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1
Manderson, Kate. « Fabian socialism and the struggle for Independent Labour Representation, 1884-1900 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43910.pdf.
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2
Mitchell, John A. 1966. « Bolshevik Britain : An Examination of British Labor Unrest in the Wake of the Russian Revolution, 1919 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501153/.
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The conclusion of the First World War brought the resumption of a struggle of a different sort: a battle between government and labor. Throughout 1919, government and labor squared off in a struggle over hours, wages, and nationalization. The Russian Revolution introduced the danger of the bolshevik contagion into the struggle. The first to enter into this conflict with the government were the shop stewards of Belfast and Glasgow. The struggle continued with the continued threats of the Triple Alliance and the police to destroy the power of the government through industrial action. This thesis examines the British labor movement during this revolutionary year in Europe, as well as the government's response to this new danger.
3
Tang, Kung. « The Search for Order and Liberty : The British Police, the Suffragettes, and the Unions, 1906-1912 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279136/.
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From 1906 to 1912 the British police contended with the struggles of militant suffragettes and active unionists. In facing the disturbances associated with the suffragette movement and union mobilization, the police confronted the dual problems of maintaining the public order essential to the survival and welfare of the kingdom while at the same time assuring to individuals the liberty necessary for Britain's further progress. This dissertation studies those police activities in detail.
4
Banks-Conney, Diana Elisabeth. « Political culture and the labour movement : a comparison between Poplar and West Ham, 1889-1914 ». Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2005. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/5797/.
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This thesis compares two areas of East London, Poplar and West Ham,that ultimately became strongholds of the Labour Party. The thesis attemptsto answer the crucial question of why, prior to 1914, it seemed as if Labour had succeeded in South West Ham but had failed to achieve similar representation in Poplar. This thesis considers that although contemporaries had identified similar social and economic problems in both Poplar and West Ham in the early twentieth century, more detailed analysis reveals differences as well as similarities in the underlying economic and social structure, which had implications for political outcomes. The difference in attitude of local trade unionists and councillors was crucial as was the behaviour of the political leadership. The reason for this, it will be shown, lay in the characters of the individuals who led their respective activists, as well as in the social and economic structure of the two boroughs. Using the theoretical model of social movements and political parties it is hoped that an understanding may be reached as to why socialist politics in these two boroughs, apparently so similar, achieved different outcomes in the years prior to 1914. The initial chapters outline the social and economic conditions in the boroughs and the national attitudes to their problems. Chapters Three and Four consider the left wing activists and their leaders, exploring their differing attitudes to the social and economic problems and their different styles ofpolitical activity. Chapter Five discusses the difficulties experienced by activists in achieving local and national representation so as to effect social and political change. Chapters Six, Seven and Eight, by considering the issue of unemployment, the campaign for women' s suffrage and the history of the Great Unrest, exemplify the main argument of this thesis. Thus by assessing economic factors, employment patterns and trade unionism, problems with the franchise and elector registration, the quality of local party organisation and the different attitudes and aspirations of the local activists, this thesis will test the hypothesis that the reason for the difference in political fortunes in these two boroughs was that left wing activity in Poplar was more characteristic of a social movement and that of West Ham was more representative of a political party.
5
Hunt, C. J. « Alice Arnold of Coventry : trade unionism and municipal politics 1919-1939 ». Thesis, Coventry University, 2003. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/609ddb54-f370-3cd0-e706-e01689025023/1.
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The central focus of the thesis is Alice Arnold (1881-1955), women's organiser for the Workers' Union in Coventry between 1917 and 1931 and Labour councillor on Coventry City Council from 1919. The adoption of a local, biographical approach highlights the need to move beyond generalisations about 'Labour women' and encourages examination of the diverse political experiences of women who worked within trade unionism and municipal labour politics in interwar Britain. Within the context of Coventry's early twentieth century industrial and political development, Arnold's politicisation is explored and her experiences compared with those of men and women activists who worked in the industrial and political wings of the Coventry Labour movement. Additionally material that allows comparisons to be made with national figures as well as those from other localities is employed. As well as emphasising the influence of factors including gender, class and political affiliation upon Arnold's position within the male dominated labour movement between the wars, there is consideration of the effect that her status as a single woman had upon her career. The thesis advances what is known about the development of regional labour politics and emphasises the effects that local political, economic and social factors had upon both the involvement of women and on the attitudes of male colleagues towards women's participation. The study is situated within a tradition of feminist history that seeks not merely to draw attention to what women did but questions their motivations for doing it and how they were able to pursue their political ambitions. Through analysis of a range of primary sources, it examines the effects that gendered perceptions and sexist stereotypes had on the ways in which women were able to work within trade unionism and municipal politics. It places women's interests first in an area of history that has traditionally been dominated by accounts of men's involvement and it challenges the construction of historical accounts that have ignored or marginalised women. The influence of masculine epistemology on the ways in which women's political work has been recorded both nationally and at a local level is examined throughout the thesis.
6
Darby, Michael. « The emergence of the Hebrew Christian movement in nineteenth-century Britain ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683333.
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7
Thomlinson, Natalie Joy. « Race and ethnicity in the English women's movement after 1968 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252297.
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8
Sambrook, Stephen Curtis. « The optical munitions industry in Great Britain 1888-1923 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2005. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3451/.
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This study examines in detail for the first time the emergence and development of a highly specialised sector of British manufacturing industry, charting its evolution and explaining its growth predominantly through scrutiny of original source material relating to the key actors in the story. It proposes that after 1888 Britain produced an optical munitions manufacturing structure which succeeded in dominating production of the most militarily important and commercially valuable instrument in the field, and which by 1914 had achieved an hegemonical position in the international marketplace. The study also overturns the conclusions of the previous brief scholarship on the topic, asserting that the industry responded well to the challenges of the Great War and going on to show that there was a difficult, but ultimately successful translation back to peace. This largely ignored branch of British technological manufacturing performed effectively and ran counter to notions of the relative decline or comparative failure of industries in the sector, and the narrative puts forward reasons to explain that success. To do this, the account employs a methodology embracing a combination of theories and models of historical explanation to demonstrate reasons for the industry’s path and to test the interpretations put forward.
9
Tol, Eren Deniz. « The nationalist movement in Turkey and Great Britain, 1919-1923 : relationship between a revolutionary movement and a status quo power ». Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297405.
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10
Childs, Michael James 1956. « Working class youth in late Victorian and Edwardian England ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74015.
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11
Mello, Brian Jason. « Evaluating social movement impacts : labor and the politics of state-society relations / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10711.
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12
Dunn, James Clifford. « A force to be reckoned with ? : the Temperance Movement and the "drink question", 1895-1933 ». Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 1999. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/6634/.
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The Temperance Movement was one of the most important and influential of the great nineteenth century social and moral reforming campaigns, firmly integrated with the central Victorian values of self-help, hard work and sobriety. As the values of the Victorian period dissipated with the rapidly changing social and ethical mores during the twentieth century, most historians have seen a similar demise in the role of the Temperance Movement. The drink question, however, remained a significant issue with two Royal Commissions, unprecedented state intervention during the First World War and innumerable bills and legislative debate between 1895 and 1933. Equally, the Temperance Movement maintained its resolve, resolutely campaigning and lobbying, proving itself to still be a key factor in the drink debate. This thesis studies the role and activity of the Temperance Movement in the continuing natioal concern around drink between 1895 and the Peel Commission to the conclusion of the Amulree Commission in 1933. The thesis concentrates on the major temperance societies and examines their effect on English attitudes to the drink question. Despite its continued activity, the Temperance Movement failed to make a significant mark on policy toward drink during this period. The reasons for this are several - loss of political support, the changing nature of drink issues, and fragmentation in the Movement. The Temperance Movement was very heterogeneous, some organisations seeking moderate reform or moral suasion but the more radical campaigners demanded central or local prohibition. Such demands were the root cause of temperance division and a large factor in the loss of Liberal political support. With the Conservatives tied to the Trade, the Temperance Movement sought the assistance of the Labour Party but Labour's response during the period was vague and indecisive. Social and moral arguments used by the Temperance Movement in its attempt to secure the abolition of the drink trade were being steadily eroded as secularism, post war cynicism and a huge increase in leisure activities undermined older values. Demand for alcoholic beverages fell dramatically as did reported cases of drunkenness. Despite these changes drink remained on the political and social agenda, but with many temperance reformers disillusioned and dispirited the Movement failed to present a comprehensive and coherent abolition strategy.
13
Withall, Caroline Louise. « Shipped out ? : pauper apprentices of port towns during the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1870 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:519153d8-336b-4dac-bf37-4d6388002214.
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The thesis challenges popular generalisations about the trades, occupations and locations to which pauper apprentices were consigned, shining the spotlight away from the familiar narrative of factory children, onto the fate of their destitute peers in port towns. A comparative investigation of Liverpool, Bristol and Southampton, it adopts a deliberately broad definition of the term pauper apprenticeship in its multi-sourced approach, using 1710 Poor Law and charity apprenticeship records and previously unexamined New Poor Law and charity correspondence to provide new insight into the chronology, mechanisms and experience of pauper apprenticeship. Not all port children were shipped out. Significantly more children than has hitherto been acknowledged were placed in traditional occupations, the dominant form of apprenticeship for port children. The survival and entrenchment of this type of work is striking, as are the locations in which children were placed; nearly half of those bound to traditional trades remained within the vicinity of the port. The thesis also sheds new light on a largely overlooked aspect of pauper apprenticeship, the binding of boys into the Merchant service. Furthermore, the availability of sea apprenticeships as well as traditional placements caused some children to be shipped in to the ports for apprenticeships. Of those who were still shipped out to the factories, the evidence shows that far from dying out, as previously thought, the practice of batch apprenticeship persisted under the New Poor Law. The most significant finding of the thesis is the survival and endurance of pauper apprenticeship as an institution involving both Poor Law and charity children. Poor children were still being apprenticed late into the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Pauper apprenticeship is shown to have been a robust, resilient and resurgent institution. The evidence from port towns offers significant revision to the existing historiography of pauper apprenticeship.
14
Coleman, Jonathan. « Rent : Same-Sex Prostitution in Modern Britain, 1885-1957 ». UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/15.
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Rent: Same-Sex Prostitution in Modern Britain, 1885-1957 chronicles the concept of “rent boys” and the men who purchased their services. This dissertation demonstrates how queer identity in Britain, until contemporary times, was largely regulated by class, in which middle-and-upper-class queer men often perceived of working-class bodies as fetishized consumer goods. The “rent boy” was an upper-class queer fantasy, and working-class men sometimes used this fantasy for their own agenda while others intentionally dismantled the “rent boy” trope, refusing to submit to upper-class expectations. This work also explains how the “rent boy” fantasy was eventually relegated to the periphery of queer life during the mid-century movement for decriminalization. The movement was controlled by queer elites who ostracized economic-based and public forms of sex and emphasized the bourgeois sexual mores of their heterosexual counterparts. Sex between adult men in private was decriminalized, but working-class men selling sex suffered harsher laws and more strictly enforced penalties under this new, ostensibly “progressive” legislation.
15
Dredge, Sarah. « Accommodating feminism : Victorian fiction and the nineteenth-century women's movement ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36917.
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The research field of this thesis is framed by the major political and legal women's movement campaigns from the 1840s to the 1870s: the debates over the Married Women's Property Act; over philanthropy and methods of addressing social ills; the campaign for professional opportunities for women, and the arguments surrounding women's suffrage. I address how these issues are considered and contextualised in major works of Victorian fiction: Anne Bronte's The Tenant of Wildfell Hall (1848), Elizabeth Gaskell's North and South (1855), Charlotte Bronte's Villette (1853), and George Eliot's Middlemarch (1871--2).In works of fiction by women, concepts of social justice were not constrained by layers of legal abstraction and the obligatory political vocabulary of "disinterest." Contemporary fiction by women could thus offer some of the most developed articulations of women's changing expectations. This thesis demonstrates that the Victorian novel provides a distinct synthesis of, and contribution to, arguments grouped under the rubric of the "woman question." The novel offers a perspective on feminist politics in which conflicting social interests and demands can be played out, where ethical questions meet everyday life, and human relations have philosophical weight. Given women's traditional exclusion from the domain of legitimate (authoritative) speech, the novels of Gaskell, the Bronte's, and Eliot, traditionally admired for their portrayal of moral character, play a special role in giving voice to the key political issues of women's rights, entitlements, and interests. Evidence for the political content and efficacy of these novels is drawn from archival sources which have been little used in literary studies (including unpublished materials), as well as contemporary periodicals. Central among these is the English Woman's Journal. Conceived as the mouthpiece of the early women's movement, the journal offers a valuable record of the feminist activity of the period. Though it has not been widely exploited, particularly in literary studies, detailed study of the journal reveals close parallels between the ideological commitments and concerns of the women's movement and novels by mid-Victorian women.
16
Cueva, Samuel. « Partnership in mission in creative tension : an analysis of the relationships in mission within the Evangelical Movement with special reference to Peru and Britain 1987-2006 ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683024.
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17
Foggo, Anthony. « The radical experiment in Liverpool and its influence on the reform movement in the early Victorian period ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2012339/.
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This thesis investigates the development of radical politics in Liverpool in the first half of the nineteenth century and argues that distinctive events and trends in Liverpool exercised an important influence on the activities of the Reform Movement nationally between 1848 and 1854. It addresses two important but largely neglected areas of historiography: first, the political history of Liverpool in the years between the abolition of the slave trade and the mass influx of Irish refugees in mid-century, during which time the town rose to commercial pre-eminence; secondly, the influence of major provincial centres such as Liverpool on politics at the national level. The origins of Liverpool’s reformist Town Council of 1835-1841 are traced and show a continuity of thought and personalities over several decades against a backdrop of Tory paternalism and institutionalised corruption. The new reformist administration is seen as laying the foundations of a modern society through good governance, financial economy, civil liberty and innovation. On the Corn Laws issue, Liverpool’s reformers were reluctant to follow Manchester’s lead, preferring to pursue free trade on a broad front. This study follows their progress and shows how, ultimately, their thinking on financial reform influenced Cobden’s “National Budget” and remained an ever-present stimulus for several decades. The most prominent of Liverpool’s radical reformers was Sir Joshua Walmsley, whose achievements in both municipal and national politics have received much less attention from historians than they have merited. This study details the influences and experiences in his early career and then traces how, through political dexterity, he pushed parliamentary reform to the forefront of the national political agenda and established the National Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association in 1849. The influence exerted by his Liverpool background on both his political development and style of campaigning may be seen throughout his parliamentary career.
18
Reeh, Tina Alice Bonne. « The Church of England and Britain's Cold War, 1937-1948 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2c197863-2037-4cf9-af48-590f5694abea.
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The thesis deals with Britain's early Cold War history and the political history of the Church of England. It mainly uses primary sources, and contributes to our growing understanding of the early Cold War, especially in its cultural/religious elements. It explores how the Church of England dealt with the development of the early Cold War in Britain. It argues that in order to understand better the Church of England's role, an account of its perspective on issues of state modernisation dating back to at least the 1930s is necessary. It was then, during a decade of authoritarianism, and especially at the Oxford Conference of 1937, that the Church' standpoint towards secularisation was established, while the transnational agenda of the ecumenical movement was also adopted and internalized by Church of England. The thesis also examines the agencies which it built and worked with: in particular the British Council of Churches and the World Council of Churches. As the Church is the Established Church, its relationship with specific government agencies, especially the British Foreign Office and the Ministry of Information also became increasingly important. The thesis reveals the Church of England's lack of autonomy in time of crisis and the importance of key individuals for the institutional leadership of the Church. Its ecumenical agenda had played an important role, but this was under pressure after the War, as a Europe-wide Christian community was increasingly challenged by 'Western Union' plans for a Cold War Western, Christian community and bloc. By 1948 the Church had been enrolled in the Cold War between East and West which was apparent in its alignment with British government policies and its withdrawn role in the ecumenical community. The thesis adds to our understanding of the Church of England's relationship to the state in these years, and contributes to the cultural dimension of the early Cold War in Britain.
19
Weesjes, Elke Marloes. « Children of the Red Flag : growing up in a communist family during the Cold War : a comparative analysis of the British and Dutch communist movement ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7572/.
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This thesis assesses the extent of social isolation experienced by Dutch and British ‘children of the red flag', i.e. people who grew up in communist families during the Cold War. This study is a comparative research and focuses on the political and non-political aspects of the communist movement. By collating the existing body of biographical research and prosopographical literature with oral testimonies this thesis sets out to build a balanced picture of the British and Dutch communist movement. The study is divided into two parts. Part I discusses the political life of communists within the wider context of the history of British and Dutch communist organizations (i.e. both communist parties and their youth organizations) from 1901-1970. Part II discusses the private and public life of British and Dutch communists in the period 1940-1970. The latter draws upon oral testimonies and questions if non-political aspects of communist life were based on a Soviet model. The experiences of communist children are explored into detail within the context of the following topics; political and cultural upbringing, prescription and aspirations, neighbourhood, school & education, work & employment, money & poverty and friendships & relationships. The interviews are being used as a means of testing the accuracy of two authors in particular; Jolande Withuis and Raphael Samuel, who both published pioneering works on communist mentality. The originality of this project rests in its approach; it is a comparative research inspired by both oral history and memory studies. Instead of emphasizing the idea of a unified and centralized (international) communist movement, this thesis argues that cultural, social and political differences between Britain and the Netherlands fundamentally influenced the nature and form of their respective communist movement and explain the discrepancy between the Dutch and British respondents' experiences. Applying the comparative approach this study challenges the existing definitions of communist identity and as such it contributes to recent comparative studies of the communist movement as well as studies of communist mentality.
20
Blakestad, Nancy Lynn. « King's College of Household and Social Science and the household science movement in English higher education, c. 1908-1939 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab86830a-8703-4d12-ac88-c3020a9eb7ef.
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This thesis is an account of the 'household and social science' course opened at King's College for Women in 1908 and its evolution up to 1939. The course was a significant departure for women's higher education in England as it was the first attempt to define a special university discipline based upon women's 'domestic' roles. However, historical accounts of women's higher education have either ignored or dismissed it, largely because of the predominance of'separate spheres' analyses in the historiography of women's higher education of the 1970s and early 1980s. Such accounts have presented the household science course in a negative light because of its 'domestic' image. This thesis thus offers a reassessment of the household science movement and those who supported it. The 'household science' concept owed its origin to the American 'home economies' movement which originated in the mid-nineteenth century. Chapter 1 provides a history of the home economics movement in America, tracing its evolution in the context of women's higher education until 1914. Initially home economics was seen as a 'vocational homemaking' course aiming to train women for home life. At the turn of the century, however, a 'scientific' model was developed by women scientists in order to promote research into social problems connected with the domestic sphere. These two models~the vocation and the scientific, have developed in tandem in American home economics. Chapters 2 and 3 consider the origins and early evolution of the 'household science' course in England, which was largely influenced by the American 'scientific' model. Chapter 2 first considers the concept of domestic education in the history of women's education and factors that precluded the development of a 'vocational homemaking' course in English higher education. The rest of the chapter analyses the origins of the household science movement in its social and intellectual context, in particular its connection with Edwardian preoccupations with 'physical deterioration' and infant mortality. Like their American counterparts, the founders of the course saw household science as a reform movement which aimed to promote research into domestic problems such as hygiene and nutrition, as well as to create a more useful and relevant university discipline for women's domestic roles, whether as housewife/mother or in 'municipal housekeeping' roles. Chapter 3 discusses the household science course from a disciplinary standpoint, looking at how the syllabus was constructed, the contemporary educational controversies it engendered, and its evolution up to 1920 when the B.Sc. degree was granted. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 examine the main factors which ultimately undermined the success of household science as a discipline. Chapter 4 evaluates career trends amongst KCHSS students from 1910-49, analysing to what extent the KCHSS administration was able to create a professional career structure for the household science discipline. The interplay between administrative policy, career trends, and professionalization is analyzed in relation to three career fields-social welfare, laboratory research, and dietetics. Chapters considers the professional conflicts between KCHSS and the domestic subjects teaching profession. Chapter 6 analyses KCHSS's failure to carve out a unique academic 'territory' or expertise and the various factors that affected this. The final chapter assesses how successful KCHSS was as an institution, looking at how students themselves experienced the course, their motivations for taking it, and its impact on their lives. Although household science was unsuccessful as a discipline, the course did give students a wide choice of career options, creating openings in less conventional spheres for women who did not want to teach and providing opportunities for the less-able student to follow a scientific career. The conclusion considers how the social climate of the interwar period affected the working out of the original household science ideals.
21
Weimer, Gregory Kent. « Forced Labor and the Land of Liberty : Naval Impressment, the Atlantic Slave Trade, and the British Empire in the Eighteenth Century ». Online version, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1197601289.
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Pittock, Murray. « Decadence and the English tradition ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6fa01d5c-e900-4ee8-9fb6-a8c3645e0bdd.
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The thesis sets out to do two things. It seeks first of all to describe the revival of interest in the Caroline era which defines the nature of an "English Tradition" in the Eighteen Nineties. Secondly, in doing so it seeks to reappraise three significant poets of that era, Ernest Dowson, Lionel Johnson, and Francis Thompson, in terms of their participation in this revival. The first chapter, "Craving Viaticum", deals with the general background of the Eighteen Nineties period. It suggests that the Symbolist movement equates with the Decadent one in a more direct way than has often been allowed, and deals with the era's enthusiasm for nostalgia and past ages as part of its reaction against current society. It also explores the period's allegiance to hero-figures. The second chapter, "The French Connection: Pater's Part", deals with Walter Pater, and evaluates him in terms of his art and criticism, suggesting how these develop from a nostalgic desire to re-create past ages in the image of his present ideals. The more exaggerated claims made by critics of his work for the influence of French writers on him are questioned, and Pater's relation to the "English Tradition" is discussed. In the third chapter, "The French Connection: Other Approaches", the tendentiousness of those critics who attempt to define the entire Decadent era in Britain in terms of French influences is discussed and exposed. The fourth chapter, "New Births of Decadence: The English Tradition and the Seventeenth Century", deals with the relation of the literature of the period to the Caroline era in detail, and the fifth chapter, "Of Academic Interest", is concerned with analysing this relationship through discussion of both contemporary and present-day critics, adducing statistical evidence to prove a resurgence of interest in the writers of the Caroline era in the period 1880-1910. The sixth chapter, "By the Statue of King Charles: The Jacobite Revival" deals with the political and religious aspects of the Caroline revival, and charts the growth of neo-Jacobitism in the Eighteen Nineties and its relation to literary history. The seventh chapter, "Against Nature: Defining Decadence", suggests that the root of Decadent thinking is myth, and that the counterpart of Symbolism in the world of decadent nostalgia was the iconic religious and political culture of the court of King Charles I, a convenient archetype for Decadent myths of ritual, aristocracy, and martyrdom. This discussion closes the first part of the thesis. "Francis Thompson, Faithful Decadent: Catholics and Criticism" is Chapter Eight. It discusses Francis Thompson in relation to his critics, and the manner in which views of his work have been polarised between two main schools of criticism. Chapter Nine, "Faithful in my Fashion", suggests a resolution of this historically polarised critical discussion by assessing Thompson's poetry in close relationship with the work of the seventeenth-century sacred poets. The tenth chapter, "Waif of Romance: The Poetry of Ernest Christopher Dowson", assesses Dowson in relation to Herrick and the Cavalier lyrists, discussing also how he stands as a type in relation to his age. The eleventh chapter, "Lionel Johnson: One of Those Who Fall: His Life and Ideas", is concerned with the crisis in Johnson's thought over the natures of guilt and beauty, and how this is illustrated in his poetry. The twelfth and final chapter, "The Life and Work of Lionel Johnson: A Long Blast Upon the Horn: His Work and Themes", assesses Johnson's nostalgia for the Stuart era in terms of a resolution of his present poetic crisis through past values. His intellectual and intertextual relationships with Ben Jonson and Marvell are also discussed. The thesis closes with an assessment of Johnson's achievement based on his allegiance to the Caroline revival with which the argument throughout has been concerned.
23
Kanwar, Ranvir Singh. « States, firms, and oil : British policy, 1939-54 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55809/.
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New evidence from the records of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (now British Petroleum) and Shell for the period, 1939-45 supplements accounts of British oil relations based on state archives. This historical account demonstrates the continuity between the interwar industry cartel and the Allied wartime collaboration orchestrated through industry committees. The companies made use of their quasi-official position to manage crisis of prewar arrangements aggravated by the war which presaged the rapid expansion of postwar Middle East production. The companies then shaped the Anglo-American Oil Agreements of 1944 and 1945, establishing a basis for remaking their position in the Middle East, expanding the web of interfirm relations. The nationalisation of Anglo- Iranian in 1951 threatened the web and the companies were able to embargo nationalised Iranian oil and thus bankrupt the state. This society of oil majors was constituted by shared understandings and interests cultivated by the companies. Structures of private governance may be quite significant factors for states allied to them. The United Kingdom was more closely tied into the system of private governance that prevailed in international oil in the middle decades of the century than was the United States and consequently was able to call on more resources to resist United States initiatives during this period. British influence persisted in the oil issue-area, in spite of greater United States resources overall, because of this close working relationship between state and companies. Close examination of the relationship reveals the extent of penetration by the companies into both the decision-malting and implementation of foreign relations. The `national' interest was thus articulated through an interplay of Governmental and corporate agendas, and this supports a general argument that `national' power is not exercised solely by the state, but by the state in cooperation with other powerful social institutions. Non-state actors and their archives may enrich the study of foreign relations.
24
Monastiriotis, Vassilis. « Labour market flexibility and regional economic performance in the UK, 1979-1998 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/834/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the last two decades labour market flexibility has gained recognition as an important factor for good economic performance. Over the same period, the UK has followed a significant labour market deregulation programme, achieving probably the most flexible labour market in Europe. The main purpose of this study is to offer a concrete analysis of labour market flexibility and measure the impact that changes in flexibility in the UK have had on its regional economic performance. The thesis starts with a review of the forces that have created the conditions for enhanced labour market flexibility. This includes a discussion of the elements of flexibility, identifying its different forms, types, sources and targets. Through a systematic literature review the relationship between labour market flexibility and economic performance is examined. Some original international empirical evidence is also offered, based on a panel of data from the OECD. I then proceed to develop a technical economic model, examining the effects of labour standards deregulation on economic outcomes and inequalities in economic opportunities. This is followed by a theoretical discussion of regional dynamics in relation to labour market flexibility, where issues of spatial dependence are considered. In the main body of the empirical analysis, a large number of flexibility measures are developed and their evolution over time and across space is thoroughly discussed. Then, the economic effects of labour market flexibility are formally examined. The conclusion of this empirical analysis is that, on balance, labour market flexibility seems to have improved economic performance in the UK regions, although efficiency gains have coincided with larger inequalities in labour compensation and economic opportunities. The various elements of flexibility, however, are found to have variable, often opposing effects, suggesting that the issue of flexibility and improved economic performance is not purely quantitative, but mostly related to the specific combination of labour market arrangements which can lead to better or worse social and economic outcomes. It follows that this issue cannot be studied in isolation from its socio-economic environment, as the economic benefits of flexibility are not universal but rather place- and context-specific.
25
Escott, Phillip. « Church growth theories and the Salvation Army in the United Kingdom : an examination of the theories of Donald McGavran and C Peter Wagner in relation to Salvation Army experience and practice (1982-1991) ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/12117.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Church Growth movement, originating with Donald McGavran in 1955 and popularised principally by C Peter Wagner since 1971, has influenced evangelical mission internationally. Though originating in the context of cross-cultural `missionary' work, it is perhaps now identified as a typically American approach, apparently relying on method and technique to accomplish its objective, which as the name implies, is the growth of the church, both locally and world-wide, since this is understood as the requirement of the `Great Commission' (Matthew 28: 18-20). The Salvation Army (founded 1865) has been in decline in Britain certainly since the Second World War, and probably since the 1930s. In 1986 the Army formally Espoused the Church Growth approach to mission. There has been little published research into the effectiveness of Church Growth methods, especially in the UK, despite voluminous outpourings of inspirational and motivational literature. Virtually the only test of the principles (Turning the Tide) was produced in 1981 by Paul Beasley-Murray and Alan Wilkinson, investigating the reliability of Wagner's` Vital Signs' in larger Baptist churches in England. This thesis follows Beasley-Murray and Wilkinson by testing the principles in the specific context of The Salvation Army in the UK. The approach adopted, a questionnaire survey with reference to statistical trends, follows the pragmatism of Church Growth itself, asking whether the approach works, rather than whether it is theologically sound, though such issues are considered where relevant. The opportunity has also been taken to consider specific Salvation Anny issues (uniform, music etc. ) and their effect on growth and decline. The work falls into four sections: - The Salvation Army; - The Church Growth Movement; - The Questionnaire Survey; - Conclusions and Recommendations.
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Loftus, Donna. « Social economy : cultures of work and community in mid-Victorian England ». Thesis, University of Chichester, 1998. http://eprints.chi.ac.uk/804/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Victorians were obsessed with work. In the numerous mid-century inquiries into the workplace labour emerged as a moral, social, political, as well as an economic category. These issues were part of a broader strategy of understanding the meanings and motivations of markets and production in an industrial age. On to the processes of production, gendered and racially specific categories could be mapped and relations and duties could be ordered. This thesis attempts to examine work as a cultural category which was mobilised in the mid-century to negotiate the roles and responsibilities of various actors. The period between the factory acts of the 1840s and those of the 1870s is the focus of this enquiry. Despite its perception as an age of stability, cushioned between two periods of relative unrest, the mid-century is seen here to bear witness to a wide ranging debate on the respective duties of state, employer and worker. Drawing on competing notions of markets and communities the subsequent discourses are considered as expressions of claims to middle-class authority, marking struggles between employers and other professionals to represent industrial England. Within these identified debates, the cultural significance and location of work appears to shift. Where the debates of the late forties might refer to local and paternalist forms of production, by the 1870s a greater emphasis was placed on the contribution and impact of work on the national community. In a bid to chart some of these shifts this thesis explores the centrality of work to emerging definitions of society. It is argued that the workplace and the market were considered as important sites, negotiating the inclusion of a respectable working class into public life and helping to define a democratic political community. This thesis emphasises the limits of these discourses by considering how the mid-century experience of industrial democracy exposed the tensions in political economy and liberal consensus.
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Lane, Jacqueline Ann. « A watershed decade in British industrial relations, 1965 to 1974 ? : the Donovan Commission Report, 'In Place of Strife', and the Industrial Relations Act of 1971 ». Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2017. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/34157/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Donovan Report (1965-1968) is often seen as one of the great failures in the overall attempt to deal with the thorny problem of the contentious nature of industrial relations in post-war Britain. This thesis re-examines that report and subsequent governmental responses, using numerous sources, many of which have barely been used by previous authors, in order to establish where it all went wrong. Such an examination is important to inform future governments on some of the problems of trying to legislate on industrial relations matters. This thesis addresses the central question addressed by the Report – the validity of employing legislation to deal with the problems within industrial relations, asking what contribution had legislation made to the ordering of industrial relations in the past, and what lessons future governments could take from that? Why did both the Labour Governments under Harold Wilson and the Conservative Government under Edward Heath choose to go beyond Donovan in their attempts to alter the role of the state in industrial relations Finally, could the Industrial Relations Act 1971, had it survived, have been to the benefit of trade unions in time? This thesis suggests that legislation had an important role to play in the ordering of industrial relations, and that collective bargaining alone, although effective in many areas, was unable to address issues which had wider implications, such as those relating to health and safety or the reconciliation of differences due to the laws’ interference with trade unions’ rights to defend their members and their own collective rights. Both the Labour and Conservative Governments chose to go beyond the measures proposed by Donovan because economic and political necessity demanded a greater measure of control over strike action. However, the inquiry had undoubtedly focused the debate on whether or not legislation could ever be the most appropriate tool for controlling industrial relations, and therefore acted as a catalyst for the reforms that followed. The Industrial Relations Act 1971 failed to bring about the hoped-for industrial peace. Its repeal in 1974, however, did nothing to prevent further rises in strikes after 1974. Piecemeal legislation in the 1980s and 1990s did bring about a greater level of industrial peace, but this suggests that it was not legislation per se that was the wrong strategy for controlling industrial relations, but rather the method and pace of implementation. Other means of maintaining industrial peace were experimented with and could have been successful if the political will had been there and the unions and employers had engaged more fully,but the seeds had been sown for legislative control and it was impossible to hold back the tide of restrictive legislation which followed these early forays into the concept of law as a means of controlling industrial relations. The Donovan Report did indeed represent the thin end of the legal wedge and opened the floodgates to the many enactments designed to control and emasculate the trade union movement which the Conservative governments of the 1980s and early 1990s were able to introduce. The collective failures of the Donovan Report, In Place of Strife and the Industrial Relations Act to bring about industrial peace were, however, only indicative that legislation was not the most appropriate means of achieving this goal at this particular point in time. Alternative attempts to reduce strikes and engage trade unions in closer working relationships with employers and their associations, and with the government, did meet with some success in the 1970s and may be usefully attempted again in the future. This will, however, depend on whether government is able to keep an open mind on the utility, or perhaps futility, of legislative controls such as those attempted in the years between 1965 and 1975.
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Mancuso, Rebecca 1964. « "This is our work" : The Women's Division of the Canadian Department of Immigration and Colonization, 1919-1938 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36649.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Anglophone women, working in a new capacity as federal civil servants, exercised a significant influence on Canadian immigration policy in the interwar years. This dissertation focuses on the women's division of the Canadian Department of Immigration and Colonization, an agency charged with recruiting British women for domestic service from 1919 to 1938. The division was a product of the women's wing of the social reform movement and prevailing theories of gender difference and anglo-superiority. Tracing its nearly twenty years of operations shows how the division, initially regarded as a source of imperial strength and a means of English Canada's cultural survival, came to symbolize the disadvantages of Canada's connection to Great Britain and supposed weaknesses inherent in the female character. This institutional study explores the real and imagined connections among gender, imperialism, and the changing socio-economic landscape of interwar Canada.
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Gilmour, Alison Julia. « Examining the 'hard-boiled bunch' : work culture and industrial relations at the Linwood car plant, c.1963-1981 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1830/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the nature of work culture and industrial relations at the Linwood car plant during the period 1963-1981. In Part One, Chapter One provides an overview of the historical debate over the use of oral testimony as well as introducing the methodology employed within the oral history project encompassed within the thesis. Chapter Two provides an analysis of the nature of work at the Linwood car plant and the ways in which this impacted on behaviour and attitudes in the workplace. This is further developed in Chapter Three where the focus is on organisational mischief, and consideration is given to the nature, consequences and explanations for this behaviour. The analysis developed in Part One, focuses on the dominant explanations for problematic industrial relations based on the notion of a ‘clash of work cultures’ due to an absence of intrinsic rewards in automated assembly-line work. Within the thesis such dominant narratives are not entirely supported by the Linwood sample, as a wide variety of attitudes towards work are exhibited, leading the thesis to question the validity of the categories of intrinsic and extrinsic reward. In Part Two of the thesis there is a shift in focus as the analysis concentrates on structures of authority at Linwood and the impact on industrial relations. Chapter Four gives consideration to the influence of historical contingency on management decision-making. Part of the 1976 government rescue package was a Planning Agreement incorporating employee participation in management decision-making that articulated with the Labour government’s manifesto commitment to industrial democracy. Yet throughout the different phases of ownership, interactions between management and workers at the Linwood plant explored in this thesis reveal a dichotomy between the rhetoric and reality of industrial democracy and worker participation. The final chapter of the thesis offers an exploration of shop floor industrial politics, and causes of strikes, to highlight the narratives of tension underpinning interactions at Linwood. The thesis provides a nuanced approach, highlighting variety of experience and importantly a complex interplay of interests shaping work culture and the nature of industrial relations in the car plant.
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Gibbs, Ewan. « Deindustrialisation and industrial communities : the Lanarkshire coalfields c.1947-1983 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7751/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines deindustrialisation, the declining contribution of industrial activities to economic output and employment, in Lanarkshire, Scotland’s largest coalfield between the early nineteenth and mid-twentieth century. It focuses on contraction between the National Coal Board’s (NCB) vesting in 1947 and the closure of Lanarkshire’s last colliery, Cardowan, in 1983. Deindustrialisation was not the natural outcome of either market forces or geological exhaustion. Colliery closures and falling coal employment were the result of policy-makers’ decisions. The thesis consists of four thematic chapters: political economy, moral economy, class and community, and generation and gender. The analysis is based on archival sources including Scottish Office reports and correspondence relating to regional policy, and NCB records. These are supported by National Union of Mineworkers Scottish Area and STUC meeting minutes, and oral history testimonies from over 30 men and women with Lanarkshire coalfield backgrounds, as well as two focus groups. The first two chapters analyse the process of deindustrialisation, with the first offering a top-down perspective and the second a bottom-up viewpoint. In chapter one deindustrialisation is analysed through changes in political economy. Shifts in labour market structure are examined through the development of regional policy and its administration by the Scottish Office. The analysis centres upon a policy network of Scottish business elites and civil servants who shaped a vision of modernisation via industrial diversification through attracting inward investment. In chapter two the perspective shifts to community and workforce. It analyses responses to coalfield contraction through a moral economy of customary rights to colliery employment. A detailed investigation of Lanarkshire colliery closures between the 1940s and 1980s emphasises the protracted nature of deindustrialisation. Chapters three and four consider the social and cultural structures which shaped the moral economy but were heavily altered by deindustrialisation. Chapter three focuses on the dense networks that linked occupation, community, and class consciousness. Increasing coalfield centralisation and remote control of pits from NCB headquarters in London, and mounting hostility to coal closures, contributed to an accentuated sense of Scottish-ness. Chapter four illuminates gender and generational dimensions. The differing experiences of cohorts of men who faced either early retirement, redundancy or transfer to alternative sectors, or those who never attained anticipated industrial employment due to final closures, are analysed in terms of constructions of masculinity and the endurance of cultural as well as material losses. This is counterpoised to women who gained industrial work in assembly plants and the perceived gradual attainment of an improved economic and social position whilst continuing to navigate structures of patriarchy.
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Mercurio, Jeremiah Romano. « Fantasy as a mode in British and Irish literary decadence, 1885–1925 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1964.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This Ph. D. thesis investigates the use of fantasy by British and Irish 'Decadent' authors and illustrators, including Oscar Wilde, Max Beerbohm, Aubrey Beardsley, 'Vernon Lee' (Violet Paget), Ernest Dowson, and Charles Ricketts. Furthermore, this study demonstrates why fantasy was an apposite form for literary Decadence, which is defined in this thesis as a supra-generic mode characterized by its anti-mimetic impulse, its view of language as autonomous and artificial, its frequent use of parody and pastiche, and its transgression of boundaries between art forms. Literary Decadence in the United Kingdom derives its view of autonomous language from Anglo-German Romantic philology and literature, consequently being distinguished from French Decadence by its resistance to realism and Naturalism, which assume language's power to signify the 'real world'. Understanding language to be inorganic, Decadent writers blithely countermand notions of linguistic fitness and employ devices such as catachresis, paradox, and tautology, which in turn emphasize the self-referentiality of Decadent texts. Fantasy furthers the Decadent argument about language because works of fantasy bear no specific relationship to 'reality'; they can express anything evocable within language, as J.R.R. Tolkien demonstrates with his example of "the green sun" (a phrase that can exist independent of the sun's actually being green). The thesis argues that fantasy's usefulness in underscoring arguments about linguistic autonomy explains its widespread presence in Decadent prose and visual art, especially in genres that had become associated with realism and Naturalism, such as the novel (Chapter 1), the short story (Chapter 3), drama (Chapter 4), and textual illustration (Chapter 2). The thesis also analyzes Decadents' use of a wholly non-realistic genre, the fairy tale (see Chapter 5), in order to delineate the consequences of their use of fantasy for the construction of character and gender within their texts.
32
McGuire, Dorothy Ellen. « Go West for a wife : family farming in West Central Scotland 1850-1930 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3302/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The historical geography of farming in the West Central Region of Scotland has been under-researched. Generalisations based on research relating to other parts of the country are misleading because the development and forms of agriculture in the West Central Region were distinctive. Traditionally this is an area of dairy farming which, during the research period (c.1850-1930) was characterised by small family labour farms. The concentration of small farms, on which the faming family and a few hired workers formed the core labour-force, and where the distinctions between employer and employed were less than on the large arable farms of the East, had consequences for rural social structure, mitigating the effects of capitalism. Through a small set of family labour farms, and the families associated with them, the thesis takes a grassroots approach to exploring the pattern of life on the farms of the Region, with particular regard to gender relations. The survival of such farms, contrary to Marxist expectations is investigated, along with the resilience of the farms during the period of ‘The Great Agricultural Depression.’ Glasgow, the economic capital of the Region, underwent phenomenal growth during the nineteenth century, and had a massive impact upon local agriculture. Glasgow and its satellite towns were a market for agricultural produce, and a source of imported livestock feed, and fertilisers. The fashions, in the town, for consumer goods and non-traditional foodstuffs spread out to the surrounding Region, and interaction between town and country was facilitated by the development of the railways. The significance of farm location in relation to Glasgow is assessed.
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Considine, Marie. « The social, political and economic determinants of a modern portrait artist, Bernard Fleetwood-Walker (1893-1965) ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3639/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the first major study of the portrait artist Bernard Fleetwood-Walker (1893-1965), this thesis locates the artist in his social, political and economic context, arguing that his portraiture can be seen as an exemplar of modernity. The portraits are shown to be responses to modern life, revealed not in formally avant-garde depictions, but in the subject-matter. Industrial growth, the increasing population, expanding suburbs, and a renewed interest in the outdoor life and popular entertainment are reflected in Fleetwood-Walker’s artistic output. The role played by exhibition culture in the creation of the portraits is analysed: developing retail theory affected gallery design and exhibition layout and in turn impacted on the size, subject matter and style of Fleetwood-Walker’s portraits. Emerging, and soon dominant, tabloid newspapers shaped content and language to attract readers, influencing the articulation of the reception of the artist’s work. This thesis also makes a contribution to the regional perspective, demonstrating the temporary co-existence of multiple, heterogeneous, modern art worlds. Throughout the thesis the relevance of economic factors is emphasised, reappraising the Marxist theory of modern art and concluding that a more complex economic description is required to provide a sensitive and insightful analysis of art history.
34
Low, Michael Christopher. « Empire of the Hajj pilgrims, plagues, and pan-Islam under British surveillance,1865-1926 / ». unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07082007-174715/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Stephen H. Rapp, committee chair; Donald M. Reid, committee member. Electronic text (210 p. : ill. (some col.), maps, facsim.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Dec. 20, 2007; title from file title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-210).
35
Lewis, Elizabeth Faith. « Peter Guthrie Tait : new insights into aspects of his life and work : and associated topics in the history of mathematics ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6330.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this thesis I present new insights into aspects of Peter Guthrie Tait's life and work, derived principally from largely-unexplored primary source material: Tait's scrapbook, the Tait–Maxwell school-book and Tait's pocket notebook. By way of associated historical insights, I also come to discuss the innovative and far-reaching mathematics of the elusive Frenchman, C.-V. Mourey. P. G. Tait (1831–1901) F.R.S.E., Professor of Mathematics at the Queen's College, Belfast (1854–1860) and of Natural Philosophy at the University of Edinburgh (1860–1901), was one of the leading physicists and mathematicians in Europe in the nineteenth century. His expertise encompassed the breadth of physical science and mathematics. However, since the nineteenth century he has been unfortunately overlooked—overshadowed, perhaps, by the brilliance of his personal friends, James Clerk Maxwell (1831–1879), Sir William Rowan Hamilton (1805–1865) and William Thomson (1824–1907), later Lord Kelvin. Here I present the results of extensive research into the Tait family history. I explore the spiritual aspect of Tait's life in connection with The Unseen Universe (1875) which Tait co-authored with Balfour Stewart (1828–1887). I also reveal Tait's surprising involvement in statistics and give an account of his introduction to complex numbers, as a schoolboy at the Edinburgh Academy. A highlight of the thesis is a re-evaluation of C.-V. Mourey's 1828 work, La Vraie Théorie des quantités négatives et des quantités prétendues imaginaires, which I consider from the perspective of algebraic reform. The thesis also contains: (i) a transcription of an unpublished paper by Hamilton on the fundamental theorem of algebra which was inspired by Mourey and (ii) new biographical information on Mourey.
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NI, LOCHLAINN Aoife. « A question of allegiance ? : ideology, agency and structure : British-based union in Ireland 1922-1960 ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5915.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 25 November 2005Examining board: Prof. Alan S. Milward, UK Cabinet Office, London (Supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch, University of Warwick ; Prof. Mary E. Daly, University College Dublin ; Prof. Dermot Keogh, University College Cork
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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JORDAN, Alexander. « 'Noble just industrialism' : Saint-Simonism in the political thought of Thomas Carlyle ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35438.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 March 2015Examining Board: Professor Martin Van Gelderen, EUI / University of Göttingen (supervisor); Professor Ann Thomson, EUI (second reader); Professor Gregory Claeys, Royal Holloway, University of London; Professor Brian Young, Christ Church, University of Oxford.
This thesis deals with the contribution of the Saint-Simonians, a group of early French socialists, to the political thought of Thomas Carlyle, one of the most eminent Victorian intellectuals. First, an introduction surveys the existing secondary literature, and discusses the theory and method employed in the thesis. The subsequent chapter briefly recounts the story of Carlyle's encounter with the Saint-Simonians during the early 1830s. Each of the following five chapters deals with the 'transfer' of a particular Saint-Simonian concept, that is, the use that Carlyle made of the concept in a specifically British context. These five concepts are, broadly: (1) 'Industrialism'; (2) History; (3) Democracy and Laissez-Faire; (4) the 'Organisation of Labour'; (5) Empire. Finally, an epilogue addresses the contribution of Carlyle's thought to the early Labour movement, 1880-1935.
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Quirk, Joel. « The Anti-slavery project : bridging the historical and contemporary ». Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150354.
Texte intégral
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« A comparative study of the trade union movement in South Africa and the United Kingdom with special reference to their economic impact ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7050.
Texte intégralRésumé :
M.Comm.This chapter has provided the quantitative analysis into the question of trade unions affecting productivity and unit labour costs in a negative manner. We started by making the statement that investing in capital inputs usually requires the company concerned to borrow funds from a bank, against the current lending rate. Should this lending rate increase, we would expect the amount of fixed capital invested to fall and vice versa. The pattern of interest rates and gross fixed capital formation followed this orthodox theory but that of South Africa has not: where interest rates have been rising, so too has the level of fixed investment. One may therefore conclude that industries in South Africa value capital inputs highly and are prepared to pay a higher price in order to have more capital inputs in their production process. We then went on to analyse the South African motor vehicle industry and came to the conclusion that the factor inputs of capital and labour were not optimally allocated and that the industry operated at a less than efficient point. In fact, labour was being over-utilised and capital was being under-utilised. We also noted that labour productivity over the past decade had been declining: labour was more productive in 1984 than in 1993. The only way for the South African motor vehicle industry to become more internationally competitive is for it to operate more efficiently and contain costs. One of the ways in which it could do this would be to move closer to the level of optimum factor input; this will mean that both capital and labour inputs will be better allocated. More capital needs to be utilised and several thousand workers needs to be retrenched; Kleynhans estimates 24 000 to 36 000 workers (1994: 143). It is most likely to be the actions of labour unions that have caused vast numbers of unproductive workers to be employed at high wages. Any past attempt to reduce the size of the workforce has naturally met with strong criticism from the unions and this has led to strike action and work stoppages. Unfortunately, the harsh reality is that labour needs to be replaced by capital if the industry is to survive internationally. It was noted in a table comparing the average remuneration of workers in the motor vehicle industry of different countries that the seven other countries discussed all showed higher rates of remuneration than in South Africa. Since these countries all have highly competitive motor vehicle manufacturing industries, one must be led to the conclusion that the higher wages are only paid because of a high rate of labour productivity within that sector. This again sustains the argument that higher wages are not detrimental to an industrial sector, provided productivity is relatively higher than the wage increases. The next industry to be considered was the South African clothing industry. Again the analysis proved that factor inputs were not optimally allocated. It appeared that capital was over-utilised and labour was under-utilised but after testing the significance of the result, Clark (1996: 72) said that this was not necessarily true. The marginal productivity of capital indicated that capital inputs used in the production process are unproductive: this was confirmed by the fact that the marginal product of capital was negative. However, referring to table 5.3 which gave the production, capital and labour data for the industry, usage of the factor input capital seems to have remained constant. One would therefore conclude that as output has been increasing, the contribution of the factor input capital has been decreasing. Clark (1996 : 91) outlines two possible reasons for this phenomenon: firstly, depreciating exchange rates have meant that capital inputs have become more expensive and could have forced the industry to "make do" with less capital inputs and secondly, the imposition of economic sanctions meant that it was difficult to purchase and import such capital goods. A process of sub-contracting out to small and medium concerns then occurred, some of whom could not afford to service or replace existing machinery and so turn to more labour-intensive methods of clothing production. Labour inputs in the production process did make a positive contribution: this was confirmed by labour having a positive output elasticity coefficient but the actual productivity of each individual worker has fallen. In other words the reason for the positive contribution was the addition of extra labour units to production and not by each worker contributing more to the production process. The final industry that was analysed was the mining and quarrying industry. The data illustrates that the real output level is falling, as is the number of persons employed in the sector. The unit labour costs have risen enormously which suggests that fewer workers are being paid more to produce less output. Added to this is the fact that more capital inputs are being used that ten years ago and the capital to labour ratio index has been steadily increasing further suggests that some units of labour input are being replaced by units of extra capital input. Using the data in table 5.8 of the annual average growth rates, the average growth rate of the labour productivity index shows a negative pattern: in other words, labour is becoming less and less productive and consequently workers are being retrenched and more capital is being employed, even though the cost of utilising more capital in the industry is increasing the whole time.
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FETZER, Thomas. « Driven towards internationalisation : British trade union politics at Ford and Vauxhall, 1960-2001 ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5779.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 October 2005Examining Board: Prof. Colin Crouch, University of Warwick ; Prof. Hartmut Kaelble, Humboldt-Universität Berlin ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Steven Tolliday, University of Leeds
First made available online 13 December 2018
The call to look beyond national borders in writing history has come into fashion. Labels which designate this trend proliferate, and already there are debates about delimitations between different “schools”: “international”, “transnational”, “global” and “world” history compete for conceptual hegemony, and they do not exhaust the terminological variety offered. This trend equally applies to labour and trade union history. Van der Linden has criticised the “methodological nationalism” o f past research agendas within the discipline, and has advocated a shift towards what at times he calls “transnational”, at times “global” labour history. A t first sight, these claims may seem surprising: The labour movement has a very long tradition o f international organisation, and debates about “internationalism” have been present since the mid 19th century; indeed, this particular history has had a considerable impact upon the evolution of the term “international” itself. Numerous studies have been carried out on the international organisations the labour movement has created since then.
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Rainford, Neil. « Statism, voluntarism and the eight-hour day a comparative history of labor ideology in the United States and Great Britain, 1880-1920 / ». 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37925487.html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1997.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-163).
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Hunt, Jocelyn B. « Understanding the London Corresponding Society : A Balancing Act between Adversaries Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke ». Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/7273.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the intellectual foundation of the London Corresponding Society’s (LCS) efforts to reform Britain's Parliamentary democracy in the 1790s. The LCS was a working population group fighting for universal male suffrage and annual parliaments in a decade that was wrought with internal social and governmental tension. Many Britons, especially the aristocracy and those in the government, feared the spread of ideas of republicanism and equality from revolutionary France and responded accordingly by oppressing the freedom of speech and association. At first glance, the LCS appears contradictory: it supported the hierarchical status quo but fought for the voice and representation of the people; and it believed that the foundation for rights was natural but also argued its demands for equal rights were drawn from Britain’s ancient unwritten constitution. This thesis contextualizes these ideas using a contemporary debate, the Burke-Paine controversy, as Edmund Burke was the epitome of eighteenth century conservative constitutionalism in Reflections on the Revolution in France while Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man represented a Lockean interpretation of natural rights and equality. Thus using Reflections and Rights of Man as a framework, this thesis demonstrates that the LCS thoroughly understood its demands for parliamentary reform and uniformly applied its interpretation of natural rights and equality to British constitutionalism and the social and governmental hierarchies.
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James, Ervin. « Unity, Justice and Protection : The Colored Trainmen of America's Struggle to End Jim Crow in the American Railroad Industry [and Elsewhere] ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-08-11513.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Colored Trainmen of America (CTA) actively challenged Jim Crow policies on the job and in the public sphere between the 1930s and 1950s. In response to lingering questions concerning the relationship between early black labor activism and civil rights protest, this study goes beyond both local lure and cursory research. This study examines the Colored Trainmen's major contributions to the advancement of African Americans. It also provides context for some of the organization's shortcomings in both realms. On the job the African American railroad workers belonging to the CTA fought valiantly to receive the same opportunities for professional growth and development as whites working in the operating trades of the railroad industry. In the public sphere, these men collectively protested second-class services and accommodations both on and off the clock.
Neither their agenda, the scope of their activities, nor their influence was limited to the railroad lines the members of the CTA operated within the Gulf Coast region. The CTA belonged to a progressive coalition comprised of four other powerful independent African American labor unions committed to unyielding labor activism and the toppling of Jim Crow. Together, they all worked to effectuate meaningful social change in partnership with national civil rights attorney Charles H. Houston. Houston's experience and direction, coupled with the CTA's dedicated membership and willingness to challenge authority, created considerable momentum in movements aimed at toppling racial inequality in the workplace and elsewhere.
Like most of their predecessors, the CTA's struggle for advancement fits within a continuum of successive challenges to economic exploitation and racial inequality. No single person or organization can take full credit for ending segregation or achieving equality. Many who remain nameless and faceless contributed and sacrificed. This study not only chronicles the contribution of a relatively unsung African American labor organization that waged war against Jim Crow on two different fronts, it also pays homage to a few more individuals who made a difference in the lives of an entire race of people during the course of a bitterly contested, never-ending struggle for racial equality in the United States of America during the twentieth century.
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Erickson, Tammy Marie. « A critique of Marx's theory of alienation ». Diss., 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is a critique of Marx's theory of alienation with emphasis on how Marx
constructed his definition of man and consciousness. The main premise of the theory is that
private property caused alienation but the hypothesis of this dissertation is that because the
theory defined man and consciousness in an erroneous manner alienation was not possible, and that the conditions observed by Marx were exacerbated by landlessness.Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)