Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Labor unions – Greece »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Labor unions – Greece"
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Ntanos, Stamatios, Georgios Sidiropoulos, Evangelia Triantafyllou, Miltiadis Chalikias et Grigorios L. Kyriakopoulos. « Remuneration and reward systems during an economic crisis : case study from Attica region, Greece ». Problems and Perspectives in Management 18, no 2 (19 juin 2020) : 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.18(2).2020.22.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigated the structure of employees’ remuneration and rewards systems, focusing on medium- and large-sized firms in the region of Attica in Greece during the economic crisis. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire based on relevant literature. A sample of 150 companies filled out a total of 500 questionnaires. The results revealed that medium- and large-sized companies applied various remuneration systems, including the base wage, performance-related bonuses, and a combination of additional non-wage benefits. Greek firms did not avoid wage cut in times of low turnover, although hypotheses testing revealed no relationship between firm size and the use of flexible remuneration systems. However, a positive relationship between the unions’ engagement and the use of non-wage cutting strategies was confirmed. Furthermore, a positive correlation between wage rigidity, labor market legislation, and collective agreements for setting minimum wage levels was found. Finally, a hypothesis test regarding the association between the firm, the business sector, and wages cut over the last seven years was accepted. The study concludes that wages cut should be the final choice by firms since remuneration is a source to satisfy, engage, and attract employees.
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de-Córdoba, Gonzalo F., Benedetto Molinari et José L. Torres. « Public Debt Frontier : A Python Toolkit for Analyzing Public Debt Sustainability ». Sustainability 13, no 23 (30 novembre 2021) : 13260. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132313260.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study proposes a synthetic visual indicator with which to perform debt sustainability analysis using dynamic general equilibrium models. In a single diagram, we summarized the general equilibrium relationships among economic activity, government budget, and the maximum amount of sustainable public debt. Then, we measured sustainability using the distance of actual debt from the model-consistent maximum debt. This indicator can be implemented with any DSGE model; as a backing theory, we used a neoclassical model augmented with endogenous tax revenues, disaggregated public spending, different production technologies for public and private goods, non-atomistic wage setters in public labor (unions), and a fully specified maturity curve for public bonds. We provided an example of its usage using the case of Greece during the last public debt crisis. To perform the numerical analysis, we developed original software, whose advantage is allowing an audience without expertise in DSGE models to perform general equilibrium debt sustainability analyses without requiring an understanding of the technicalities of DSGE models.
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Seyfried, William. « Examining The Employment Intensity Of Economic Growth Of The PIIGS ». International Business & ; Economics Research Journal (IBER) 13, no 3 (28 avril 2014) : 593. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v13i3.8596.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, several countries in the periphery of Europe began suffering from sovereign debt crises, resulting from and contributing to economic weakness. As of late 2013, each country was struggling with double-digit unemployment rates with rates in Greece and Spain near 27%. Though economic weakness was responsible for falling employment, the linkage between economic growth and employment, known as the employment intensity of economic growth (also called employment elasticity), may differ between nations. Estimation of models developed reveal different dynamics in the respective countries. Regardless of the model employed, the results revealed a very high employment intensity of economic growth in Spain relative to the other nations, indicating that employment was highly sensitive to changes in economic growth. As such, an equivalent decline in GDP had a much larger impact on employment in Spain than the other PIIGS. There is evidence that the structure of the labor market may play some role in explaining different employment elasticities for the countries in question. In particular, the degree of unionization appeared to be negatively correlated with employment intensity (economic growth had a smaller impact on employment in nations that have a larger percentage of unions) while the portion of workers on temporary contracts was positively correlated with employment intensity; countries with a larger percentage of workers on temporary contracts, such as Spain, had a higher employment intensity as employment responded more to changes in economic growth.
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Soon-Beng, Chew, et Rosalind Chew. « Union Social Responsibility : A Necessary Public Good in a Globalized World ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2010) : 435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010027.
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Almost all countries have been adversely affected by the global financial crisis, and almost all countries have resorted to expansionary fiscal policy to boost domestic demand and to contain unemployment. Many countries have also tried to reduce labour costs to contain redundancies. One possible consequence of cutting labour costs is that unions and workers will protest and resist the cost-cutting measures. In addition, labour unions have made demands on their respective governments to reduce the import of goods and foreign workers in order to protect jobs. In the case of Greece, the government is running a huge budget deficit and cannot borrow funds at normal interest rates from the bond markets. The EU insists that Greece should reduce the budget deficit to calm the financial markets. At the same time, Greece is under pressure to reduce fiscal spending during the recession. Since one of the results of cutting public spending is a reduction in benefits for pensioners, public servants, and the public sector, the unions have taken to the streets to protest against the austerity measures. This paper argues that the labour movement should look beyond its self-interest. Labour unions should exhibit union social responsibility (USR) by putting public interest before self-interest. This paper will use the labour movement in Singapore as an example of how a socially responsible labour union can help to save jobs and enable the economy to recover faster. In the fourth quarter of 2008, the Singapore economy registered a 16.4% fall in GDP, but the unemployment rate rose only from 2.5% to 3.3% in the first quarter of 2009. This was to a large extent due to the behaviour of labour unions in Singapore. The theoretical framework for socially responsible labour union action will be presented and examined in the context of the Singapore economy.
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Kornelakis, Andreas, et Horen Voskeritsian. « Getting together or breaking apart ? Trade union strategies, restructuring and contingent workers in Southern Europe ». Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no 2 (29 février 2016) : 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15627500.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article considers the strategies of trade unions towards the representation of call centre workers. Using a comparative case study, it examines the divergent union responses to the growth of contingent labour by looking at the telecommunications industries in Italy and Greece. Although the trade unions in Italy pursued inclusive strategies embracing the call centre workers and negotiating the restructuring of the whole sector, the unions in Greece followed a policy of exclusion leaving call centre workers outside representation and negotiating their internal restructuring. The article argues that the different union identities, and the diverse power resources and internal organizational politics help explain the variation in the trade unions’ strategic responses.
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Rachanioti, Eleni, Stergiani Giaouri, Eleni Laskaraki et Anastasia Alevriadou. « “Can I Work Here?” : Employment Barriers for Individuals with Intellectual Disabilities in Greece ». Journal of Intellectual Disability - Diagnosis and Treatment 9, no 4 (26 août 2021) : 354–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/2292-2598.2021.09.04.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research evidence has shown that employment is crucial and purposeful for people with intellectual disabilities, promoting positive effects associated with independent living and social inclusion. Notwithstanding, people with intellectual disabilities find it particularly difficult to accomplish successful employment. They face discrimination, and they are considered to lack work capacity. The extremely marginal position of people with intellectual disabilities in the labor market appears to prevail across national settings. Over the last 35 years, there has been an improvement in the vocational inclusion of individuals with intellectual disabilities in Greece, with the legislation embracing the human rights-based approach to disability. Nevertheless, the challenge of accomplishing full participation and equality in employment for people with intellectual disabilities still remains huge in Greece. Their participation rates in the Greek labour market are significantly lower than in the rest of the European Union. This article illustrates the employment provisions for individuals with intellectual disabilities in Greece. Additionally, it presents the current implemented models of their occupational inclusion while critically discussing the convention's pursuance on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in the Greek context.
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Fotopoulos, Nikos, Christo Goulas et Vicky Karra. « Trade Union Education and Life Long Learning in Modern Greece —A Critical and Empirical Approach Concerning the Case of GSEE ». World Journal of Educational Research 2, no 1 (25 novembre 2014) : 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjer.v2n1p15.
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<p>The issue of lifelong adult learning has a long tradition in several EU countries and specifically in the field of the trade unions which seem to function not only as having a defending role towards their employees but an educational one as well. In light of the educational philosophy in the field of adult education, Greece still lags behind most of Europe in its modernization policies of the education system thus widening the social and democratic deficit.</p> <p>Based on this reasoning, in the context of lifelong learning, KANEP and INE/GSEE designed the training program “Education and Work” at a time when the applied policies of lifelong learning are faced with a number of challenges, succeeding though to combine a wide range of theoretical and technical methodological tools, in order to fully meet the several needs of the members of the trade union movement. So, at a time when the forces of labour gradually collapse, the trade union educational intervention in Greece becomes of vital importance in order for the vocational and social progress of the workers to be ensured.</p>
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Kjellberg, Anders. « The Shifting role role of unions in the social dialogue ». European Journal of Workplace Innovation 6, no 2 (5 mars 2021) : 220–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46364/ejwi.v6i2.807.
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The article deals with the declining union density and shrinking coverage of collective agreements in most EU/EES countries, in particular in Eastern Europe and Greece. In many countries, international organizations pushed through “structural reforms” weakening trade unions. The result is declining union density and decreased capacity to conclude sectoral collective agreements and avoid downwards derogations at company level. Even in some core eurozone countries have governments without much of social dialogue carried through “internal devaluation” to restore competitiveness. High union density (Finland) or high union mobilization capacity (France) could not prevent this development. The economic performance of a country and degree of globalization, including the absence of a national currency, appear to be more important. The Swedish (and Nordic) model of self-regulation, resting on negotiations between the labour market parties, contrasts sharply to French state regulation with its high frequency of state extension of collective agreements and minimum wages set by the state. Union density in Sweden is still among the highest in the world but has declined considerably the last twenty years, in particular among the rapidly growing share of foreign-born blue-collar workers. As a small, strongly export-dependent country dominated by large transnational groups, Swedish economy is very influenced by globalization. This has shifted the balance of power to the advantage of employers, and by that circumscribed the unions’ efforts to achieve developing jobs and improved working environment.
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Fouskas, Theodoros. « Low-status work repercussions on Egyptians’ collective organisation ». International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, no 7/8 (8 juillet 2014) : 418–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-04-2013-0043.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to focus on the repercussions of work and employment in low-status jobs upon the collective organisation and representation of Egyptian immigrant workers. Design/methodology/approach – Focusing on results from 117 in-depth interviews, the qualitative research (2010-2013) and analysis examines the case of Egyptians in Athens, Greece and on how the frame of their work and their employment affects participation in the immigrant work association Union of Egyptian Workers in Greece/EL-RAPTA and in Greek trade unions as well. Findings – Evidence from in-depth interviews proves that Egyptians are supported by friendly and relative relations in search for solidarity; they develop individualistic behaviours and find alternative solutions for survival and protection. Practical implications – Through the research, what is analysed is how immigration has affected social welfare and collective forms of representation but also how the immigrants themselves view and act within the collective frameworks. The results are of great concern to immigration policymakers to facilitate integration, combat undeclared work and identify weaknesses in worker rights and organisations. Originality/value – The research, the first in Greece specifically for Egyptians immigrant workers and their work association, contributes to the broader body of sociological literature on the study of labour migration and immigrant voluntary associations and it is original as it is based on primary research on the experiences of Egyptian immigrants.
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Rigby, Mike, et Miguel Ángel García Calavia. « Institutional resources as a source of trade union power in Southern Europe ». European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no 2 (19 mai 2017) : 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117708369.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Institutional resources are one of the sources of power available to trade unions, but recent literature has tended to pay less attention to these than to associational and organizational resources. We examine institutional resources in three Southern European countries, Greece, Portugal and Spain, which share many common characteristics. However, the character of institutional resources in Spanish industrial relations is distinctive. We examine the plasticity of industrial relations institutions in Spain in terms of labour market outcomes but argue that institutional security is an essential platform for unions seeking to develop other sources of power.
Thèses sur le sujet "Labor unions – Greece"
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Norton, Paul C. R., et n/a. « Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development : Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96 ». Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040924.093047.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.
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Norton, Paul C. R. « Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development : Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96 ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/368094.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Australian School of Environmental Studies
Full Text
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Kojola, Erik. « Trade Unions and Green Jobs in the post-Fordist Economy : Just Rhetoric or a Fundamental Shift ? » Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1241906474.
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VOGIATZOGLOU, Markos. « Precarious workers' unions in Greece and Italy : a comparative study of their organizational characteristics and their movement repertoire ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37908.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 25 November 2015Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, EUI; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Maria Kousis, University of Crete; Professor Rick Fantasia, Smith College.
This thesis is the outcome of a six-year-long research, aiming at understanding how the flexibility-era South European workers unionize and engage in collective action. Its empirical material derives from the employment of a qualitative methodology techniques’ triangulation: archive research, participant observation and semi-structured interviews. I define as Precarious Workers’ Unions (PWUs) labor collectives the members of which (a) are subjected to atypical labor relations; (b) lack adequate access to the welfare state structures; (c) have developed a collective conscience of belonging to a post-Fordist labor force. The PWUs’ main characteristics put under scrutiny are: member recruitment, decision-making procedures, services offered, industrial and movement action undertaken. Determinants which I consider as having a significant impact on the above include each country’s labor legislation, formal trade union structure, social movement environment and tradition, as well as each PWU’s population make-up. A dual comparison is employed. On the one hand, similarities and differences are sought between the Italian PWUs and their Greek counterparts. On the other hand, an internal comparison is conducted between each country’s organizations, in order to locate and explain potential divergences from the national model. Despite the fact that the first unionizing initiatives in Greece and Italy were facing similar socio-economic structural conditions, their mobilization developed in a diversified way. Lately, a re-convergence between the two countries’ PWUs is to be noted: Mixed inside-outside the workplace interventions, a resurgence of mutualist practices and the inability to integrate in the formal trade union structure, combined with a relevant role in the broader social movement activities, are its main characteristics. Furthermore, as derives from the empirical data, attributing a unique class status to the expanding population of precarious workers may lead to erroneous assumptions. The precarious condition is a transversal, passing through the various social strata and is experienced in many different ways. The above is demonstrated not only by the significant impact of the PWUs’ population make-up on their organizational forms and activities, but also by the fact that, even inside organized labor entities, pre-existing inequalities are neither reversed nor dampened. Finally, the –partly eclectic, partly innovative- character of the PWUs is leading to the assumption that they are not only challenging the notion of precarity as perceived up to date, but also the very idea of what a union is and how it is supposed to operate. Whether this re-negotiation is to provide an answer to the 30-year-old “unions in crisis/union revitalization” riddle is not only a matter of the PWUs’ strategic choices. It is also dependent on the socio-economic context. Future research shall have to examine to what extent the post-2008 economic crisis acts as an accelerator of the tendencies identified, an obstacle – or a diversion, which shall lead the PWUs to new, unexplored territories.
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Nugent, James. « Changing the Climate : Labour-environmental Alliance-forming in a Neoliberal Era ». Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/18939.
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This research explores how unions, corporations and the federal government in Canada are responding to the dual economic and climate change crisis. Climate change politics have fostered alliance-forming both between the labour and environmental movements as well as between the state and capital. Climate change policy over the past two decades has been a planned, coordinated neoliberal project by the state and capital that has led to increasing emissions. Meanwhile, most unions successfully transcended the ‘jobs versus the environment’ dichotomy being used by business to propagate a voluntarist climate change policy. After giving their support to the ratification of Kyoto, labour has struggled to operationalize labour-environmental alliance-forming. Recently, both labour and the state-capital alliance have drawn on an ecological modernist discourse to frame climate change as an opportunity for jobs or capital accumulation, respectively. But this discourse fails to address the transnational dynamics of climate change, and economic and environment justice.
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Anastasiadis, Katerina. « The Case of high unemployment among young post-secondary graduates in Greece and the context of the Greek fiscal crisis ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4270.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research focuses on an issue that has persisted in Greece over recent decades – long-term youth unemployment. The issue has worsened in the last few years, however, in particular following unprecedented historical times caused by a worldwide economic recession that hit Greece particularly hard. This recession that was triggered by events in the United States in 2008, set off a worldwide recession, the effects of which continue to affect countries like Greece today. It is in this context that the post-secondary graduate unemployment rate in the country soared to 20% in 2010 and has since continued to follow an upward trend. What is more, the Greek economy, with debt to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ratio reaching more than 140% in 2010 and 165% in 2011, is not showing signs of improvement. This situation is far from encouraging for unemployed Greek youth. Grounded theory (GT) methodology is undertaken in this study which borrows from both Glaserian and Straussian GT method approaches. A Constructivist Grounded Theory perspective is used to interpret findings as the thesis analyses barriers to employment, understandings and coping mechanisms in relation to Greek graduate unemployment and identifies prospects for the future. Six participants were recruited through convenience sampling and informed research through in depth interviews. Unemployed post-secondary graduates interviewed in this study offered uniquely grounded data to inform my analysis and shared timely information amidst the challenging context of the Greek fiscal crisis. The situation has gained much international attention and opened the door for re-thinking and new possibilities. Given that the economic situation in the Eurozone is inextricably linked to the conditions in its member states, this study considers employment policy in both Greece and the European Union (EU). The thesis concludes by suggesting some potential areas for further research.Graduate
Livres sur le sujet "Labor unions – Greece"
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Institute, European Trade Union, dir. The trade union movement in Greece. 2e éd. Brussels : European Trade Union Institute, 1993.
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Zervas, Dēmētrios N. To kinēma tēs Kalamatas : Hē sphagē tōn̄ limenergatōn to 1934. Athēna : Henallaktikes Ekdoseis, 2009.
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To kinēma tēs Kalamatas : Hē sphagē tōn̄ limenergatōn to 1934. Athēna : Henallaktikes Ekdoseis, 2009.
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Zervas, Dēmētrios N. To kinēma tēs Kalamatas : Hē sphagē tōn̄ limenergatōn to 1934. Athēna : Henallaktikes Ekdoseis, 2009.
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Seferiades, Seraphim. Low union density amidst a conflictive contentious repertoire : Flexible labour markets, unemployment, and trade union decline in contemporary Greece. Badia Fiesolana, San Domenico : European University Institute, Department of Political and Social Sciences, 1999.
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Belon, Association Pierre, dir. Recherches sur l'histoire sociale de la Grèce du nord : Le mouvement des ouvriers du tabac, 1918-1928. Paris : Association Pierre Belon, 2003.
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Blue-green coalitions : Fighting for safe workplaces and healthy communities. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2009.
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Labor in crisis : The steel strike of 1919. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1987.
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Thaidigsmann, S. Isabell. Einstellungen zu Gewerkschaften, Wirtschaftsverbänden und Umweltschutzgruppen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2007.
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Working-class self-help in nineteenth century England : Responses to industrialization. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Labor unions – Greece"
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Walter, Stefanie, Ari Ray et Nils Redeker. « Crisis Politics in Deficit Countries ». Dans The Politics of Bad Options, 108–49. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198857013.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
How did the preferences of interest groups shape the design and contentiousness of crisis policies in deficit countries? And how did external actors influence their crisis responses? This chapter investigates these questions by drawing on a wealth of primary and secondary sources including newspaper coverage, voter public opinion data, interest group position papers, sovereign bailout documentation, and original qualitative evidence from seventeen in-depth interviews with national interest group representatives in Ireland, Spain, and Greece. There was a large consensus among both interest groups and voters across all three countries that external adjustment—that is, unilateral euro exit—should be avoided at all cost. This left financing and internal adjustment as the only options, and significant conflicts flared up in all three countries about how the costs associated with internal adjustment (and to a lesser extent financing) should be distributed. Within the confines set by the Troika, which effectively narrowed down the range of options available to deficit countries, interest groups pushed for reforms to which they were least vulnerable. Business interests, for example, generally supported adopting comprehensive spending-based consolidation measures and labor market reform. Conversely, labor unions and social policy groups actively supported policies that would entail stronger burden-sharing between firms and workers. Overall, internal adjustment policies adopted across all three cases generally reflected the preferences of employer associations more than those of workers, but especially in Spain and Greece, this was associated with considerable political upheaval.
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Skinner, Lara. « Building a Pro-Worker, Pro-Union Climate Movement ». Dans Labor in the Time of Trump, 131–48. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501746598.003.0008.
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This chapter outlines tensions among unions in the energy sector and debates about a pro-climate, pro-worker agenda. Proposals for “green jobs” that protect the environment do not ensure good, union jobs. Energy-sector unions have often been wary of such proposals, arguing correctly that green jobs are rarely available in the same quality or quantity as jobs in fossil-fuel industries. Drawing on cases from climate initiatives in New York State, this chapter argues that unions must be at the table when proposals to expand green jobs are designed and implemented. It outlines a practical plan for unions to work with politicians and communities to ensure “just transition.” The chapter explains that while climate change issues have often pitted labor unions against the environmental movement and its progressive allies, there are also examples of successful “blue–green” alliances. These coalitions strengthen the labor movement by forging new ties with important allies and allowing workers to proactively shape the role of unions and workers in the emerging green economy.
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Nugent, James. « Struggling for Good Green Jobs in Toronto’s Deindustrializing Suburbs ». Dans Unions and the City. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501706547.003.0007.
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This chapter explores the difficulties of attempting to bring the different moments of the production process together in a deindustrialized low-income neighborhood in Toronto's inner suburbs. Here, a resident organization backed by the Communication, Energy, and Paperworkers Union (now UNIFOR), the Steelworkers, and the local labor council sought revitalization through green manufacturing, rather than a future of gentrification and big-box retail employment envisioned by developers and the city. The chapter then traces the evolution of the campaign from a focus on industrial heritage preservation to green jobs, and ultimately a broader antipoverty campaign that incorporated gender, race, and ecology. Although the campaign failed to attract a private-sector firm to invest in the site, the coalition managed to overcome some of the dilemmas that labor has faced in similar site fights in the city.
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« Mending the Breach Between Labour and Nature : A Case for Environmental Labour Studies ». Dans Trade Unions in the Green Economy, 17–28. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203109670-7.
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Figueroa, Maria. « Building a Green New York ». Dans Unions and the City. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501706547.003.0006.
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This chapter discusses two energy retrofit initiatives: the city- and real estate-led PlaNYC policy for retrofitting Manhattan's commercial office space, and the Laborers (LIUNA)-sponsored Green Jobs/Green New York weatherization initiative covering residential property in the city and the state. In the highly competitive and mostly nonunion residential property sector, a familiar tension between affordability for working-class consumers and union concerns with labor standards emerged as the federal stimulus funds used to finance retrofitting work were scaled back. Despite the enormous potential of a green jobs strategy to address employment disparities, revive neighborhoods without gentrification, and launch economic recovery while mitigating ecological damage, labor's vision of a sustainable city seemingly cannot prevail when it confronts the entrenched power of real estate and finance in the global city.
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« Just Transition and Labour Environmentalism in Australia ». Dans Trade Unions in the Green Economy, 162–77. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203109670-20.
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Papadopoulou, Olga. « NEETs Trapped in the Vicious Circle of Labor Market ». Dans Advances in Business Strategy and Competitive Advantage, 33–50. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2779-5.ch002.
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This chapter provides an overview of the situation of those young individuals who are Not in Employment, Education, or Training (NEET) for the years of 2008-2018. The chapter examines the evolution of NEET rates, shortly after the Great Recession and for a decade, in the European Union in total and then by gender and educational level. A special focus is given to Greece, an ideal case study, since crisis transformed the national labor market, revealing signs of insecurity. Last but not least, special attention will be given toward measures of reformation of labor market policy as a means of responding to the emerging situation of NEETs.
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« Green Jobs ? Good Jobs ? Just Jobs ? Us Labour Unions Confront Climate Change ». Dans Trade Unions in the Green Economy, 195–211. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203109670-22.
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Cummings, Scott L. « Truck Drivers ». Dans An Equal Place, 311–445. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190215927.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the monumental campaign to raise labor and environmental standards in the trucking industry at the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports. Building on the blue-green coalition launched in the CBA and big-box contexts—and incorporating central lessons from a decade of community–labor organizing in Los Angeles—the Campaign for Clean Trucks emerged as a fight over air quality but ultimately advanced as a local policy struggle over working conditions for roughly sixteen thousand short-haul port truck drivers. For these drivers, the central problem was their misclassification as independent contractors. Misclassification forced drivers to bear all the costs of operation—contributing to poorly maintained dirty diesel trucks causing air pollution—while depriving them of the right to organize unions to improve labor conditions. Restoring drivers to the status of employees was the mutual goal bringing together the labor and environmental movements in this campaign. It rested on a novel legal foundation: The ports, as publicly owned and operated entities, had the power to define the terms of entry for trucking companies through contracts called concession agreements. The campaign—led by LAANE, the Teamsters union, and NRDC—leveraged this contracting power to win passage of the landmark 2008 Clean Truck Program, which committed trucking companies seeking to enter the Los Angeles port to a double conversion: of dirty to clean fuel trucks (thus reducing pollution) and of independent contractor to employee drivers (thus enabling unionization). However, the program’s labor centerpiece—employee conversion—was invalidated by an industry preemption lawsuit that went all the way to the United States Supreme Court. As a result, the policy gains from a blue-green campaign built on mutual interest were split apart and reallocated, resulting in environmental victory but labor setback. Why the coalition won the local policy battle but lost in court—and how the labor movement responded to this legal setback through an innovative strategy to maneuver around preemption—are the central questions this chapter explores.
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« Will They Tie the Knot ? Labour and Environmental Trajectories in Taiwan and South Korea ». Dans Trade Unions in the Green Economy, 178–94. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203109670-21.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Labor unions – Greece"
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Cárcel-Carrasco, Javier, Elisa Peñalvo-López, Maria Carmen Carnero et Luis Palmero Iglesias. « The CONDAP VOOC an autonomous modular course to improve skills, knowledge and competencies in sustainable construction ». Dans INNODOCT 2021. Valencia : Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/inn2021.2021.13424.
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The CONDAP VOOC is a self-standing modular course for in-company mentors, who need to improve their skills, knowledge and competencies in sustainable construction using digital technologies in energy conservation and green generation. The CONDAP online course, was developed in the context of the third Intellectual Output, aiming to act as the main delivery method for the CONDAP curriculum and educational resources. The CONDAP VOOC, available in all partnership languages, has been grounded on evidence-based learning outcomes (coming out from extended labour market and skill needs analysis), reflects the structure of the developed curriculum as organized around learning units and lessons, and comprises (contextualized) the project’s training and assessment materials in an online form. It also integrates additional pedagogical resources such as video units, infographics, working assignments, and collaboration mechanisms to provide an optimal learning experience with increased collaboration opportunities. Overall, the CONDAP VOOC offers a modular, e-learning scheme, always available over the Internet, that supports the attainment of learning outcomes and places the “learner” at the heart of the educational process. The learner is given the flexibility to establish individuals learning goals and a personal learning path based on available content and materials.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Labor unions – Greece"
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, et Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.
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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.