain many of the key features of kibbutzim: equal sharing in the distribution of income; no private property; a noncash economy; communal dining halls where members ate their meals together; high provision of local public goods for use by kibbutz members; separate communal residences for children outside their parents homes, which were supposed to free women from their traditional role in society and allow them to be treated equally with men; collective education to instill socialist and Zionist values; communal production, whereby kibbutz members worked inside their kibbutzim in agriculture or in one of the kibbutz plants; and no use of hired labor from outside kibbutzim—because hiring labor was considered “exploitation” under the reigning socialist ideology. To an economist, steeped in thinking about incentives that self-interested individuals face, there are three reasons why an equal-sharing arrangement of this sort seems unlikely to last. First, high-ability members have an incentive to exit equal sharing arrangements to earn a wage premium—so-called “brain drain.” Second, low-ability individuals have an incentive to enter equal-sharing arrangements so that they can be subsidized by more-able individuals—so-called adverse selection. Third, in context of equal sharing, shirking and free-riding are likely to be prevalent. However, kibbutzim have survived successfully for the past century and currently consist of 120,000 members living in 268 kibbutzim. In a number of ways, the kibbutzim offer an exceptional environment to examine the potential trade-off between equality and incentives.

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Hellinger, Moshe. « The Tension Between Universal and Particular Orientations within Religious Zionism and its Consequences : The “Torah and Labor” Movement as a Test Case ». Review of Rabbinic Judaism 11, n^o 1 (2008) : 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007008784870530.

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Frantzman, Seth J. « “They Will Take the Country from Us” : Labor Zionism, the Origins and Legacy of the “Other” in Israeli Mass Media, and Hegemonic Narratives ». Digest of Middle East Studies 23, n^o 1 (24 avril 2014) : 156–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dome.12042.

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Lockman, Zachary. « Labor Zionism and Its Heirs : Ben-Gurion and the Palestinian Arabs : From Peace to War. . Shabtai Teveth. ; Sharon : An Israeli Caesar. . Uzi Benziman. » Journal of Palestine Studies 16, n^o 2 (janvier 1987) : 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1987.16.2.00p0052r.

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Fuks-Mansfeld, Rena. « GORNY, YOSEF. Converging Alternatives. The Bund and the Zionist Labor Movement, 1897–1985. [SUNY series in Israeli Studies.] State University of New York Press, Albany 2006. xiii, 309 pp. $27.95 ». International Review of Social History 52, n^o 02 (9 juillet 2007) : 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007032968.

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Peled, Yoav. « FROM SAFE HAVEN TO MESSIANIC REDEMPTION : THE ASCENDANCE OF RELIGIOUS-ZIONISM ». Politics and Religion Journal, 25 juin 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1601127p.

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On June 13, 2021, Naftali Bennet was sworn in as Israel’s first ever Religious-Zionist Prime Minister. Although Bennet’s political party, Yamina (Rightward), currently has only seven seats in the Knesset (out of 120), and he heads a shaky coalition government, his election as Prime Minister symbolizes the progress made by Religious-Zionism towards achieving a hegemonic position in Israeli society. Historically, Religious-Zionism had been a junior partner in the historic bloc which sustained the hegemony of the Labor Zionist movement over the Zionist settlement project. However, the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 gave the younger generation of Religious-Zionism the opportunity to take over their own movement and aim, as they put it, to move from the back seat to the driver’s seat of Israeli society. Labor Zionism’s loss of the political initiative regarding the territories occupied in 1967 provided the opening for that move. Religious-Zionism encompasses a whole range of religious and nationalist outlooks, but its most influential and dynamic element is the activist-Messianic tendency associated with Gush Emunim. The core interest and value of this dominant tendency is the permanent incorporation of the West Bank under Israeli sovereignty.

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Almog, Yael. « A University in Zion : Max Weber and Gershom Scholem on Jewish Eschatology and Academic Labor ». Modern Intellectual History, 2 août 2021, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244321000329.

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In his “Science as Vocation,” Weber equates rational academic conduct with Jewish ethics. For Weber, the Jewish tradition, which separates moral conduct from messianism, is emblematic of scientists’ strenuous distinction of empiricism from metaphysics. The emergence of a Zionist university in Jerusalem, an institute that was positioned as a part of a Jewish nation-building project, complicated this parallel. This article examines Gershom Scholem's activist approach to Jewish studies as a fundamental revision of the Weberian model of scholarship with the significant role that this model destines to the Jewish tradition. Scholem's vision of scholarship at the Zionist university constitutes Jewish eschatology as a pillar of a scholastic national tradition. Scholem's portrayal of Jewish messianism as an insular tradition overturns Weber's portrayal of Jewish ethics as a lesson for Western academia. Reading Scholem with Weber shows that the enterprise of founding a university in Jerusalem ran counter to European liberal conceptions of Judaism. Moreover, reading them together shows Scholem's notion of academic labor to reinstitute a separatist theological ethos as a formative model for scholarship.

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Fromer, Yoav. « The “Other” Pro-Israel Lobby : The AFL-CIO and Israel (1952–1960) ». Modern American History, 16 mai 2024, 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2024.11.

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Abstract As the American Left finds itself increasingly alienated from Israel, this article supplements the rich historical narrative regarding U.S.–Israel relations by highlighting the important—albeit mostly forgotten—contribution of the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) to forging the so-called “special relationship” from the onset. This transnational study transcends prevailing focus on Jewish-American and Christian-Zionist lobbying operations by weaving together the history of U.S.–Israel relations with that of organized labor in the United States and demonstrating how they mutually reinforced each other. The article makes a two-part argument: first, that the AFL-CIO's embrace of Israel and Histadrut, Israel's general federation of labor, proved instrumental in establishing American popular support for Israel in the 1950s and cementing it as a leading liberal cause; second, that such support was not merely rooted in Cold War exigencies, but also served domestic purposes by offering American labor officials an inspiring—yet romanticized—model for social democracy onto which they could project their own aspirations and grievances.

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Alff, Kristen. « Changing Capitalist Structures and Settler-Colonial Land Purchases in Northern Palestine, 1897–1922 ». International Journal of Middle East Studies, 9 novembre 2023, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743823001290.

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Abstract By tracing Zionist and German Templer efforts to buy arable private property in Palestine between 1897 and 1922, I show the ways in which the changing balance of Ottoman and Levantine forces over land and labor—as well as political and economic institutions and social structures—facilitated settler-colonialism in northern Palestine. In this article, I examine official records of the Ottoman state, Jewish organizations, and Levantine, Jewish, and Templer real estate papers. I argue that changing capitalist practices in northern Palestine, driven especially by interactions of Beirut-based companies with the changing global capitalist market, facilitated settler-colonialism in the region. Specifically, Ottoman state-sponsored violence during World War I increased peasant dispossessions in the fertile region of northern Palestine, already in progress since at least the mid-19th century, making settler colonies possible.

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Scott Deuchar, Hannah. « A Case of Multiple Identities : Uncanny Histories of the Arabic Typewriter ». International Journal of Middle East Studies, 7 juillet 2023, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743823000727.

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Abstract Little is known today about the Arabic typewriter. American typewriters revolutionized clerical labor and became literary icons, but the Arabic typewriter is largely absent from scholarship and popular culture. Only one story about it recurs, namely that of its origins. It was reportedly invented multiple times: in 1890s Beirut by, among others, a portrait painter named Salim Haddad; in 1900s Vienna by Theodor Herzl, founding father of political Zionism; and in 1940s Cairo by Wadie Said, father of the pioneering postcolonial theorist Edward Said. Bringing three competing accounts of the machine's invention together, I find that in each the Arabic typewriter was turned to very different purposes. Consistently, however, it was co-opted into intensifying struggles over territory and language. Repeatedly, it exceeded its representations, unsettling the narratives into which it was written and provoking a sense of strangeness, even unease. And across the accounts, diverse names and places reappear: New York, Palestine, Sherlock Holmes. Taking seriously the doublings and coincidences that connect the typewriter's origin-stories, I ask finally whether they might alert us to the possibility of another mode of cultural history—one that is itself uncanny and estranged.

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