Thèses sur le sujet « Labor movement – Russia – History »
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Mitchell, John A. 1966. « Bolshevik Britain : An Examination of British Labor Unrest in the Wake of the Russian Revolution, 1919 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501153/.
Texte intégralWebster, Barbara Grace. « "Fighting in the grand cause" a history of the trade union movement in Rockhampton, 1907-1957 / ». Access full text, 1999. http://elvis.cqu.edu.au/thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.
Texte intégralSubmitted as fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Central Queensland University, August 1999". Bibliography: leaves 425-452. Also available via the World Wide Web.
Avedissian, Karena. « A tale of two movements : social movement mobilisation in Southern Russia ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5966/.
Texte intégralCurry, Curtis. « One hundred years of servitude : the Colombian labor movement 1848-1948 ». FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2699.
Texte intégralFung, Chi-ming. « History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.
Texte intégralSucharczuk, Gregory. « A free trade union in a totalitarian society : towards understanding the Solidarity movement in Poland, August, 1980-December, 1981 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28926.
Texte intégralHunter, Richard William. « Voices of our past : the rank and file movement in social work, 1931-1950 ». PDXScholar, 1999. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1602.
Texte intégralWorrall, David James. « Foreign trade developments in Ukraine, Russia, Poland, Lithuania, Belarus & ; Moldova (1996-2006) ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2573/.
Texte intégralTeles, Luciano Everton Costa. « A vida operária em Manaus : imprensa e mundos do trabalho (1920) ». Universidade Federal do Amazonas, 2008. http://tede.ufam.edu.br/handle/tede/3718.
Texte intégralStill walking in the sense of to contribute for the process of renewal regional historiográfica and to lessen the field little explored of the Labor History in Amazon to present researches search to understand the universe of the work and, especially, the dimensions of the speech, organization and fight worker in Manaus, in the beginning of the decade of 1920, filtered by the pages of the newspaper Labor Life, one of the most important labor newspapers appeared in Amazon. It is also tried to discuss the own Imprensa Operária, as one of the most important manifestations of the culture of the working classes, inquiring concerning the paper carried out by the newspaper Labor Life inside the journalism amazonense, expressing his/her line editorial and the characteristics that single out him/it inside that press, besides identifying the dimensions (size, composition, characteristics) of the universe of the work and of the urban workers from Manaus, still mapping the demands and accusations concerning the life conditions and work and observing the performance of the newspaper mentioned in the organization processes, understanding and fight worker, punctuating the organizational dilemmas, the internal disputes, you influence them of theoretical currents inside the political movement of the workers amazonenses
Caminhando no sentido de contribuir para o processo de renovação historiográfica regional e minorar o campo ainda pouco explorado da História Operária no Amazonas, a presente dissertação buscou compreender o universo do trabalho e, em especial, as dimensões da fala, organização e luta operária em Manaus, no início da década de 1920, filtradas pelas páginas do Vida Operária, um dos mais importantes jornais operários surgidos no Amazonas. Procura-se também discutir a própria Imprensa Operária, como uma das mais importantes manifestações da cultura das classes trabalhadoras, inquirindo acerca do papel desempenhado pelo jornal Vida Operária no interior do periodismo amazonense, externando sua linha editorial e as características que o singularizam no interior daquela imprensa, além de identificar as dimensões (tamanho, composição, características) do universo do trabalho e dos trabalhadores urbanos de Manaus, mapeando ainda as demandas e denúncias acerca das condições de vida e trabalho e observando a atuação do jornal mencionado nos processos de organização, conscientização e luta operária, pontuando os dilemas organizacionais, as disputas internas e as influenciais das diversas correntes teóricas no interior do movimento político dos trabalhadores amazonenses
Manderson, Kate. « Fabian socialism and the struggle for Independent Labour Representation, 1884-1900 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43910.pdf.
Texte intégralEmenaker, Ryan Eric. « Corporations and resistance in the Redwood Empire : towards a corporate history of Humboldt County (1579-1906) / ». [Arcata, Calif.] : Humboldt State University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2148/24.
Texte intégralHaley, Sandra K. « For Love or Money : Labor Rights and Citizenship for Working Women of 1930s Oaxaca, Mexico ». Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/221/.
Texte intégralWhite, Kirk. « The Development of IAM District Lodge 776 in Fort Worth, Texas, 1942-1946 : A Case Study in the Growth of Organized Labor During World War II ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2205/.
Texte intégralFitzloff, Chad L. « The limits of American labor‘s influence on the cold war free labor movement : a case study of Irving Brown and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Tunisia and Algeria ». Thesis, Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/4187.
Texte intégralDepartment of History
David A. Graff
Michael Ramsay
In 1988, Irving Brown received the Medal of Freedom from President Ronald Reagan for playing a crucial role in breaking the hold of international communism over postwar Western Europe. By doing so, he can truly be called one of the architects of Western democracy. Brown also made extraordinary efforts to fight international Communism in French North Africa during the 1950s. This paper seeks to answer the question of why these efforts in North Africa failed, and it will show the limits of American labor‘s international influence during the Cold War, in particular in French North Africa. Irving Brown successfully strengthened anti-Communist unions in Europe, and had the financial backing of the Truman Administration for those projects. However, Brown‘s efforts to build anti-Communist trade unions in Tunisia and Algeria did not have the backing of the U.S. government under the Eisenhower Administration. Instead, the AFL-CIO, with Brown as its representative, attempted to use the non-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to influence the nationalist movements of Tunisia and Algeria through their respective national unions, the Union générale tunisienne du travail (UGTT) and the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA). Disagreements within the ICFTU severely inhibited Brown‘s effectiveness and prevented him from fully realizing the AFL-CIO‘s policy goals in North Africa. Brown was overly dependent on Tunisia for his operations with the Algeria labor movement, and the ICFTU was incapable of providing adequate support to the Algerians to compete with its Communist rival, the World Federation of Trade Unions. To the extent that independent Tunisia was Western-oriented, Brown was successful in his efforts. However, in the long run, Brown failed as an architect of Western democracy, as Tunisia became a dictatorship with a socialist economy. In Algeria, the state of war forced the UGTA to turn to the Eastern bloc despite Brown‘s personal dedication to North African independence and development. Furthermore, in independence, Algeria‘s government embraced socialism and single party rule.
Kent, Timothy. « The Birth of the American Social Spirit : The American Child Labor Reform Movement and Urban Social Consciousness at the Turn of the 20th Century ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1570.
Texte intégralFung, Chi-ming, et 馮志明. « History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river deltaof South China, 1874-1992 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B17537058.
Texte intégralGüntzel, Ralph Peter. « The Confédération des syndicats nationaux, the idea of independence, and the sovereigntist movement, 1960-1980 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60027.
Texte intégralMiceli, Stephen R. « Industrialization and Immigration : Labor at the River's Bend ». Connect to full text in OhioLINK ETD Center, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1241383946.
Texte intégralGorman, Louise Gwenyth. « State control and social resistance : the case of the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme in B.C ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25414.
Texte intégralArts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
Van, Zyl-Hermann Danelle. « White workers and South Africa's democratic transition, 1977-2011 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708951.
Texte intégralOsipova, Zinaida. « Engineering a Soviet Life : Gustav Trinkler's Bourgeois Revolution ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588365551985983.
Texte intégralBalfour, Sebastian Michael. « The remaking of the Spanish labour movement : social change, urban growth and working class militancy, Barcelona, 1939-1976 ». Thesis, Bucks New University, 1987. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.714455.
Texte intégralPoutanen, Mary Anne 1952. « For the benefit of the master : the Montreal needle trades during the transition 1820-1842 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66049.
Texte intégralVisser, Wessel Pretorius. « Die geskiedenis en rol van persorgane in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilasasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging in Suid-Afrika, 1908-1924 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52202.
Texte intégralENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the course of the 20th century the press played an absolutely crucial role as a source of information, a medium of communication and propaganda, educator, critic, public watchdog and in forming and influencing opinion. In this respect the press may also be regarded as a reflection of South African society. This study investigates the role that the press played and the influence that it exercised in the political and economic mobilisation of the organised labour movement during the period 1908 to 1924. In view of the racial divisions that have prevailed in South Africa, the focus here is specifically on the white labour movement, because it was this manifestation of the organised labour force that virtually dominated the first few decades of the twentieth century. During this time the black labour movement was still to a large extent under-developed and began to emerge only around the 1920s. Organised labour flourished during the period under review. This period is characterised as one of political turbulence, as well as of large scale and serious industrial unrest, as part of the cathartic process in which the relationship between the state and its subjects in the field of labour took shape. The study adopts as its point of departure the year 1908, when the National Convention began its deliberations on the unification of South Africa, which in turn led to the official founding of the South African Labour Party in October 1909. The Labour Party operated independently until 1924, when the alliance between the National Party and the Labour Party won the election held in that year and formed the Pact coalition government. From an economic point of view there were two clear positions. On the one hand, there were the so-called establishment press organizations. These included Afrikaans-language newspapers, although - because of their ethnic commitments - they were strongly in favour of the protection of the economic position of the Afrikaner workers. On the other hand, there were anti-capitalist press organisations that wished to promote proactive steps in favour of the workers, which in tum often resulted in industrial conflict in the form of strikes. These tensions in the economic terrain spilled over into the political sphere elections, and here too the press played a central role in the often tense relationship between state and subject. In order to understand a meaningful analysis of the social role of the press, the following press organs and study materials were selected: The Star was the mouthpiece of the powerful Witwatersrand gold-mining industry. Die Burger and Ons Vaderland played a great role in the political and economic mobilisation of the Afrikaner working class whose sympathies lay with the National Party. The following labour-orientated and socialist papers reflected and interpreted the political and economic points of view of the labour movement in the period 1908 - 1924: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik and The Guardian. In addition, the role of a number of extremist strike newspapers In mobilising workers during the strikes of 1913, 1914 and 1922, is also investigated. The press played an important role in exposing a number of cardinal issues that dominated the discourse within the labour movement to greater public criticism and discussion. The effect of this was to raise the struggle between labour and capital for hegemony in the political and economic life of South Africa - as happened every time during election campaigns - to the level of the national political debate. Furthermore, the press, and specifically the right-wing labour and left-wing socialist press organs, also reflected the deep ideological divisions in the labour movement. In this respect, it was particularly the views of these press organs on race and the place of black people in the industrial dispensation that determined and influenced their political creeds. The mobilising power of the press was vividly illustrated by the strike papers. By propounding militant extremism these papers often succeeded in sweeping up industrial unrest among workers to the level of violence, which meant that the authorities were compelled to suppress these publications by means of martial law proclamations. It is probable that the SALP, and especially the socialist organisations, on the periphery of the political spectrum, would not have survived for long in South African politics without the communicative support of their mouthpieces.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die 20ste eeu het die pers, as bron van inligting, kommunikasie- en propagandamedium, opvoeder, kritikus, openbare waghond en meningsvormer en -beihvloeder, 'n uiters belangrike samelewingsrol vertolk. In hierdie opsig kan die pers ook as 'n weerspieeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing beskou word. Hierdie studie ondersoek die rol wat die pers gespeel het en die invloed wat dit as openbare memngsvormer met betrekking tot die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging gedurende die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 uitgeoefen het. Gegewe die historiese rasseverdeeldheid in Suid-Afrika, is daar spesifiek op die blanke arbeiderbeweging gekonsentreer, aangesien dit die arbeidsterrein gedurende die eerste paar dekades van die twintigste eeu feitlik oorheers het. Die swart arbeiderbeweging was in daardie stadium nog grootliks onderontwikkeld en het eers om en by die twintigerjare begin ontwaak. Die betrokke tydperk was 'n tydperk van hoogbloei VIr die georganiseerde blanke arbeiderbeweging. Dit word veral gekenmerk as 'n tydperk van politieke onstuirnigheid, asook van groot en ernstige endemiese nywerheidsonrus en konflik, as dee 1van 'n katarsis waardeur die verhouding tussen staat en onderdaan op die arbeidsterrein uitgekristalliseer het. Die vertrekpunt van die studie is 1908, toe die sittings van die Nasionale Konvensie met die oog op die unifikasie van Suid-Afrika 'n aanvang geneem het en ook aanleiding gegee het tot die amptelike stigting van die Suid-Afrikaanse Arbeidersparty in Oktober 1909. Dit strek tot 1924, toe die verkiesingsalliansie van die Nasionale Party en die Arbeidersparty die oorwinning by die stembus behaal en die Pakt-koalisieregering gevorm het. Vanuit 'n ekonomiese oogpunt gesien, was daar twee duidelike stellingnamens. Enersyds was daar die sogenaamde establishment-persorgane. Hieronder ressorteer ook Afrikaanstalige koerante, alhoewel hulle as gevolg van 'n etniese verbondenheid sterk ten gunste van die beskerming van die ekonomiese posisie van die Afrikanerwerkers was. Andersyds was daar anti-kapitalistiese persorgane wat 'n pro-aktiewe optrede ten behoewe van die werkers, wat dikwels op nywerheidskonflik in die vorm van stakings uitgeloop het wou bevorder. Hierdie gespannenheid op ekonomiese terrein het oorgespoel na die politieke sfeer van verkiesings en ook daarin het die pers, in die dikwels gespanne verhouding tussen owerheid en onderdaan, 'n sentrale rol gespeel. Ten einde 'n sinvolle ontleding van die samelewingsrol van die pers te kon doen, is die volgende persorgane as studiemateriaal geselekteer: The Star was die mondstuk van die magtige kapitalistiese, Witwatersrandse goudmynindustrie. Die Burger en Ons Vaderland het 'n groot rol in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die Nasionaalgesinde Afrikanerwerkersklas vervul. Die volgende arbeider- en sosialistiese blaaie het die politieke en ekonomiese uitgangspunte van die arbeiderbeweging in die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 weerspieel en vertolk: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik en The Guardian. Daarby is ook die mobiliseringsrol wat 'n aantal ekstremistiese stakersblaaie in die stakings van 1913, 1914 en 1922 gespeel het, ondersoek. Die pers het 'n belangrike rol gespeel om 'n aantal kardinale kwessies, wat die diskoers binne die arbeidergeledere oorheers het, ook aan groter openbare kritiek en bespreking bloot te stel. Sodoende is die stryd tussen arbeid en kapitaal om die hegemonie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke en ekonomiese lewe byvoorbeeld telkens tydens verkiesingsveldtogte tot die nasionale debat verhef. Daarbenewens het die pers, spesifiek by monde van die regse arbeider- en linkse sosialistiese persorgane, ook die diepe ideologiese verdeeldheid in arbeidergeledere weerspieel. In hierdie opsig was dit veral hulle rassebeskouings en die posisie van die swart man in die nywerheidsbestel wat die politieke credo van hierdie persorgane bepaal en befuvloed het. Die mobiliseringsmag van die pers is treffend dem stakerblaaie gemustreer. Dem militante ekstremisme te verkondig, kon sodanige blaaie dikwels daarin slaag om nywerheidsonrus onder werkers tot die vlak van geweld op te sweep sodat die owerheid dan genoop was om hierdie publikasies dem middel van Krygswetproklamasies te onderdruk. Synde op die periferie van die politieke spektrum, sou die SAAP, en veral die sosia1istiese organisasies, sonder kommunikatiewe ondersteuning van hulle spreekbuise waarskynlik slegs 'n kortstondige politieke bestaan in die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek gevoer het.
Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. « Workers of the Word Unite ! : The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001 ». PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4162.
Texte intégralRussell, John. « The role of socialist competition in establishing labour discipline in the Soviet working class, 1928-1934 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1290/.
Texte intégralCaldwell, Marc Anthony. « Struggle in discourse the International's discourse against racism in the labour-movement in South Africa (1915-1919) ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002872.
Texte intégralWaugh-Benton, Monica. « Strike Fever : Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972 ». unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.
Texte intégral1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
Tang, Kung. « The Search for Order and Liberty : The British Police, the Suffragettes, and the Unions, 1906-1912 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279136/.
Texte intégralBaines, Gary. « The Port Elizabeth disturbances of October, 1920 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001858.
Texte intégralJansson, Martin. « Förberedelsernas år : Deltagande och subjektsformering kring den svenska socialdemokratin 1889-1891 ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-322870.
Texte intégralYalcin, Zeki. « Facklig gränspolitik : Landsorganisationens invandrings- och invandrarpolitik 1946 - 2009 ». Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-11264.
Texte intégralInvartsen, Mette. « EXPANDED CHOREOGRAPHY : Shifting the agency of movement in The Artificial Nature Project and 69 positions ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms konstnärliga högskola, Institutionen för dans, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uniarts:diva-177.
Texte intégralLINKS
https://vimeo.com/164552586
https://vimeo.com/164558381
Friberg, Anna. « Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 ». Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-17674.
Texte intégralSiqueira, Elcio. « Melhores que o patrão : a luta pela cogestão operaria na Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland Perus (1958-1963) ». [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280755.
Texte intégralTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Este estudo analisa a experiência de construção de uma corrente sindical operária de feição democrata-cristã na cidade de São Paulo entre 1954 e 1963 centrada nos trabalhadores da Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland Perus, localizada no bairro paulistano com este mesmo nome. O movimento conseguiu projeção no plano da política nacional em razão da importância econômica da empresa e do amplo leque de alianças sociais e políticas articuladas pela direção do sindicato operário local. Nos anos de 1959 e 1962, o sindicalismo de Perus realizou um interessante processo de articulação de suas lutas com mobilizações dos trabalhadores da região do ABC influenciados pelo trabalho pastoral desenvolvido por Dom Jorge Marcos de Oliveira, o ?Bispo dos Operários?. Dessa iniciativa resultou a formação da Frente Nacional do Trabalho em 1960, associação civil comprometida com a luta por um sindicalismo desatrelado do Ministério do Trabalho. O ponto alto do movimento foi a grande greve de 1962-1963 que visava à desapropriação da Companhia de Cimento pelo Estado de São Paulo para que uma cooperativa operária assumisse a gestão da empresa. Esta paralisação colocou em xeque a administração Carvalho Pinto (1959-1963) e não se esfacelou com o afastamento da maioria dos grevistas da Companhia em agosto de 1962, pois prosseguiu de diversas formas, fora da fábrica, até a reintegração ao trabalho dos operários estáveis no ano de 1969, num total de sete anos e quatro meses de greve legal. Os acontecimentos de 1962-1963, todavia, levaram a direção do sindicato a repensar seu projeto político, levando-a a constituir uma variante brasileira do movimento da Não-Violência afinado com as profundas mudanças pelas quais passou a Igreja Católica do Brasil na década de 1960.
Abstract: This study analyzes the experience of construction of a Democrat-Christian laboring syndical group in the city of São Paulo between 1954 and 1963 centered in the workers of Brazilian Portland Cement Company, located in the district named Perus. The movement obtained projection in the national politics in reason of the economic importance of the Company and because the ample fan of social and politic alliances articulated by the direction of the local laboring union. In the years of 1959 and 1962, the unionism of Perus carried through an interesting process of joint of its fights with mobilizations of the workers of the region of the ABC influenced by the pastoral work developed under the leadership of Dom Jorge Marcos de Oliveira, the ?Bishop of the Workers?. The formation of the National Front of the Work (Frente Nacional do Trabalho, FNT) in 1960 resulted of this initiative. FNT was a civil association compromised with the fight for an independent unionism. The high point of the movement was the great strike of 1962-1963 that it aimed at to the dispossession of the Cement Company for the State of São Paulo: the workmen on strike intended that a laboring cooperative assumed the management of the company. This strike challenged the administration of the Governor Carvalho Pinto (1959-1963) and wasn't dissolver with the removal of the majority of the strikers of the Company in August of 1962. Therefore, it continued of diverse forms until the reintegration to the work of a part of laborers in the year of 1969, totalizing seven years and four months of legal strike. The 1962-1963 events, however, had taken the direction of the union to rethink its politician project, being taken it to constitute a Brazilian variant of the movement of Not-Violence conjoined with the deep changes happened in the Church Catholic of Brazil during the decade of 1960.
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História Social
Solé, Soldevila Josep Maria. « Bandera Roja (1968-1974) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666895.
Texte intégralLangkjaer, Jenny. « Övervakning för rikets säkerhet : Svensk säkerhetspolisiär övervakning av utländska personer och inhemsk politisk aktivitet, 1885–1922 ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-54782.
Texte intégralSantos, João Marcelo Pereira dos. « Os trabalhadores da Light São Paulo, 1900-1935 ». [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280762.
Texte intégralTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa de doutorado foca a ação coletiva dos trabalhadores da unidade da Light em São Paulo nas três primeiras décadas do século XX. Reconstituímos a trajetória da empresa e suas estratégias de expansão no eixo São Paulo - Rio de Janeiro com a perspectiva de estabelecer as conexões existentes entre a indústria de energia elétrica e os processos de urbanização e industrialização. Fomos explícitos em apontar o entrelaçamento entre os interesses dos acionistas e administradores da Light e o poder político que hegemonizou a estrutura de estado em São Paulo durante a Velha República. Investigamos a estrutura organizacional da empresa e traçamos um perfil de sua força de trabalho. Isso foi fundamental para dimensionarmos com maior precisão os constrangimentos impostos à organização dos trabalhadores e à construção de identidades coletivas. Através da análise dos acidentes de trânsito, descobrimos como se formou uma opinião pública contrária aos motorneiros e condutores. Geralmente apontados como causadores imediatos dos acidentes, os operários dos bondes desenvolveram mecanismos de autodefesa que dificultaram o estabelecimento de alianças com os usuários em momentos de protesto contra a empresa. A análise dos acidentes também contribuiu para acrescentarmos alguns detalhes sobre a condição de trabalho desses operários e sobre aspectos relacionados à mobilidade nas ruas paulistanas nas primeiras décadas do século XX. Na segunda parte da pesquisa, acompanhamos a trajetória das organizações dos trabalhadores lightianos, as situações de enfrentamento, as pautas de reivindicação e as relações de distanciamento e proximidade com o conjunto do operariado paulistano. Remontamos as disputas travadas entre sindicalistas revolucionários e comunistas no momento de transição para um sistema de relações de trabalho e sindical regulado pelo estado. Acompanhamos as ambiguidades da União dos Trabalhadores da Light (UTL) em torno da legislação trabalhista e sindical e de sua falência enquanto entidade de classe. Em paralelo, abordamos as diversas tentativas do Sindicato dos Operários em Tração, Luz e Força de São Paulo para se estabelecer na complexa conjuntura dos primeiros anos do governo Vargas. Finalmente, investigamos as articulações entre a Light e a Delegacia Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS/SP) e demonstramos o quanto o padrão de relações de trabalho foi marcado pela violência institucionalizada, pela cultura de intransigência e recusa de negociação.
Abstract: This doctoral research focuses on the collective action of workers of the unity of Light in Sao Paulo in the first three decades of the twentieth century. Reconstructed the trajectory of the company and its expansion strategies in the axis São Paulo - Rio de Janeiro with a view to establishing the connections between the electric power industry and the processes of urbanization and industrialization. This piece of research points out the links between the interests of shareholders and directors of the Light and the political power, such net of connections hegemonies the structure of state in São Paulo during the Old Republic. The structure of the company was investigated, which provided a profile of its workforce. This was essential to scale with greater precision the constraints imposed on the organization of workers and the construction of collective identities. Through the analysis of traffic accidents was found that such accidents formed a public opinion against the "motorneiros" and drivers. Often described as immediate causes of accidents, the workers of the tramway developed mechanisms for self-defense that hampered the establishment of partnerships with users in times of protest against the company. The analysis of accidents also helped to add some details about the condition of workers and work on issues related to mobility in the São Paulo streets in the first decades of the twentieth century. In the second part of the research follows the trajectory of the organizations of workers "lightianos", situations of confrontation, the rules of claim and the relations of distance and proximity to the entire workforces of the city. The reconstruction of the back disputes was created, precisely those between union and communist revolutionary at the time of transition to a system of labour relations and union regulated by the state. The study follows the ambiguities of the Union of Workers of Light (UTL) around labour laws and union and its failure as a union. Furthermore, the attempts of the Union of Workers in Traction, Light and Force of São Paulo to establish itself in the complex political environment of the early years of the Vargas government. Finally, was investigated the links between the Light and DEOPS in order to demonstrated how the pattern of labour relations of Light was marked by a culture of intransigence and refusal to negotiate.
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
Faniel, Jean. « Les syndicats, le chômage et les chômeurs : raisons et évolution d'une relation complexe ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210879.
Texte intégralLes développements théoriques se penchent sur le mode de fonctionnement et sur les déterminants de l’action des organisations syndicales, sur les causes du chômage et ses conséquences pour les travailleurs salariés et leurs organisations, ainsi que sur les obstacles et les incitants à l’action collective contestataire des sans-emploi.
Ces outils d’analyse sont ensuite utilisés pour examiner, depuis l’origine des organisations syndicales contemporaines et de l’indemnisation du chômage, au XIXe siècle, jusqu’à la réforme du mode de contrôle des chômeurs en 2004, les fondements et l’évolution de la relation que les syndicats belges entretiennent avec les questions de l’emploi et du chômage d’une part, avec les chômeurs d’autre part.
In Belgium, 85% of the unemployed are unionised. This peculiar situation is mainly related to the specific position of the trade unions, as the jobless can choose to receive their benefits through the intervention of one of the three national unions. The Ph.D. dissertation aims at examining the origins of that specific relationship and its implications on both the trade unions and the unemployed.
The theoretical part explores the features of union action and functioning, the causes of unemployment and its consequences for the workers and their organisations, as well as the impediments and impetus to the contentious mobilisation of the unemployed.
Based on that theoretical framework, the Ph.D. dissertation then examines the origins and the evolution from the 19th century till 2004 of the union positions on the issues of employment and unemployment on the one hand, and their links with the jobless on the other.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Moratelli, Thiago. « Os trabalhadores da construção da Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil : experiencias operarias em um sistema de trabalho de grande empreitada (São Paulo e Mato Grosso, 1905-1914) ». [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281967.
Texte intégralDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação trata da história social dos trabalhadores da construção da estrada de ferro Noroeste do Brasil. O estudo aborda o sistema de trabalho adotado durante a realização das obras de construção da ferrovia e as experiências dos trabalhadores em São Paulo e Mato Grosso entre 1905 e 1914. Apesar de atravessar terrenos difíceis e insalubres em sua maior parte, a estrada de ferro Noroeste do Brasil foi construída em tempo recorde devido à mobilização de milhares de trabalhadores recrutados em diversas regiões do país e do exterior. A dissertação considera a construção da ferrovia como um empreendimento em si mesmo. Neste sentido, analisa o processo de recrutamento dos trabalhadores, as condições de vida de trabalho, a luta da imprensa operária contra a ferrovia, a criminalidade e aspectos do cotidiano e do mundo do trabalho da construção da estrada de ferro Noroeste do Brasil
Abstract: This dissertation is a social history laborers in the construction of Noroeste do Brasil railroad system. The study deals with the labor system adopted during the realization of the railroad tracks and worker's experiences in São Paulo and Mato Grosso between 1905 and 1914. Although the majority Noroeste do Brasil railroad spans very difficult and unhealthy terrain, it was constructed in record time due to the mobilization of thousands of workers recruited from diverse regions of the country, within and outside the boundaries of the nation. The dissertation considers the construction of the railroad as an undertaking in itself. In this sense, it analyzes the process of recruitment, worker's living conditions, and the fight by the working class press against the construction of the railroad, criminality, and other aspects of quotidian life in the construction of Noroeste do Brasil railroad system
Mestrado
Historia Social
Mestre em História
Moran, Gimeno Neus. « El CADCI. Guerra i memòria espoliada (1936-1939) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666878.
Texte intégralThe research focusses on the analysis of the CADCI, Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera (Autonomic Centre of Dependents of Commerce and Industry– Workers Organization), during the civil war. From its founding in 1903, the organization expressed the national route of labour vindication for mercantile workers. Its strategy evolved along with the demands of its dependants, increasingly proletarianized and aware of belonging to the working class. Beginning in the thirties, the carrying out of pioneering measures for the sector and the increase in prestige of the organization, put CADCI at the head of the Catalan mercantile organisations. This activity coupled with its participation in the insurrection of the 6th of October, led to the centre reinforcing its role within the anti-fascist workers movement. As a result, during the war, the organisation would have thousands of members and at one point it was considered it could become the third union federation. An analysis of its war effort allows us to confirm this relevance and study the multiplicity of functions carried out in order to attend to workers on the frontline as well as in the rear-guard. An in-depth study of the history of CADCI allows us to analyse the reasons for it suffering the triple Francoist repression carried out on the organisation, its associates and its headquarters. The military appropriation of the building, located at Rambla de Santa Mónica number 10, was carried out on the 26th of January 1939, immediately following the occupation of Barcelona. A few weeks later it was searched by the DERD (State Delegation for Document Recovery). Part of the documentation taken is what makes up the content restored to the organisation between 2008 and 2014, by application of the law 21/2005, from the CDMH (Historical Memory Documentary Centre) in Salamanca. These 1213 catalogued items are the documentary base of this investigation. The headquarters has not been returned. Its history motivates and structures a good part of the research. Through its four forced shutdown we study the evolution of the centre, its increase in popular support and the strengthening of its networks that were key to it surviving periods in the underground. At the same time, we analyse the precedents of the repressive action and the resignification process of the building that was consolidated as a place of commemoration and a symbol of the anti-fascist resistance during the war. The research looks at the implications of recovering it as a site of memory and history. For this purpose, a series of interventions are proposed for this space that houses the multiplicity of stories of the history of the Catalan labour movement.
DOROFEYUK, Maria. « Dynamics and structure of strikes : on the way to the first Russian Revolution ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34981.
Texte intégralExamining Board: Professor Federico Giovanni (EUI Supervisor) ; Professor Youssef Cassis (EUI Second Reader) ; Professor Leonid Borodkin (Lomonosov Moscow State University) ; Professor Jean-Paul Depretto (Toulouse University).
The research seeks to explore the basic characteristics of labor conflicts in the Russian Empire from the year 1895 to 1905. The central theme of the research is the structure of these labor conflicts, which varied by year, region and branch of industry. A second main subject is the nature of the interactions between the major factors in the labor movement in pre-revolutionary Russia. This work seeks to determine if there is a correlation between the features of the conflict and the intensity of the strike movement. The dissertation gives a new vision of the important phenomenon in the social and political history of Russia in the end of 19th / the beginning of 20th century. The present study is concerned with the lack of statistical analysis of labor conflicts in pre-revolutionary Russia. Particular attention is given to the scale of the strikes that affected all the regions of the Russian Empire and all branches of industry. The period 1895-1904 which is under consideration in the dissertation is important in Russian social history because it was the decade when the workers movement becomes more organized and politically motivated on the way to the first Russian Revolution. The research is focused on the analysis of dynamics and structure of labor conflicts in Russian industries in the decade which preceded the first Russian Revolution (1905-1907). The author characterizes the historical context of the process under consideration and provides the comparative analysis of labor conflicts in the main industrial regions of European part of Russian Empire (Left-Bank Ukraine, St.-Petersburg and Central Industrial Region) on the edge of centuries. The substantial part of the work is oriented to verification of the working hypothesis by means of the statistical analysis of a variety of labor conflicts based on the materials of the two big data bases.
Shih-Hao, Kang, et 康世昊. « The Political-economical Analysis of Social Transition in Russia : The Labor Movement ». Thesis, 2000. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/10944644368098855649.
Texte intégral淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所
88
Abstract: During the period of social-economical transition, how to assess Russia’s reform process has made a lot of confusion among most of observers. The wave of labor strike in summer 1989 marked an important crisis of legitimacy of the CPSU regime which was leading by its general secretary, Mikhail Gorbachev. Since then, Russian labor movement and trade unions has become an important stage of this long-frozen civil society caused by the Stalinist system. Not only because of their extensive membership but also the successor of the former official trade union VTsSPS, the FNPR(Federation of Independent Trade Unions), has the biggest capacity to mobilize its membership among all social organizations in the Russia Federation. Meanwhile, the famous miners’ trade union- NPGR can be seen as a critical sign of social conflict in Russia’s course of economic reform. All above has indicated that the importance of labor conflicts for Russian Studies has been there. This study is consisted of six chapters. In chapter 1, there is a brief introduction about research motive, approach, and some useful theories. Chapter 2 includes three main aspects, I compared labor policy and workers’ reaction from Gorbachev period to Yeltsin period. I try to analysis their common factor. In fact, we can find that their labor policies did not increase workers’ power genuinely even they both introduced a serial of new labor act and right. In addition, I also considered the specific in the protest development of different economic branches, so I took structural interest into account to the development of Russian labor movement. From the chapter 4, I tried to analyze the organizational experiences of several trade unions, which included the VTsSPS and main labor unions in contemporary Russia, if we would accept them as an active subject. Then in the chapter 5, I also analyze the politics of these organizations when they try to get access into existing political system, and their interaction among trade union leadership and various political parties. We can find that almost all trade unions didn’t take real effects from this kind of system. On the other hand, the unstable circumstance brought Russian trade unions more difficult problems on their politics. The number of strikes in Russia has increased sharply from 1994, it showed that the relations among labor, employer and the government are still tense. And the low unrest after the privatization policy started, is just impermanent but was struck by other inner factors. Further more, it also revealed that the Corporatism institution didn’t work. Under the limits of these conditions, we can see strikes were concerned in some ‘strategical branches’, and protests in other branches are individual and small. From labor’s side, the movement and unions had lapsed into inner conflicts especially in 92-94 and lack of democratic channels. That both effectually depressed workers’ power and caused disintegration. All the factors indicate a final point: Under the structure of Authoritarian Corporatism, social organization would fail to take critical status to challenge the ‘new order’ if they couldn’t overcome its inner conflicts.
Chiang, Kuo-Yu, et 蔣闊宇. « A History of Labor Movement in Colonial Times ». Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4qdw4t.
Texte intégral國立臺灣大學
台灣文學研究所
102
The proposal is intended to reconstruct the developing course of labor movement in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial times. By use of the materials of newspapers, memoirs of the involved and correlational studies, a historical narrative of labor movement differ from History of Taiwan Social Movement(台灣社會運動史/警察沿革誌) with perspectives of both anti-colonial and worker-central is expected. To arrange the narrative sequence, labor organizers’ theory of historical periods published on Taiwan Minpow(台灣民報) is deployed with partially revised. Therefore, times of the huge wave of labor movement caused by the strike of Taiwan Ironworks(台灣鐵工所) in Kaohsiung(高雄) is referred to the “Dawn Period(黎明期)” (-1927), times between the Taiwan Ironworks strike and the Asano Cement(淺野洋灰) factory strike in Kaohsiung is referred to the “Mellow Period(成熟期)”(1927-1929), finally, times after Asano Cement strike while the state machine violentized and the strongest labor organization Taiwan Worker League(台灣工友總聯盟) gradually dismissed is referred to the “Distress Period(受難期)”. With respect to the History of Taiwan Social Movement, Reconstructing the historical narrative chronically is helpful to rediscover the lost causal connection between specific labor movement events, also for a deeper comprehension of the past.
Dolutskaya, Sofia I. « Environmental Activists as Agents of Social Democratization : a Historical Comparison of Russia and Mexico ». Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/1615.
Texte intégralThis study is a comparative historical analysis of the link between environmental activism and state-society relations in 20th century Russia and Mexico. It explores the three main currents of environmentalism that originated in these two countries under non-democratic political systems that originated in the social revolutions of 1910 (Mexico) and 1917 (Russia) and the roles that each current has played in the process of democratization that began in the 1980s. It is based on critical evaluation and synthesis of the following theoretical fields: collective action, social movements, political regime change and democratic transition. Scholarly literature and press sources are used to corroborate and evaluate findings from in-depth qualitative interviews with environmental activists, researchers, lawyers, and journalists as well as data from participant observation conducted by the author in Russia and in Mexico. The main findings of the study are two-fold. 1) Environmental activism affects social rather than political democratization. 2) The type of environmental activism that has the most significant impact on social democratization is social environmentalism - the current that emphasizes the synergy between the struggles for social justice and civil rights on the one hand and against environmental degradation on the other.
Dissertation
Levant, Alex. « The problem of self-emancipation : subjectivity, organization and the weight of history / ». 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR29336.
Texte intégralTypescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 355-361). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR29336
Juravich, Nicholas Albert. « The Work of Education : Community-Based Educators in Schools, Freedom Struggles, and the Labor Movement, 1953-1983 ». Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D83J3RHF.
Texte intégralGLASMAN, Maurice. « Unnecessary suffering : a study in applied ethics ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5126.
Texte intégralExamining board: Prof. Dr. Klaus Eder (Co-supervisor, Humboldt University Berlin and EUI) ; Prof. John Gray (Oxford University) ; Prof. Tadeusz Kowalik (Polish Academy of Science, Warsaw) ; Prof. Steven Lukes (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Dr. Claus Offe (University of Bremen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
NI, LOCHLAINN Aoife. « A question of allegiance ? : ideology, agency and structure : British-based union in Ireland 1922-1960 ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5915.
Texte intégralExamining board: Prof. Alan S. Milward, UK Cabinet Office, London (Supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch, University of Warwick ; Prof. Mary E. Daly, University College Dublin ; Prof. Dermot Keogh, University College Cork
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Rizvi, Mubbashir Abbas. « Masters not friends : land, labor and politics of place in rural Pakistan ». 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22035.
Texte intégraltext