Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Labor policy – Hungary »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Labor policy – Hungary"
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Hungler, Sara. « Labor Law Reforms after the Populist Turn in Hungary ». Review of Central and East European Law 47, no 1 (8 mars 2022) : 84–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10063.
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Abstract The characteristics of Hungarian populism and its effects on labor and social policy are rather different compared to those of western Member States of the EU. These differences are due to the different experiences related to inter- and intra-EU migration and to the difference in how the EU’s austerity measures were imposed during the economic crisis. The two distinctive elements are the workfare regime which replaces the welfare state, and anti-pluralism. In the workfare model, ‘hard-working people’ are pictured as an idealized mass of employees who are disciplined and striving for betterment every day; and whose jobs and wellbeing are jeopardized by illegal migrants and the idle poor. However, labor law does not strengthen the rights of ‘hard-working people’ or support them in asserting their rights against their employers. While the Roma have been described as the undeserving poor and mainstreamed in everyday politics and practice, guarantees and protective measures have been severely curtailed in social policy, amplifying the insecurity and material deprivation of those who lose their jobs. Regarding collective labor law, the lack of an autonomous social dialogue supports anti-pluralist trends, a characteristic of populist governance. The fundamental elements of democratic control, such as participation or trade union rights have been largely eliminated to cement the executive power of the coalition.
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Inglot, Tomasz. « The Triumph of Novelty over Experience ? Social Policy Responses to Demographic Crises in Hungary and Poland since EU Enlargement ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 34, no 4 (12 mai 2020) : 984–1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419874421.
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This article belongs to the special cluster, “Politics and Current Demographic Challenges in Central and Eastern Europe,” guest-edited by Tsveta Petrova and Tomasz Inglot. During the past two decades, many European countries, including Germany, Italy, and Spain in the west, and Poland and Hungary in the east, encountered prolonged demographic crises. These challenges first became evident in the late 1990s as fertility rates declined rapidly, much below the level necessary to ensure a simple replacement of generations. Moreover, since the EU accession, mass labor migration from the new Member States to the more developed western European countries added yet another dimension to the growing population problems. This article attempts to explain variation in governmental policy responses to these developments between two countries, Poland and Hungary. Hungary, owing to its long-term tradition of relatively generous and extensive social programs directed to families, youth, and children, should be expected to handle its population emergency much better than Poland. Yet, the opposite has happened. In the last few years, Poland has proposed and implemented several innovative measures to address fertility and migration pressures while Hungary has remained committed to its traditional social policies in this domain. I will analyze and compare the two cases by examining a combination of historical factors related to the legacies of demographic emergencies defined in terms of national strength and survival, and by examining the politics of family policy, with a special focus on the creation of coalitions of governmental and/or nongovernmental actors that either facilitate or obstruct effective policy innovation.
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Sziller, István, Miklós Szabó, Andrea Valek, Barbara Rigó et Nándor Ács. « Prevention of neonatal group B streptococcal sepsis in Hungary in 2012. Preliminary data of a nation-wide survey ». Orvosi Hetilap 155, no 29 (juillet 2014) : 1167–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/oh.2014.29932.
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Introduction: At present, there is no obligatory guideline for the prevention of early-onset neonatal group B streptococcal disease in Hungary. Aim: The aim of the present study was to gain insight into the spontaneously developed preventive strategy of the domestic obstetric divisions and departments in Hungary. Method: Standardized questionnaire was sent out to each of the 71 obstetric divisions and departments in Hungary. Results: Overall, 20 (27.4%) of the chairpersons replied, and thus, 39.9% of the total number of live births in Hungary were included in the study. Despite missing public health guidelines, each of the divisions and departments developed their own strategy to prevent neonatal group B streptococcal disease. In 95% of cases, bacterial culture of the lower vagina was the method of identifying pregnant women at risk. In 5% of the cases intrapartum antibiotic prophylaxis was based on risk assessment only. Of the departments using culture-based prophylaxis, 58% departments sampled women after completion of 36th gestational weeks. Antibiotic of choice was penicillin or ampicillin in 100% of cases. Of the study participants, 80% reported on multiple administration of colonized pregnant women after onset of labor or rupture of the membranes. Conclusions: The authors concluded that the rate of participation in the study was low. However, prevention of early-onset neonatal group B streptococcal infection is a priority of obstetric care in Hungary. Lack of a nation-wide public health policy did not prevent obstetric institutions in this country to develop their own prevention strategy. In the majority of cases and institutions, the policy is consistent with the widely accepted international standards. Orv. Hetil., 2014, 155(29), 1167–1172.
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Brown, Karl. « ‘For Girls it is an Honor …’ : Women, Work, and Abortion in Communist Hungary, 1948–56 ». Journal of Contemporary History 55, no 3 (25 mars 2019) : 602–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418824390.
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Concerned with a falling birth rate in the early 1950s, the Hungarian communist regime banned abortion and encouraged motherhood. A closer inquiry into the 1953 abortion ban and the broader cultural context of crime and policing in early communist Hungary suggests that repression alone was inadequate, as an underground abortion network provided some respite for women seeking to control their reproduction. However, the regime’s pronatalist policy aligned well with the interests and biases of skilled male workers: redirecting women’s efforts from productive to reproductive labor both removed them as competitors at work and returned them to their “proper”, subordinate place. Internal Party documents and interviews with refugees and émigrés conducted before and after 1956 reveal that although women exerted some control over their reproduction throughout the entire period, they were thwarted as much by men’s resistance to working women as by the regime’s intrusive pronatalist policy.
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Vanhuysse, Pieter. « Silent Non-Exit and Broken Voice. Early Postcommunist Social Policies as Protest-Preempting Strategies ». Südosteuropa 67, no 2 (26 juin 2019) : 150–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2019-0012.
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Abstract This essay contributes to the development of an analytical political sociology examination of postcommunist policy pathways and applies such an analysis in a reinterpretation of the social policy pathways taken by Hungary and Poland. During the critical historical juncture of the early 1990s, governments in these new democracies used social policies to proactively create new labor market outsiders (rather than merely accommodate or deal with existing outsiders) in an effort to stifle disruptive repertoires of political voice. Microcollective action theory helps to elucidate how the break-up of hitherto relatively homogeneous clusters of threatened workers into newly competing interest groups shaped the nature of distributive conflict in the formative first decade of these new democracies. In this light, we see how the analytical political sociology of postcommunist social policy can advance and modify current, predominantly Western-oriented theories of insider/outsider conflict and welfare retrenchment policy, and can inform future debates about emerging social policy biases in Eastern Europe.
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BULAKH, T., S. ZALYUBOVSKA et G. KASHCHEІEVА. « Strategic and Innovative Areas in the Development of National Migration Policy in the Context of Macroeconomic Growth of the Ukrainian Economy ». Scientific Bulletin of the National Academy of Statistics, Accounting and Audit, no 1-2 (1 juin 2022) : 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/nasoa.1-2-2022.05.
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The distinctive features of the Ukrainian migration policy today are inadequate administrative, legal and social regulation of migration processes, creating bureaucratic barriers in public administration bodies. These problems call for solutions that would promote consolidation of democracy and observation of human rights in Ukraine, its integration in the global community, on the one hand, and enhancement of the national security, on the other. Being subject to broad-scale political debate in scientific and political circles of Ukraine, the migration problem needs continuing research.
The article analyzes performance and trends in the migration policy of Ukraine. Its features and efficiency are revealed.
It was found that the main characteristics of the country’s external migration are: dominance of labor migrants among the migrant categories; by gender structure, labor migration is most common among men. The main destinations of labor migration are Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary.
The main characteristics of internal migration are the continuation of the trend towards urbanization, with the decreasing rural population and increasing urban population. High migration losses of the population are characteristic of the Western and South-Western regions of Ukraine. Most people changed their place of residence for Kharkiv, Kyiv and Dnipropetrovsk regions.
It was found that the migration policy of Ukraine is characterized by low efficiency. At the moment, migration processes are spontaneous. And this leads to an increase in the disproportion of regional labor markets, increasing social tensions, the formation of conditions for the spread of ideas of national intolerance among the Ukrainian population.
The main reasons behind the growing migration activity in Ukraine are highlighted: the instability of the socio-economic environment, decreasing salary rate, overall welfare and quality of life.
Measures to improve the migration policy of Ukraine are proposed.
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Kamerman, S. B., et A. J. Kahn. « Child and Family Benefits in Eastern and Central Europe and in the West : Learning from the Transition ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 11, no 2 (juin 1993) : 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c110199.
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As countries in Eastern and Central Europe attempt the transition to market economies, they challenge the theoretical and applied repertoires of political economy. It is the premise in this paper that the transition tests the social policy ‘wisdom’ of the pluralistic, democratic ‘Western’ societies and offers scholars the opportunity for monitoring and learning. The paper is focused on family benefits, a component of social policy, and is concentrated on Hungary, Poland, and the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic. A contrast is made to European countries of the European Community and the European Free Trade Association. The United States is also covered. The discussion is concentrated on maternity and parental leave, care for infants, toddlers, and preschool children, and family allowances. One important question addressed is whether with current financial constraints the East will be forced to relinquish its family benefit policies as the West expands such policies. Or, to the contrary, will these policies be expanded further in the East, as a substitute for unemployment insurance and to solve other labor-market problems?
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Zieliński, Mariusz. « The Effect of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Labor Markets of the Visegrad Countries ». Sustainability 14, no 12 (16 juin 2022) : 7386. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14127386.
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The COVID-19 pandemic caused a sudden and deep recession contributing, among other things, to a sharp rise in unemployment. The article addresses changes in the labor markets of the Visegrad countries (Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia), covering the period 2018–2021. It attempts to answer the questions: how deep a slump was caused by the pandemic in these markets, how flexible forms of employment responded to it, and whether there were discriminatory phenomena (decline in employment and increase in unemployment in the most vulnerable groups in the labor market). The analysis was based on quarterly data published by Eurostat on the size and structure of the employed and unemployed population. The results of the compilations indicate a relatively small deepening of imbalances in the labor markets of the analyzed countries, a differentiated reaction of flexible forms of employment (depending on the form of employment), which was in line with expectations (they were used as a business cycle buffer). In most of the V4 countries, women were relatively less likely to lose their jobs than men during the pandemic. In a few cases, a relatively stronger decline in employment (increase in unemployment) affected young people, people aged 55–64, and people with the lowest education.
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Bringye, Bernadett, Maria Fekete-Farkas et Szergej Vinogradov. « An Analysis of Mushroom Consumption in Hungary in the International Context ». Agriculture 11, no 7 (18 juillet 2021) : 677. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriculture11070677.
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It is hardly an exaggeration to state that producing and consuming mushrooms may provide an answer to several of the challenges facing mankind. This research is related to the UN sustainable development goals relative to different issues. First of all, mushroom production uses agricultural and industrial byproducts as inputs and being labor intensive contributes to the job and income creation for undereducated people in less developed areas. In addition, as mushrooms have high protein content and they are a suitable alternative for meat for populations with a diet lacking in variety; at the same time, they also have the potential for food connoisseurs and consumers who make conscious and educated choices to improve their diet by using healthful and environmentally friendly methods. The nutritional value of mushrooms means that consumption could be an important supplementary therapy for several illnesses. The key issue of sector development is the increasing demand. In order to address this, investigation and research related to consumer behavior is needed. The aim of this research was to explore the dimensions of Hungarian mushroom consumer behavior and to segment Hungarian consumers. An online questionnaire survey was conducted between December 2019 and February 2020 and the final sample of 1768 respondents was considered for the purposes of analysis. Exploratory factor analysis was used to identify groups of correlating variables describing mushroom consumption. The authors identified four dimensions of Hungarian mushroom consumer behavior: (1) medicinal and functional properties, (2) consumption for enjoyment, (3) supplementary food source, and (4) negative assessment of the product range. Using cluster analysis, three consumer groups were identified: (1) health-conscious consumers, (2) indifferent consumers, and (3) average consumers. The research results indicated that consumers’ sociodemographic characteristics (age, educational level, marital status, and place of residence) have a significant impact on mushroom consumption behavior. The results of this paper can have implications for policy makers and business management in diversifying their production and selecting marketing tools.
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Bilenko, Yuriy. « Labor productivity in the agriculture, structural shifts and economic growth in the Central and Eastern European countries ». Agricultural and Resource Economics : International Scientific E-Journal 8, no 4 (20 décembre 2022) : 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/are.2022.08.04.01.
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Purpose. In our article, we assess the scope and directions of changes in agricultural labor productivity compared to other sectors of the economy.
Methodology / approach. For our survey we choose 15 countries: (і) EU countries – Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia, as well (іі) post-Soviet European countries – Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, russia and also (ііі) Albania for period 1996–2019. We use an empirical methodology designed to analyze structural decomposition of labor productivity into the growth effect within the sector and structural dynamic and static effects, often called ‘shift-share analysis’. We analyze process of convergence of sectoral labor productivity and its impact on economic growth.
Results. Labor productivity grows in the agricultural sector of the economy at the fastest rate, on average by almost 12 % per year. The growth effects within the industry takes a dominant position in all sectors of the economy in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and its share is on average 88.5 %, and the structural effects are as follows: the dynamic effect is almost 1%, the static effect is 10.4 %. We have confirmed that the agricultural sector is gaining weight in the economic growth of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the influence of the service sector is increasing, although together they do not exceed the influence of the growth of value added in industry.
Originality / scientific novelty. For the first time we have used the methodology of decomposition of labor productivity growth into three effects: growth, dynamic and static ones for the period before the financial crisis 2008 and after the crisis for 15 countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Using panel GLS estimator with fixed effects we estimate the impact of labor productivity on economic growth in different sectors for 1991–2020 period.
Practical value / implications. The main results of the study can be used for elaboration of effective economic policy in agriculture development in Central and Eastern European countries; for identification of structural shifts in labor productivity in different sectors of the economy before and after the financial crisis; for estimation of the level of convergence between different sectors of the economy; determining main factors of increasing value added in agriculture in Ukraine and other Central and Eastern European countries; implementation structural changes in economy in the period of crisis.
Thèses sur le sujet "Labor policy – Hungary"
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Rai, Pronoy. « The Indian State and the Micropolitics of Food Entitlements ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1368004369.
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KEUNE, Maarten. « Creating capitalist labour markets : a comparative-institutionalist analysis of labour market reform in the Czech Republic and Hungary, 1989-2002 ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6576.
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Defence date: 20 November 2006Examining Board: Prof. John L. Campbell (Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire); Prof. Wolfgang Streeck (Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne); Prof. László Bruszt (European University Institute); Prof. Colin Crouch (The University of Warwick, supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The present study presents a comparative neo-institutionalist analysis of labour market institutions in the Czech Republic and Hungary in the period 1989-2002. It aims to contribute to the contemporary debates on institutional continuity and change, varieties of capitalism, and post-socialist capitalist development. It presents an analytical model combining a variety of elements from different neo-institutionalist schools and applies this model to the two cases of post-socialist institutional change. The analysis presents converging and diverging developments in the two cases, and explains the direction of change. It is concluded that although both countries adopted a series of similar basic institutions, regulating the basic principles of property rights, industrial relations and the employment relationship, institutional reform at the lower levels followed quite different trajectories and labour market institutions limit the role of the market to a much larger extent in the Czech Republic than in Hungary. Also, major differences can be observed both within each case, between different institutional domains, and over time. The change of institutions in the two cases is then explained by the ideas and interests of the (domestic and international) actors shaping these institutions; their power relations and patterns of interest representation; the historical backgrounds of the cases; the international ideational context in which change takes place; and the feedback from different outcomes that the process of change produces. The similarities and differences concerning these factors, as well as the interaction between them, account for convergence and divergence between the cases.
Livres sur le sujet "Labor policy – Hungary"
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Dr, Krisztián Béla, Szemere Mátyás, Fodor László 1936- et Szervezési és Vezetési Tudományos Társaság. Baranya Megyei Szervezet., dir. Munkaügy-érdekegyeztetés '91 : A pécsi konferencia tanulmánykötete : Pécs 1991. március 21-22. [Pécs] : SZVT Baranya, 1991.
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The workers' state : Industrial labor and the making of socialist Hungary, 1944-1958. Pittsburgh, Pa : University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012.
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Ágnes, Hárs, Landau Edit et Nagy Katalin, dir. Európai Foglalkoztatási Stratégia : Lehetőségek és korlátok az új tagállamok számára = European Employment Strategy : ways of adaptability in the new member states : the case of Hungary. Budapest : Kopint-Datorg Konjunktúra Kutatási Alapítvány, 2005.
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Michoń, Piotr. Work-life balance policy in Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia 1989 - 2009 : Twenty years of transformation. Poznań : Dom Wydawniczy Harasimowicz, 2010.
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Károly, Fazekas, Köllő János, Varga Júlia et Csapó Benő, dir. Green book for the renewal of public education in Hungary : Round table for education and child opportunities. Budapest : Ecostat, 2009.
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Munthali, Alister C. Hunger, public policy, and child labour : Case study of Malawi : final report. [Zomba, Malawi] : University of Malawi, Centre for Social Research, 2003.
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Hunger, public policy and child labour : Case study of Malawi : final report. Zomba] : University of Malawi, Centre for Social Research, 2003.
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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. Subcommittee on Primary Health and Aging. Senior hunger and the Older Americans Act : Hearing before the Subcommittee on Primary Health and Aging of the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions, United States Senate, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, first session on examining senior hunger and the "Older Americans Act" June 21, 2011. Washington : U.S. Government Printing Office, 2013.
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Repression and resistance in Communist Europe. New York : RoutledgeCurzon, 2003.
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Office, International Labour, dir. The minimum wage revisited in the enlarged EU. Cheltenham, UK : Edward Elgar, 2010.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Labor policy – Hungary"
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Fodor, Eva. « Orbánistan and the Anti-gender Rhetoric in Hungary ». Dans The Gender Regime of Anti-Liberal Hungary, 1–27. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85312-9_1.
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AbstractThis chapter introduces Hungary’s anti-liberal political rule and its gender regime. It traces policy changes in Hungary since 2010, discusses the legacies of the state socialist gender regimes and the formation of a new, anti-liberal one. I introduce the term “carefare” and discuss how the concept of “gender” has been deployed by Hungarian politicians to legitimate an increase in women’s unpaid care burden and their lack of attention to gender inequality in the labor market. I end the chapter with a description of my research methods and provide an outline for the rest of the book.
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Fodor, Eva. « A Carefare Regime ». Dans The Gender Regime of Anti-Liberal Hungary, 29–64. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85312-9_2.
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AbstractHungary’s anti-liberal government has invented a novel solution to the care crisis, which I call a “carefare regime”. This chapter describes four key features of the policies, policy practice and discourse that make up Hungary’s carefare regime. I argue that in contrast to welfare state models familiar from developed democracies, in post-2010 Hungary, women’s claims to social citizenship are most successfully made on the basis of doing care work. The state is re-engineered rather retrenched: services are not commodified but “churchified” in an effort to redistribute resources and build political loyalty. Women are constructed as “naturally” responsible for reproduction and care and this responsibility is tied to sentimentalized notions about femininity and true womanhood. In addition to providing care in the household, women are increasingly engaged in the paid labor market too, where the tolerance for gender inequality is officially mandated. A carefare regime provides limited financial advantages for a select group of women, while simultaneously increasing their devalued work burden both in and outside the household: it feeds a growing underclass of women workers.
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Khandelwal, Shweta. « Malnutrition and COVID-19 in India ». Dans Health Dimensions of COVID-19 in India and Beyond, 171–201. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7385-6_9.
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AbstractWhile the world is battling the new coronavirus known as SARS-COV-2, public health and nutrition services in India are getting disrupted and derailed. It is pertinent not to overlook the existing gaps in our journey towards attaining the holistic sustainable development goals (SDGs). In fact, it is now well-established that comorbidities, especially malnutrition, diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, and other respiratory or kidney problems exacerbate the pathogenesis of COVID-19 because of an already compromised immune system. The whole world is off track in achieving SDG 2, known as Zero Hunger, by 2030. At the current pace, approximately 17 countries including India will fail to even reach low hunger by 2030. India ranks 104 out of 117 countries as per the used metric, the global hunger index. Furthermore, these projections do not account for the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, which may worsen hunger and undernutrition in the near term and affect countries’ trajectories into the future.The author underscores the serious adverse impacts of COVID-19 on public health, nutrition, and food security in India and other low- and middle-income countries. Estimates show that 135 million persons were hungry before the pandemic. By the end of 2020, the number will likely increase to 265 million. India carries a heavy burden of multiple forms of malnutrition including undernutrition, hunger, micronutrient deficiencies as well as overweight, and obesity. India’s public health and nutritional policies must urgently address these problems. Measures taken by the government during the pandemic to counter its negative impact on the nutrition of women, children, migrant labor, and other vulnerable populations are enumerated. The response of the international community to tackle COVID-19 related nutritional challenges and India’s policy measures for ensuring nutrition and food security are discussed.
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Szelewa, Dorota, et Michał Polakowski. « Explaining the Weakness of Social Investment Policies in the Visegrád Countries ». Dans The World Politics of Social Investment : Volume II, 185–208. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197601457.003.0008.
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This chapter analyzes the politics of social investment in the Visegrád (V4) countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia—taking the examples of two policy fields: early childhood education and care (ECEC) and active labor market policies (ALMPs). The main argument is that weak social investment in the V4 countries results from an interaction of a reaction of rejecting Soviet-style policies, the lack of a pro–social investment political coalition, and the recent explicit rejection of social investment in favor of compensation. The few social investment policies that have developed can be assigned to a V4 mode of absorption of the European Union’s structural funds, but these are limited and, in terms of their distributive profiles, and take a stratified form in ECEC and a targeted form in ALMPs.
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Nowakowska-Wierzchoś, Anna. « „Zamiast pilnować garnków mieszają się do polityki”. Udział polskich emigrantek we Francji w strajkach i protestach ekonomicznych w latach 1920–1950 ». Dans Kobiety niepokorne. Reformatorki – buntowniczki – rewolucjonistki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/7969-873-8.02.
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In the twenties of the twentieth century to France arrived almost half million crowd of Polish emigration. Women largely accompanied traveling for work husbands but was there a single Polish women who decided abandon the family home and go out to another country in search of a work. Unemployed women was active on the social field. They organized a care on children, elders and care on Polish local and religious tradition. Economical crisis and arrival behind him labor strikes, threat of fascism, victory of the Popular Front and outbreak civil war in Spain meant that women themselves or through their husbands began to get involved in political and union activity. With poor education they did not read the classics leftist but political awareness gained standing under factories where strikes their husbands fighting with police and strike breakers. In period of German occupation they participated in strikes of houswifes. “Instead watch of pots” – like say one of French policeman they mingled to policy. After war they spread propaganda for a communist government in Poland. They lead agitation for a came back to country and restoration a country, believing that they built a equitable system for all. These women despite the lack of education, traditional education could motivate their neighbors to act, even if it is limited only to a closed Polish community. They went beyond the space of your own home to other women with whom co-created organizations, they take public voice, argued their political choices and to cooperate were acquiring another compatriot. It was not a feminist revolution, more faith in the power of women passed from mother to daughter, and refusal to hunger and insecurity of their offspring.
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Kirk, Tim. « 1919 ». Dans The Global Challenge of Peace, 161–80. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800857193.003.0010.
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In April 1919 hundreds of unemployed workers and war veterans took to the streets of Vienna, stormed the parliament building, and attempted to set it on fire. The crowd was dispersed by the police and units of Austria’s revolutionary army (Volkswehr), but the insurgents regrouped and took the to the streets again in June in a putsch attempt that was also suppressed. These events came at a critical point in the history of the republic and shaped the politics of the 1920s. Communists had seized power in both Bavaria and Hungary, and the Austrian labour leadership had come under intense pressure to lead the country in a more radical direction. They also reveal the peculiar and precarious position in which Austria found itself in the wake of the First World War: ‘the state that nobody wanted’, perceived as an economically ‘unviable’ rump of the Habsburg empire, but denied national self-determination through union with the Weimar Republic. The Social Democratic Workers’ Party came under similar pressures, both from the Entente, and from counter-revolutionary forces at home, and was compelled to work with the dispossessed elites of the Habsburg Empire. This chapter examines the response of labour leaders and Austro-Marxist intellectuals in the spring and summer of 1914 to the political problems they faced and the ways in which the outcome of the crisis determined the course of political developments in inter-war Austria.
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Kozerska, Ewa, et Tomasz Scheffler. « State and Criminal Law of the East Central European Dictatorships ». Dans Lectures on East Central European Legal History, 207–39. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ps.loecelh_9.
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The chapter is devoted to discussing constitutional and criminal law as it existed in selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe between 1944 and 1989 (Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Romania, Hungary, and Poland). As a result of the great powers’ decisions, these countries came under the direct supervision of the Soviet Union and adopted totalitarian political solutions from it. This meant rejecting the idea of the tripartite division of power and affirming the primacy of the community (propaganda-wise: the state pursuing the interests of the working class) over the individual. As a result, regardless of whether the state was formally unitary or federal, power was shaped hierarchically, with full power belonging to the legislative body and the body appointing other organs of the state. However, the text constantly draws attention to the radical discrepancy between the content of the normative acts and the systemic practice in the states mentioned. In reality, real power was in the hands of the communist party leaders controlling society through an extensive administrative apparatus linked to the communist party structure, an apparatus of violence (police, army, prosecution, courts, prisons, and concentration and labor camps), a media monopoly, and direct management of the centrally controlled economy. From a doctrinal point of view, the abovementioned states were totalitarian regardless of the degree of use of violence during the period in question. Criminal law was an important tool for communist regimes’ implementation of the power monopoly. In the Stalinist period, there was a tendency in criminal law to move away from the classical school’s achievements. This was expressed, among other means, by emphasizing the importance of the concept of social danger and the marginalization of the idea of guilt for the construction of the concept of crime. After 1956, the classical achievements of the criminal law doctrine were gradually restored in individual countries, however – especially in special sections of the criminal codes – much emphasis was placed on penalizing acts that the communist regime a priori considered to be a threat to its existence. Thus, also in the field of criminal law, a difference was evident between the guarantees formally existing in the legislation and the criminal reality of the functioning of the state.
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Dumas, J. Ann. « Gender ICT and Millennium Development Goals ». Dans Information Communication Technologies, 504–11. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-949-6.ch035.
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Gender equality and information and communication technology are important in the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in policy, planning, and practice. The 2000 Millennium Declaration of the United Nations (UN) formed an international agreement among member states to work toward the reduction of poverty and its effects by 2015 through eight Millennium Development Goals: 1. Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger 2. Achieve universal primary education 3. Promote gender equality and the empowerment of women 4. Reduce child and maternal mortality 5. Improve maternal health care 6. Combat HIV and AIDS, malaria, and other major diseases 7. Ensure environmental sustainability 8. Develop global partnership for development Progress toward gender equality and the empowerment of women is one goal that is important to achieving the others. Poverty, hunger, illiteracy, environmental threats, HIV and AIDS, and other health threats disproportionately affect the lives of women and their dependent children. Gender-sensitive ICT applications to education, health care, and local economies have helped communities progress toward the MDGs. ICT applications facilitate rural health-care workers’ access to medical expertise through phones and the Internet. Teachers expand learning resources through the Internet and satellite services, providing a greater knowledge base for learners. Small entrepreneurs with ICT access and training move their local business into world markets. ICT diffusion into world communication systems has been pervasive. Even some of the poorest economies in Africa show the fastest cell-phone growth, though Internet access and landline numbers are still low (International Telecommunications Union [ITU], 2003b). ICT access or a lack of it impacts participation, voice, and decision making in local, regional, and international communities. ICTs impact the systems that move or inhibit MDG progress. UN secretary general Kofi Annan explained the role of the MDGs in global affairs: Millennium Development Goals are too important to fail. For the international political system, they are the fulcrum on which development policy is based. For the billion-plus people living in extreme poverty, they represent the means to a productive life. For everyone on Earth, they are a linchpin to the quest for a more secure and peaceful world. (UN, 2005, p. 28) Annan also stressed the critical need for partnerships to facilitate technology training to enable information exchange and analysis (UN, 2005). ICT facilitates sharing lessons of success and failure, and progress evaluation of work in all the MDG target areas. Targets and indicators measuring progress were selected for all the MDGs. Gender equality and women’s empowerment are critical to the achievement of each other goal. Inadequate access to the basic human needs of clean water, food, education, health services, and environmental sustainability and the support of global partnership impacts great numbers of women. Therefore, the targets and indicators for Goal 3 address females in education, employment, and political participation. Progress toward the Goal 3 target to eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015, will be measured by the following indicators. • Ratio of girls to boys in primary, secondary, and tertiary education • Ratio of literate females to males who are 15- to 24-year-olds • Share of women in wage employment in the nonagricultural sector • Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (World Bank, 2003) Education is positively related to improved maternal and infant health, economic empowerment, and political participation (United Nations Development Program [UNDP], 2004; World Bank, 2003). Education systems in developing countries are beginning to offer or seek ways to provide ICT training as a basic skill and knowledge base. Proactive policy for gender equality in ICT access has not always accompanied the unprecedented ICT growth trend. Many civil-society representatives to the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) argue for ICT access to be considered a basic human right (Girard & Ó Soichrú, 2004; UN, 1948). ICT capability is considered a basic skill for education curriculum at tertiary, secondary, and even primary levels in developed regions. In developing regions, ICT access and capability are more limited but are still tightly woven into economic communication systems. ICTs minimize time and geography barriers. Two thirds of the world’s poor and illiterate are women (World Bank, 2003). Infant and maternal health are in chronic crisis for poor women. Where poverty is highest, HIV and AIDS are the largest and fastest growing health threat. Ninety-five percent of people living with HIV and AIDS are in developing countries, partly because of poor dissemination of information and medical treatment. Women are more vulnerable to infection than men. Culturally reinforced sexual practices have led to higher rates of HIV infection for women. Gender equality and the empowerment of women, starting with education, can help fight the spread of HIV, AIDS, and other major diseases. ICT can enhance health education through schools (World Bank). Some ICT developers, practitioners, and distributors have identified ways to incorporate gender inclusiveness into their policies and practice for problem-solving ICT applications toward each MDG target area. Yet ICT research, development, education, training, applications, and businesses remain male-dominated fields, with only the lesser skilled and salaried ICT labor force approaching gender equality. Successful integration of gender equality and ICT development policy has contributed to MDG progress through several projects in the developing regions. Notable examples are the South-African-based SchoolNet Africa and Bangladesh-based Grameen Bank Village Pay Phone. Both projects benefit from international public-private partnerships. These and similar models suggest the value and importance of linking gender equality and empowerment with global partnership for development, particularly in ICT. This article reports on developing efforts to coordinate the achievement of the MDGs with policy, plans, and practice for gender equality beyond the universal educational target, and with the expansion of ICT access and participation for women and men. The article examines the background and trends of MDG 3, to promote gender equality and the empowerment of women, with particular consideration of MDG 8, to develop global partnership for development, in ICT access and participation.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Labor policy – Hungary"
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Bálintová, Monika, Anikó Barcziová et Renáta Machová. « Labor Market Policy in the Slovak Republic and Hungary during the COVID-19 Pandemic ». Dans Hradec Economic Days 2022, sous la direction de Jan Maci, Petra Maresova, Krzysztof Firlej et Ivan Soukal. University of Hradec Kralove, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36689/uhk/hed/2022-01-002.
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Erdei, Renáta J., et Anita R. Fedor R. Fedor. « The Phenomenon and the Characteristics of Precariate in Hungary : Labormarket situation, Precariate, Subjective health ». Dans CARPE Conference 2019 : Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10284.
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Anita R. Fedor- Renáta J. Erdei Abstract The focus of our research is labor market integration and the related issues like learning motivation, value choices, health status, family formation and work attitudes. The research took place in the North Great Plain Region – Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county, Nyíregyháza, Nyíregyháza region, Debrecen, Cigánd district (exception), we used the Debrecen and the national database of the Graduate Tracking System. Target groups: 18-70 year-old age group, women and women raising young children, 15-29 year-old young age group, high school students (graduate ones) fresh university graduates. The theorethical frameworks of the precariate research is characterized by a multi-disciplinar approach, as this topic has sociological, economic, psychological, pedagogical, legal and health aspects. Our aim is to show whether There is relevance between the phenomenon of precariate and labor market disadvantage and how individual insecurity factors affect a person’s presence in the labor market. How the uncertainties in the workplace appear in different regions and social groups by expanding the theoretical framework.According to Standing precariate is typical to low gualified people. But I would like to see if it also typical to highly qualifiled young graduates with favourable conditions.It is possible or worth looking for a way out of the precarious lifestyle (often caused by objective reasons) by combining and using management and education.Are there definite features in the subjective state of health of groups with classic precariate characteristics? Results The research results demonstrate that the precarious characteristics can be extended, they are multi-dimensional.The personal and regional risk factors of labor market exclusion can develop both in different regions and social groups. Precarized groups cannot be connected exclusively to disadvantaged social groups, my research has shown that precarious characteristics may also appear, and the process of precarization may also start among highly qualified people. Precariate is a kind of subjective and collective crisis. Its depth largely depends on the economic environment, the economic and social policy, and the strategy and cultural conditions of the region. The results show, that the subjective health of classical precar groups is worse than the others.