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1
Mello, William J. "Labor and the New Millennium: Class, Vision, and Change. The Twenty-second North American Labor History Conference." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 212–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901244524.
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Wayne State University, in Detroit, Michigan, once again hosted the twenty- second North American Labor History Conference (NALHC). Held between October 19–21, 2000, the conference was an incursion into cutting-edge scholarly research, examining the history of working-class and labor movements in the United States, Europe, Canada, and Mexico, as well as Central and Latin America. NALHC explored the deep-rooted relations among work and race, gender, ethnicity, citizenship, and the economy. A unique and particularly interesting aspect of the conference was that many of the panels were composed of both activists and academics of the labor movement, which made the examination of past and present issues of working-class life highly informative.
2
Zwahr, Hartmut, Donah Geyer, and Marcel van der Linden. "Class Formation and the Labor Movement as the Subject of Dialectic Social History." International Review of Social History 38, S1 (1993): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112313.
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As an introduction to this essay, three points need to be made. First, the European labor movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on which we focus here, were part of bourgeois society. Secondly, they were a factor that challenged bourgeois society and thus contributed in several different ways to its change. Thirdly, as a result of this interaction, the labor movements themselves underwent changes. All of those were lasting changes. The systemic changes, imposed by revolutionary or military force, that accompanied the experiment in socialism, were not. In countries where the labor movement pursued socialist aims prior to the First World War on the crumbling foundations of a primarily pre-bourgeois society, such as in eastern and south-eastern Europe, it was the most radical force behind political democratization and modernization (Russia; Russian Poland: the Kingdom of Poland, Bulgaria). But it could not compensate for the society's evident lack of basic civic development, whereas the socialist experiment in Soviet Russia led not only to the demise of democratization but also to a halt of embourgeoisement.
3
Druxes, Helga, and Patricia Anne Simpson. "Pegida as a European Far-Right Populist Movement." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340401.
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Historian Geoff Eley argues that the idea of Europe has contracted from the ideal of a pluralistic community with the potential to integrate cultural “Others” to a “narrowly understood market-defined geopolitical drive for the purposes of competitive globalization.” Global deregulation, he states, has produced streams of labor migrants and the tightening of Europe’s external borders, while the economic expansion of Europe to more member countries since 1992 has opened up new divisions and inequalities among them. Aftereffects from the break-up of the East bloc can be felt in the escalation of antiminority violence in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as “the smouldering slow burn of the legacies of colonialism” in Western Europe. These diverse pressures and anxieties coalesce on the spectral figure of the Islamic fundamentalist at Europe’s gates.
4
Swenson, Peter A. "Varieties of Capitalist Interests: Power, Institutions, and the Regulatory Welfare State in the United States and Sweden." Studies in American Political Development 18, no. 1 (2004): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0400001x.
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Current wisdom about the American welfare state's laggard status among advanced industrial societies, by attributing it to the weakness of the Left and organized labor, poses a historical puzzle. In the 1930s, the United States experienced a dramatically progressive turn in social policy-making. New Deal Democrats, dependent on financing from capitalists, passed landmark social insurance reforms without backing from a well-organized and electorally successful labor movement like those in Europe, especially Scandinavia. Sweden, by contrast, with the world's strongest Social Democratic labor movement, did not pass important social insurance legislation until the following two decades.
5
Gonick, Sophie. "Fordist Absences: Madrid's Right to Housing Movement as Labor Struggle." International Labor and Working-Class History 93 (2018): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000321.
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AbstractThroughout the literature on contemporary populism in Europe, scholars point to increasing precarity brought about by post-Fordist labor relations as a central component in outrage on both the Left and the Right. Focusing on the case of Madrid and its right to housing movement, I instead argue that current mobilizations need to be understood as the product of the long absence of Fordist urban economic arrangements. I demonstrate how the working class was only able to attain full membership in the city during the recent economic boom. With the property crash, that membership appeared fleeting, triggering both inequality and outrage. Ultimately, I insist on the role of housing in the production of class formation and subjectivities.
6
van der Linden, Marcel. "The “Globalization” of Labor and Working-Class History and its Consequences." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 136–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000092.
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Labor historians from Europe and North America frequently assert that their discipline is not in a healthy state. Such a picture is a distortion, however, for the world does not stop at the equator: in various regions of Latin America, Africa and Asia the historiography of workers and labor movements has made great strides in the last twenty to thirty years. Labor history's “globalization” calls for a new type of historiography, which transcends old-style labor history from North America and Europe by incorporating its findings in a new globally-orientated approach. This article discusses some of the main issues involved: problems of a general theoretical nature, of conceptualization, multidisciplinarity, and sources. The article also identifies a few research desiderata.
7
Moch, Leslie Page. "Migration and the Nation." Social Science History 28, no. 1 (2004): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012724.
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The theme of this year’s meeting, “International Perspectives on Social Science History,” rises out of two realities. The first is the recognized international character of phenomena under study, such as fertility decline, political contention, family strategies in response to changing conditions, gendered work, migration, labor, and policing. The second is the way in which the Social Science History Association (SSHA) operates across borders and among scholars in the Americas, Europe, and Asia to investigate common scholarly problems. The attention of migration scholars is now focused on global movements of people and international migrations, particularly immigration. The politics and policies of receiving newcomers are very important now–in the Americas and in Europe. The SSHA is giving its attention to the old and new international immigrants to the United States, as in last year’s session on Nancy Foner’s fine book on New York,From Ellis Island to JFK(2000), and the presidential address by Caroline Brettell (2002) on the quantitative and qualitative methods by which we can understand human movement.
8
Field, Geoffrey, and Michael Hanagan. "ILWCH: Forty Years On." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000324.
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This issue celebrates the fortieth anniversary ofInternational Labor and Working-Class History. A relative youngster, it was a product of the second of two waves that resulted in the foundation of many labor history journals and societies.1The first wave, between roughly 1956 and 1962 included the Dutch-basedInternational Review of Social History;2the Feltrinelli Institute'sAnnaliin Italy; Le mouvement socialin France;Labor Historyin the United States; the BritishBulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History;3the West GermanArchiv fur Sozialgeschichte;and Australia'sLabour History. These journals developed at a time when organized labor and left-wing politics were strong and confident of their future,4although many who were active in these journals were highly critical of the political strategies of the existing Left and, in Eric Hobsbawm's words, viewed them “as an attempt to find a way forward in Left politics through historical reflection.”5The second wave of journal creation in labor history took place in the 1970s and included not onlyILWCH(1972), butRadical History Review(1975),Labour/Le Travail(1976), andHistory Workshop Journal(1976). These journals were especially shaped by the radicalism of the 1960s—the Vietnam War, the Cuban revolution, and the wave of student, feminist, and left-wing unrest in Europe and the world in 1968 and subsequently.6The new journals were more transnational and more comparative; malleable youths, these journals were more susceptible to the influence of the social movements evolving around them. They were more attentive to the relationship between metropole and colonial territories and more focused on the burgeoning fields of black studies and women's history than was true earlier. Drawing upon the work of sociologists, political scientists, and demographers, they were also animated by the tremendous explosion of social history in the 1960s and 1970s and new research underway on social protest movements, race, and social conditions.7
9
Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.
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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
10
Caruso, Amerigo, and Claire Morelon. "The Threat from Within across Empires: Strikes, Labor Migration, and Violence in Central Europe, 1900–1914." Central European History 54, no. 1 (2021): 86–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000448.
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AbstractThe decade before the First World War saw a heightened level of social and political conflicts throughout Germany and Austria-Hungary. Strikes in pre-1914 central Europe have largely been examined as part of the development of the workers’ movement, but much less often from the perspective of the employers and government elites. Their strategies to counteract “strike terrorism” included hiring replacement workers through private strikebreaking agents, who provided a variety of services such as recruitment, transportation, housing, and providing “willing workers” with weapons for their self-defense. The discourses around “strike terrorism,” and the repressive strategies to counter it, are a lens through which we can look afresh at some of the most crucial issues in the history of central European empires in the prewar years, namely the structure of violence embedded in social conflicts, migration, growing political antagonism, and fears surrounding social democracy. This article analyzes the public debate around the protection of “willing workers” as well as concrete episodes of antilabor violence in a transnational framework. It offers a reassessment of social conflicts in the period following the 1905 social mobilizations in central Europe, and it explores the circulation of antilabor measures between Germany and Austria-Hungary, their radicalizing impact, and their connections with labor migration patterns.
11
Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.
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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstrained by working-class voters, southern politicians facilitated strikebreaking and favored employers against unions.
12
Lederhendler, Eli. "Classless: On the Social Status of Jews in Russia and Eastern Europe in the Late Nineteenth Century." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (2008): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000224.
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In this paper I examine the economic and political factors that undermined the social class structure in an ethnic community—the Jews of Russia and eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century. Compared with the documented rise and articulation of working classes in non-Jewish society in that region, Jews were caught in an opposite process, largely owing to discriminatory state policies and social pressures: Among Jews, artisans and petty merchants were increasingly reduced to a single, caste-like status. A Jewish middle class of significant size did not emerge from the petty trade sector and no significant industrial working class emerged from the crafts sector. Historians have largely overlooked the significance of these facts, in part because they have viewed this east European situation as a mere preamble to more sophisticated, modern class formation processes among immigrant Jews in Western societies, particularly in light of the long-term middle-class trajectory of their children. Those historians interested in labor history have mainly shown interest in such continuity as they could infer from the self-narratives of the Jewish labor movement, and have thus overstated the case for a long-standing Jewish “proletarian” tradition. In reassessing the historical record, I wish to put the Jewish social and economic situation in eastern Europe into better perspective by looking at the overall social and economic situation, rather than at incipient worker organizations alone. I also query whether a developing class culture, along the lines suggested by E. P. Thompson, was at all in evidence before Jewish mass emigration. This paper is thus a contribution to the history of labor—rather than organized labor—as well as a discussion of the roots of ethnic economic identity.
13
Wolff, Frank. "Eastern Europe Abroad: Exploring Actor-Networks in Transnational Movements and Migration History, The Case of the Bund." International Review of Social History 57, no. 2 (2012): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000211.
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SummaryThe “transnational turn” is one of the most discussed topics in historiography, yet it has inspired more theoretical tension than empirically saturated studies. This article combines both aspects by examining the transnational network formation of one of the most important social movements in late imperial Russia, the Jewish Labour Bund. It furthermore introduces into historiography one of the most fruitful theories in recent social sciences, “actor-network theory”. This opens the view on the steady recreation of a social movement and reveals how closely the history of the Bund in eastern Europe was interwoven with large socialist organizations in the New World. Based on a large number of sources, this contribution to migration and movement history captures the creation and the limits of global socialist networks. As a result, it shows that globalization did not only create economic or political networks but that it impacted the everyday lives of authors and journalists as well as those of tailors and shoemakers.
14
Milner, Susan. "The International Labour Movement and the Limits of Internationalism: the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 1901–1913." International Review of Social History 33, no. 1 (1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008610.
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SummaryDespite an abundance of literature on the Second International relatively little is known about the work of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (ISNTUC). Foundect in 1901 by the German and Scandinavian labour leaders, this exclusively trade union International (the forerunner of the post-war International Federation of Trade Unions) included representatives of most of the major labour movements of Europe and the USA. Under German leadership it occupied itself with exclusively trade union issues, a limitation which was contested by revolutionary labour federations. Study of the ISNTUC therefore reveals much about conceptions of internationalism within the internationally organized labour movement.
15
Berger, Stefan. "‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’: the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s?" Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (1996): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.
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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, their argument is indeed a strong one. After all, the SPD was the largest socialist party in the world before 1914, at a time when the Labour Party did not even allow individual membership. At least in its organisational strongholds, the SPD resembled a social movement providing for its members almost ‘from cradle to grave’. The Labour Party, by contrast, is often portrayed as a trade union interest group in parliament with no other purpose than electoral representation. Where the Labour Party avoided any ideological commitment before 1914, the SPD had at least theoretically adopted Marxism as its ideological bedrock after 1890.
16
Strange, Gerard. "The British Labour Movement and Economic and Monetary Union in Europe." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (1997): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300102.
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ONE OF THE MOST DIFFICULT and controversial policy issues currently facing the British Labour movement is undoubtedly the question of whether or not a Labour government should take the historic step of abandoning sterling—not something it has favoured in the past—and sign up for the European single currency and full European economic and monetary union (EMU).
17
Parvulescu, Anca, and Manuela Boatcă. "Creolization as Method." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 10, no. 1 (2023): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2022.34.
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“What took place in the Caribbean,” writes Édouard Glissant, “which could be summed up in the word creolization, approximates the idea of Relation as nearly as possible.”1 For Glissant, the word creolization condenses the history of the Caribbean. This is a history characterized by trans-border connections, culture flows, and the transregional movement of people and capital.2 As the first region to be colonized by Europe in the sixteenth century and the last one to be—incompletely—decolonized in the twentieth, the Caribbean has been shaped by the worldwide demand and supply of colonial labor. It was the destination of nearly half of all the enslaved Africans trafficked into the New World between 1492 and the end of the nineteenth century; of significant numbers of indentured and contracted European laborers during much of the same period; as well as of indentured Indian, Chinese, and Indonesian workers after the formal abolition of slavery at the end of the nineteenth century.3 Subsequently, the first half of the twentieth century saw the emergence of a circuit of intra-regional migration of a labor force to the larger Caribbean islands where US-led corporations operated. After World War II, when labor from the non-independent territories of the Caribbean was recruited to rebuild the postwar economies of western Europe and the United States, the region turned into a source of transcontinental emigration.4 On account of this history, the Caribbean has been theorized in terms of transculturation, creolization, and hybridity; concepts such as “remittance societies,” “circular migration,” or “diaspora,” widely used in transnational studies, have also been coined in relation to the Caribbean.5 More than these other terms, however, the concept of creolization has come to condense both the sedimentation and ramifications of this history.
18
Hiepel, Claudia. "Catholic Labor Movements in Europe. Social Thought and Action, 1914–1965, by Paul Misner." Church History and Religious Culture 99, no. 1 (2019): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09901024.
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Allen, Garland E. "Eugenics and American social history, 1880–1950." Genome 31, no. 2 (1989): 885–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g89-156.
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Eugenics, the attempt to improve the human species socially through better breeding was a widespread and popular movement in the United States and Europe between 1910 and 1940; Eugenics was an attempt to use science (the newly discovered Mendelian laws of heredity) to solve social problems (crime, alcoholism, prostitution, rebelliousness), using trained experts. Eugenics gained much support from progressive reform thinkers, who sought to plan social development using expert knowledge in both the social and natural sciences. In eugenics, progressive reformers saw the opportunity to attack social problems efficiently by treating the cause (bad heredity) rather than the effect. Much of the impetus for social and economic reform came from class conflict in the period 1880–1930, resulting from industrialization, unemployment, working conditions, periodic depressions, and unionization. In response, the industrialist class adopted firmer measures of economic control (abandonment of laissez-faire principles), the principles of government regulation (interstate commerce, labor), and the cult of industrial efficiency. Eugenics was only one aspect of progressive reform, but as a scientific claim to explain the cause of social problems, it was a particularly powerful weapon in the arsenal of class conflict at the time.Key words: eugenics, social genetics.
20
Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.
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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.
21
Lenger, Friedrich. "Beyond Exceptionalism: Notes on the Artisanal Phase of the Labour Movement in France, England, Germany and the United States." International Review of Social History 36, no. 1 (1991): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000110326.
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SUMMARYThe early labour movements in Western Europe and North America were all dominated by urban artisans, a fact reflected most clearly at the programmatic level by the prominence of demands for producers' cooperatives. This article presents a proposal for and an extremely brief sketch of a comparative investigation of this first phase of the labour movement in England, France, Germany, and the United States. Different aspects of class formation, such as the economic situation of the trades, the social relationships within them, or the role of artisanal and corporate traditions in artisanal politics and trade-union organization, are discussed. Comparative labour history, it is argued, must employ such a theoretical framework, one that allows the integration of the many dimensions of class formation; otherwise it will have to sacrifice whatever progress the last generation of labour historians has achieved.
22
Patch, William L. "Catholic Labor Movements in Europe: Social Thought and Action, 1914–1965, written by Paul Misner." Journal of Jesuit Studies 4, no. 4 (2017): 733–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00404008-18.
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García, Magaly Rodríguez. "Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (2012): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000752.
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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders' construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leaders of large, middle-sized, and small unions from different regions; and (real or imaginary) common interests among labour leaders from the same region. These push-and-pull factors led to the construction of regional labour identifications that emphasized “otherness” in the world of international labour. A regional labour identity was intended to supplement, not undermine, national identity. As such, this study fills a lacuna in the scholarly literature on international relations and labour internationalism, which has given only scant attention to the regional level of international labour organization.
24
Ebbinghaus, Bernhard. "The Siamese Twins: Citizenship Rights, Cleavage Formation, and Party-Union Relations in Western Europe." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113604.
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Prophecies of doom for both working-class party and labor unions have gained popularity in the Western industrial democracies over the last two decades. The “old” Siamese twins, working-class party and labor unions, have a century-long history of their combined struggle to achieve political and industrial citizenship rights for the working class. Both forms of interest representation are seen as facing new challenges if not a crisis due to internal and external changes of both long-term and recent nature. However, despite these prophecies political parties and union movemehts have been differently affected and have responded in dissimilar ways across Western Europe. The Siamese twins, party and unions, as social institutions, their embeddedness in the social structure, and their linkages, were molded at an earlier time with long-term consequences. Hence, we cannot grasp today's political unionism, party-union relations and organized labor's capacity for change, if we do not understand the social and political conditions under which the organization of labor interests became institutionalized. An understanding of the origins and causes of union diversity helps us to view the variations in union responses to current challenges.
25
Austin, David. "Dread Dialectics." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 3 (2020): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8749914.
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Rounding out a discussion of Moving Against the System: The 1968 Congress of Black Writers and the Making of Global Consciousness, the author engages in a dialogue with his respondents about the significance of the congress. This essay assesses the legacy of the 1968 congress as a manifestation of the black radical tradition and a critical involvement with socialism. Drawing on C. L. R. James and Sylvia Wynter, it argues that black freedom struggles in the Americas and Europe, including slave revolts, have been an essential part of the history of labor and freedom struggles. It also contends that race has been overdetermined in ways that have historically understated the centrality of black labor to the emergence of modern capitalism, to anticapitalist struggle, and to the movement for universal freedom and a more broadly defined socialism. The essay concludes by asserting that black radical politics pose a challenge to the color- and colonial-blindness of the conventional Left while at the same time reimaging what freedom can mean in the present.
26
Gabaccia, Donna R., and Fraser Ottanelli. "Diaspora or International Proletariat? Italian Labor, Labor Migration, and the Making of Multiethnic States, 1815-1939." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6, no. 1 (1997): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.6.1.61.
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We offer a transnational and comparative analysis of the “nationalization” of foreign-born workers in western nation states of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. An analysis of this complex historical moment is an important foundation for assessing present-day fears of the imminent collapse of nation states. Canadians and Italians wrestling with demands for regional autonomy; German and French voters opting for a “fortress Europe” united against new waves of migrations; and Americans anticipating the disintegration of the United States into ethnic and religious fragments, often believe that today’s nation states face unprecedented threats to their unity. In fact, nation states have long faced competition from regional loyalties (Weber) and from the cultural diversity produced by international migrations and the globalization of capital (Potts; Cohen. New Helots; Strikwerda). In the past, they also faced internationalist labor movements dedicated to ending capitalist oppression around the world in all its forms.
27
Kazin, Michael. "A Liberal Nation In Spite of Itself." International Labor and Working-Class History 74, no. 1 (2008): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000136.
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All praise to Jeff Cowie and Nick Salvatore. They've dared to look deep into the pit of progressive hopes in modern US history and have emerged with something important and new to say about that much debated, much lamented subject. And they get certain big things right. The hegemony of individualism, the historic weakness of the labor movement, divisions of race, and the ways in which most white Christians apply their religious faith have all interacted to limit what, in Europe, are called the prospects of social-democracy and, in this country, usually go under the name of modern liberalism. Their concluding suggestion that reformers may find in “the fluid alliances of the Progressive Era” a more helpful analogy than in the class-based coalition led by FDR is a welcome provocation, although they don't choose to elaborate on it.
28
Laqua, Daniel, and Charlotte Alston. "Activism and Dissent under State Socialism: Coalitions and Campaigns in the 1970s and 1980s." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (2021): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.13.
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This article introduces a special Labour History Review issue on the subject of Challenges to State Socialism in Central and Eastern Europe: Activists, Movements and Alliances in the 1970s and 1980s. Our piece highlights different stimuli for dissent and opposition in the Eastern bloc, drawing attention to three strands that helped to inform political activism. First, it discusses the way in which various forms of dissident Marxism informed critiques of ‘actually existing socialism’ and helped activists to envision alternative ways of organizing society and state. Second, it emphasizes intersections between different actors and motivations, including links between the labour movement and forms of activism that have sometimes been categorized as ‘new social movements’. Third, it notes the relevance of transnational inspirations and alliances, with a particular consideration of those that cut across the two power blocs. As a whole, the essay establishes the broader context for the case studies of activism and dissent that feature in this special journal issue.
29
Richards, Eric. "How Did Poor People Emigrate from the British Isles to Australia in the Nineteenth Century?" Journal of British Studies 32, no. 3 (1993): 250–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386032.
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One of the great themes of modern history is the movement of poor people across the face of the earth. For individuals and families the economic and psychological costs of these transoceanic migrations were severe. But they did not prevent millions of agriculturalists and proletarians from Europe reaching the new worlds in both the Atlantic and the Pacific basins in the nineteenth century. These people, in their myriad voyages, shifted the demographic balance of the continents and created new economies and societies wherever they went. The means by which these emigrations were achieved are little explored.Most emigrants directed themselves to the cheapest destinations. The Irish, for instance, migrated primarily to England, Scotland, and North America. The general account of British and European emigration in the nineteenth century demonstrates that the poor were not well placed to raise the costs of emigration or to insert themselves into the elaborate arrangements required for intercontinental migration. Usually the poor came last in the sequence of emigration.The passage to Australasia was the longest and the most expensive of these migrations. From its foundation as a penal colony in 1788, New South Wales depended almost entirely on convict labor during its first four decades. Unambiguous government sanction for free immigration emerged only at the end of the 1820s, when new plans were devised to encourage certain categories of emigrants from the British population. As each of the new Australian colonies was developed so the dependence on convict labor diminished.
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Kelemen, Paul. "In the Name of Socialism: Zionism and European Social Democracy in the Inter-War Years." International Review of Social History 41, no. 3 (1996): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011404x.
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SummarySince 1917, the European social democratic movement has given fulsome support to Zionism. The article examines the ideological basis on which Zionism and, in particular, Labour Zionism gained, from 1917, the backing of social democratic parties and prominent socialists. It argues that Labour Zionism's appeal to socialists derived from the notion of “positive colonialism”. In the 1930s, as the number of Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution increased considerably, social democratic pro-Zionism also came to be sustained by the fear that the resettlement of Jews in Europe would strengthen anti-Semitism and the extreme right.
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Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.
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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were constant. Eventually, guided by the theoretical insights of a number of socialist leaders such as Bebel, Engels, and Zetkin, socialist parties of the First and Second Internationals came to realize that the cause of the women's movement was just and to accept autonomous women's organizations. The Third International, or Comintern, although it initially claimed to liberate women “not only on paper, but in reality, in actual fact,” treated the inequality of women as a secondary consideration. Focusing on production and labor conflict, the Comintern paid attention only to women's exploitation by capital to the extent that “by the end of the 1920s, any special emphasis on women's social subordination in communist propaganda or campaigning came to be regarded as a capitulation to bourgeois feminism.” Leftist women activists lost their organizational autonomy and had to work under the supervision of their national communist party.
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East Central Europe, Editors. "ECE DEBATE on David Ost, The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102014.
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The nature of labor movements and their political involvement and impact has recently been a matter of academic as well as political concern, at global level. In this respect, post-communist transformation in Eastern Europe offers an interesting case study. In the second half of 2007, the journal East Central Europe organized a debate on political scientist David Ost’s pioneering book The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe. A study on socialist and postsocialist political culture, the book focuses on the evolution of Solidarność (Solidarity) in Poland over two decades, 1980–2000. While accounting for the Polish postsocialist path to what might be called “popular illiberalism,” Ost also tackles wider issues concerning processes of democratization in times of crisis. This debate includes five short polemical essays written by three graduate students (Kacper Pobłocki, Tibor T. Meszmann, and Gábor Halmai), one junior scholar (Eszter Bartha) and one senior scholar (Don Kalb). The authors are trained in different disciplines (anthropology, political science, and history) and are specializing in the history of different countries (Poland, Hungary, Serbia, and Slovenia), thus adding to the debate a variety of disciplinary and national perspectives. The reviewers acknowledge the paramount importance of Ost’s book, calling it “a mustread” for all scholars interested in East European politics and labor movements. They commend the author for bringing the concept of class back to postsocialist analyses, and for addressing a set of important interdisciplinary theoretical and methodological questions. At the same time, the reviewers question Ost’s eclectic methodology on various grounds, criticizing it mainly for a lack of “temporal tracking,” for placing too much “causal weight” on “elite discourses” in producing the turn to illiberalism at the expense of anthropological research at grass-roots level, and for assigning too little agency to non-elites and the “worker-citizens.” In his response, David Ost clarifies the theoretical framework and main arguments of his book and further elaborates on his position, both conceptually and empirically. He advances a normative argument for consolidating democracy in Eastern Europe, arguing that “political entrepreneurs must rethink, reimagine, recontextualize the concept of class, and must try to make conflicts over interests more appealing to the populace than conflicts over identities.”
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PERKINS, JAMES. "THE CONGO OF EUROPE: THE BALKANS AND EMPIRE IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITISH POLITICAL CULTURE." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (2015): 565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000260.
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AbstractThis article explores early twentieth-century British political and humanitarian engagement with the Balkans. It focuses on the Balkan Committee, a liberal pressure group that served as the main hub for British interest in the region in the decade before the First World War. Whilst drawing attention to the specific challenges presented by the Balkans to the British liberal mind, it is argued that the Balkan Committee was part of a wider movement of humanitarianism and political activism that encompassed both continental and colonial questions. The issues around which the committee campaigned are related to humanitarian protests against the use of forced labour in Africa, in particular the Congo Reform Association, as well as to the Persia Committee, formed in protest against the 1907 Anglo-Russian agreement. This approach highlights how ‘Europe’ and empire were interconnected agendas within an overarching liberal-internationalist worldview and reformist conscience, despite the different cultural lenses through which humanitarian questions in different parts of the globe were viewed. It is suggested that research into British interaction with the Balkans offers a fruitful means by which to integrate historical analysis of the continental and imperial aspects of Britain's external relations in the ‘age of empire’.
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Frandsen, Steen Bo. "Beyond the Multinational States: the Revival of Nations and Nationalism." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (2001): 295–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002065.
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Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 202 pp., ISBN 0-521-57649-0. Michael Forman, Nationalism and the International Labor Movement. The Idea of the Nation in Socialist and Anarchist Theory (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 212 pp., cloth $35.00, paper $17.95, ISBN 0-271-01727-9. Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy. Nationalism and leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 443 pp., hardback £50.00, paperback £16.95 ($54.95 / $24.95), ISBN 0-521-57697-0. Andrew Baruch Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation. Literature and Cultural Politics in Yugoslavia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 302 pp., cloth $55.00, paper $18.95, ISBN 0-804-73181-0. Yitzhak M. Brudny, Reinventing Russia. Russian Nationalism and the Soviet State 1953–1991, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 352 pp., ISBN 0-674-75408-5. Catherine Wanner, Burden of Dreams. History and Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 255 pp., cloth $50.00, paper $18.95, ISBN 0-271-01793-7.
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Edmonds, Daniel, Evan Smith, and Oleska Drachewych. "Editorial: Transnational communism and anti-colonialism." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334807.
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The relationship between international communism, the national communist parties, and anti-colonial political movements is a subject which has drawn heated debates both amongst activists and historians. This professed anti-imperialism attracted new recruits in the non-European world, enabling the organisation to begin to break out of the European and North American strongholds which had been basis of prior social-democratic internationalism. Within the metropoles, racialised outsiders entered party ranks determined to turn the propounded anti-colonial ideals into a political reality. Connections were forged between labour movement activists and anti-colonialists, and between different colonial nationalist campaigners. This issue of Twentieth Century Communism features a selection of papers presented at a symposium at the University of Manchester, UK in November 2018. The symposium considered considered new trends in the history of communist anti-colonialism and internationalism in the twentieth century. 'Within and Against the Metropole' drew together scholars and activists from the US, Europe and the UK.
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Lemos, Sara, and Jonathan Portes. "New Labour? The Effects of Migration from Central and Eastern Europe on Unemployment and Wages in the UK." B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy 14, no. 1 (2013): 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bejeap-2013-0065.
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Abstract The UK was one of only three countries that granted free movement of workers to accession nationals following the enlargement of the European Union in May 2004. The resulting migration inflow, which was substantially larger and faster than anticipated, arguably corresponds more closely to an exogenous supply shock than most migration shocks studied in the literature. We evaluate the impact of this migration inflow – one of the largest in British history – on the UK labour market. We use new monthly micro-level data and an empirical approach that investigates which of several particular labour markets in the UK – with varying degrees of natives’ mobility and migrants’ self-selection – may have been affected. We found little evidence that the inflow of accession migrants contributed to a fall in wages or a rise in claimant unemployment in the UK between 2004 and 2006.
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Bracke, Maud Anne. "Labour, Gender and Deindustrialisation: Women Workers at Fiat (Italy, 1970s–1980s)." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (2019): 484–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000298.
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AbstractThe article presents an in-depth analysis of the struggle for gender equality in hiring, as well as campaigns for parental leave and demands for improved work conditions, by female workers in manufacturing industry in 1970s–80s Italy. The case study is focused on Fiat in Turin, a highly significant site given its economic role in Italy and Europe, and its history of social conflict and radical workforce. Against the backdrop of dramatic changes in gender relations since the 1960s, ongoing industrial unrest since 1968 and the introduction of new gender-equality legislation, fatefully coinciding with the onset of deindustrialisation and the rise of unemployment in manufacturing, trade union feminism presented an original and, viewed in hindsight, highly significant agenda. The events in Fiat demonstrate the extent to which new demands and ideas regarding the value of women's work became acceptable in the workers’ movement and in society at large, but also reveal the obstacles which the feminist politics of work encountered, and the persistence of gender-based prejudice in understandings of the value of work in all its forms. The analysis is based on archive material, press and original interviews.
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Sinyai, Clayton. "Schools of Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (2019): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887246.
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In the late 20th century, a wave of democratic transformation swept away dictatorships of the right and left across Europe, Africa and much of Asia; and for the first time in human history most citizens lived under governments they had chosen in free elections. Liberal democracy, characterized by multiparty elections, individual liberties, free enterprise and independent trade unions, seemed poised to dominate the future, but today populist movements challenge the liberal consensus and global public opinion surveys indicate a loss of faith in democratic values. The rapid decline in labor union membership across the developed world may be a contributing factor. Social scientists have documented the function of labor unions as “schools” of democracy where working-class high school graduates learn crucial civic skills, boosting their political participation and reducing the gap between socioeconomic classes. This may explain why AFL President Samuel Gompers’s observation, that “there never yet existed coincident with each other autocracy in the shop and democracy in political life” remains true 125 years later, and highlights a major threat to democracy today.
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Morawska, Ewa. "Labor Migrations of Poles in the Atlantic World Economy, 1880–1914." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (1989): 237–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015814.
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The recent influx to the United States of a new large wave of immigrants from Hispanic America and Asia has reinvigorated immigration and ethnic studies, including those devoted to the analysis of the origins and process of international migrations. The accumulation of research in this field in the last fifteen years has brought about a shift in the theoretical paradigm designed to interpret these movements. The classical approach explains the mass flow into North America of immigrants (from Southern and Eastern Europe, in the period 1880 to 1914), as an international migration interpreted in terms of push and pull forces. Demographic and economic conditions prompted individuals to move from places with a surplus of population, little capital, and underemployment, to areas where labor was scarce and wages were higher (Jerome, 1926; Thomas, 1973; Piore, 1979; Gould, 1979). This interpretation views individual decisions and actions as the outcome of a rational economic calculation of the costs and benefits of migration. Recent studies of international population movements have reconceptualized this problem, recasting the unit(s) of analysis from separate nation-states, linked by one-way transfer of migrants between two unequally developed economies, to a comprehensive economic system composed of a dominant core and a dependent periphery— a world system that forms a complex network of supranational exchanges of technology, capital, and labor (Castells, 1975; Cardoso and Faletto, 1979; Kritz, 1983; Sassen-Koob, 1980; Portes, 1978; Portes and Walton, 1981; Wood, 1982). In this conceptualization, the development of the core and the underdevelopment of the peripheral societies are seen not as two distinct phenomena, but as two aspects of the same process—the expanding capitalist world system, explained in terms of each other. Generated by the economic imbalances and social dislocations resulting from the incorporation of the peripheries into the orbit of the core, international labor migrations between the developing and industrialized regions are viewed as part of a global circulation of resources within a single system of world economy. This interpretation shifts the central emphasis from the individual (and his/her decisions) to the broad structural determinants of human migrations within a global economic system.
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CROWCROFT, ROBERT. "‘What is Happening in Europe?’ Richard Stokes, Fascism, and the Anti-War Movement in the British Labour Party during the Second World War and After." History 93, no. 312 (2008): 514–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.00435.x.
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Brown, Kate. "Introduction." International Labor and Working-Class History 73, no. 1 (2008): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000070.
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In 1980, Poles were the first to jump the communist ship and organize outside of the Communist Party, forming a ten-million strong alternative labor union, Solidarity. When the Communist government banned the Union in 1981, Poles refused to dissolve it. They went underground forming Solidarity-sponsored schools, theaters, newspapers, and political groups. In so doing, Solidarity activists created an alternative civil society that emerged nearly intact in 1989 when Poles were the first to throw off Soviet-backed communism. Yet now, in this land of self-liberation and freedom, the highly conservative Law and Justice party, led by Lech and Jaroslaw Kaczyński, won the 2005 elections on a pro-Catholic, antigay, antiabortion, anticommunist, and xenophobic platform. Now the Kaczyński government is hounding government officials, professors, lawyers, doctors, managers, journalists, judges, and bank managers out of jobs for refusing to declare whether or not they collaborated with the communist security forces. Poles, who during the Solidarność era reached out in solidarity to activists around the world, are now redefining Polish citizenship as singularly Polish and Catholic. Founded as a worker's movement, Solidarity has overseen the diminution of the Polish working class, the emasculation of unions, the downward spiral of purchasing power, and one of the highest unemployment rates in Europe.
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Fox, Vashti Jane. "“Never Again”: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Melbourne in the 1990s." Labour History 116, no. 1 (2019): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.10.
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An upsurge of fascist and anti-fascist activity in Australia in the early part of the twentieth century has received sustained historical attention. Yet scholarly historical coverage of the latter part of the century has been minimal. This article demonstrates the ongoing existence of both a far-right movement and a concomitant anti-fascist opposition by focusing on Melbourne in the 1990s. It draws from interviews with anti-fascist activists and from campaign paraphernalia and press reports. It introduces the group National Action (NA), identifies its political tactics and shows how it rebranded fascist traditions from Europe and the USA by drawing on iconic figures and symbols of the Australian labour movement, anti-immigrant racist tropes and on white Australian nationalism. Anti-fascist groups were loose collections of left activists and organisations animated by memories of the racist horrors of World War II. This article shows that, over time, loosely affiliated ant-fascist groups were influenced by various overseas currents of thought about political practice. These included notions of a United or Popular Front, direct and indirect action, “no platforming” and “squaddism” respectively. The analysis draws on contemporary trends in international anti-fascism studies.
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Eversberg, Dennis. "From democracy at others’ expense to externalization at democracy’s expense: Property-based personhood and citizenship struggles in organized and flexible capitalism." Anthropological Theory 21, no. 3 (2021): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499620977995.
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This contribution investigates the anthropological foundations of European democracies’ continuous entanglement with economic and military expansionism and a hierarchical separation between public and private spheres, both of which have enabled the appropriation of nature and others’ labour as property on which citizens’ abstract personhood could be founded. Drawing on an argument made by David Graeber, it is suggested that modern European history can be interpreted as a process of the ‘generalization of avoidance’, in which such abstract, property-based forms of personhood, which were initially what defined the superior party in relations of hierarchy, came to be a model for the figures of market participant and citizen within the spheres of formal equal exchange of economy and politics. From this perspective, and building on an account of different stages of capitalist history as ‘subjectivation regimes’, the article then analyses the transition from the ‘exclusive democracy’ of post-war organized capitalism in Western Europe, in which citizens’ entitlement, through the collective guarantees of ‘social property’ (Castel), increasingly allowed individualized competitive practices of status attainment and gave rise to individualist movements for extended citizenship, to current-day flexible capitalism. This regime, seizing on those calls and instrumentalizing the desires for competitive status consumption, has effected a broad restructuring of the social as a unified field of competition in which new hierarchies and inequalities materialize in global chains of appropriation, causing a ‘dividual’ fragmentation of property-based personhood and generating calls for responsible citizenship as an inherent counter-movement. In conclusion, it is suggested that anthropologists have much to contribute to investigating the possibility of democratic, post-capitalist ‘anthropologies of degrowth’.
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Tosstorff, Reiner. "Gerd Callesen, Socialist Internationals: A Bibliography of Publications of the Social-Democratic and Socialist Internationals, 1914–2000. Bonn and Gent: Bibliothek der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2001. 167 pp. Free of charge." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904230137.
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This is a very useful bibliographical tool produced by the efforts of the International Association of Labour History Institutions (IALHI). This association comprises more than one hundred archives, libraries and research centers all over the world, though the vast majority are located in Europe, and not all of them have the same importance, reflecting the geographical and political unevenness of socialism's history. This particular volume aims to list all the publications of the social-democratic internationals after 1914, i.e. from the time of the political split due to the support for World War I by most social-democratic parties. This means that the left-wing, beginning with the Kienthal-Zimmerwald movement during the war and leading to the “Communist International” from 1919 on, is not represented here. But also left-wing splits from social democracy in later years, as in the 1930s with the “London Bureau” of left-wing socialist parties (and also the Bureau's predecessors) are excluded here, as they openly campaigned against social democracy. Also, a few international workers' institutions (mainly in the cultural field) that had been founded before 1914, but tried to maintain their independence after 1914 faced with the political split, are therefore not listed as well.
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Atapin, Evgenii. "Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.
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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
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Jenks, Stuart. "Distributionsrevolution des 15. Jahrhunderts." Hansische Geschichtsblätter 132 (July 14, 2020): 47–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hgbll.2014.102.
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The Distribution Revolution of the Fifteenth CenturyThe consumption revolution of the long eighteenth Century (c. 1650-1850) was inconceivable without a prior distribution revolution in Northwest Europe, in the course of which markets were linked in a stable hierarchy reaching from the international fairs of Antwerp and Frankfurt down to humble packmen tramping from village to village. The exotic products of the consumption revolution did not have to surmount any significant distribution problems, because the networks had been functioning since the fifteenth Century. The proof of this hypothesis is divided into two parts, one empirical and the other theoretical. The foundation of some 2000 weekly markets in England between 1200 and 1350 resulted from the interaction of peasants’ cash requirements and improved transportation by horse: There was much money to be made by establishing markets, but peasants could choose between them. This set in train a brutal winnowing of markets which was intensified in the late middle ages by the effects of the plague, the enclosure movement and price-wage developments. In the end, the surviving markets had organized themselves into a hierarchy based on London, which was, by 1500, indisputably the center of foreign trade and the distribution of imports in England. This section concludes by showing that the hierarchization of markets was also characteristic of the Hanseatic area during the same period. The theoretical part of the paper demonstrates that the hierarchization of markets changed the framework for economic actors in a way no person or group could alter. Late medieval industrial mass production, succeeded by early modern proto-industrialization, required efficient labor markets and distribution networks. Placing the price signals generated by urban markets at the center of the argument solves a number of troubling problems of proto-industrialization: the geographical concentration of proto-industries, the outsourcing of simple tasks (and the retention of more sophisticated processes) and thesubsequent urbanization of rural industrial clusters. It also allows us to go beyond Diamond and Krugman and construct a real-world model of the rise of market hierarchization, as traders exploited scale economies derived from the difference between urban Wholesale and rural retail prices, and - by concentrating their trade on the most liquid provincial markets (thus maximizing thick market externalties) - locked these satellite markets into the hierarchy. An examination o f the policies o f the London Grocers and Mercers proves that this did, indeed, take place in the course of the fifteenth Century. Therefore, the distribution revolution was a true revolution, one which changed forever the framework for economic actors in a way 110 person or group could alter (,economic Constitution‘).
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Shnyrkov, Olexandr, Valerii Mazurenko, and Roman Stakanov. "LABOUR MIGRATION FROM UKRAINE UNDER THE GLOBAL ECONOMIC TURBULENCE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 2 (2021): 240–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-2-240-249.
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The purpose of the article is to analyse the trends of labour migration from Ukraine under the global economic crisis caused by COVID-19. The subject of the research is international labour migration in Ukraine. The study should predict the consequences of the coronavirus crisis for labour migration and place of Ukraine in the world labour market in the nearest future. Methodological basis of the research comprised the list of theoretical and empirical methods of research; there was provided the analysis of recent research publications subject under the discussion, compared the results obtaining with statistical data, suggested the practical recommendations that were received on the base of survey results. Researches in a number of OECD countries have found that the risk of infection among migrants is at least two times higher as among locals. The number of international migrants is declined in 2020 for the first time in recent history, as the number of new migrants slows down and re-emigration rates substantially increased. Ukraine has the highest rates of permanent immigrants among European countries. In 2019, there was among approximately 5 million people of foreign origin in Ukraine, the largest migration groups were from Belarus, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Russia, and Uzbekistan. At the same time, Ukraine ranked 8th in the world and 2nd in Europe for emigration in 2019. Ukraine was the largest country of origin of refugees in Europe amounted to 93 thousand people at the end of 2018. In 2019, as in previous decades, the largest migration corridors in Europe were in Ukraine, including the Russia-Ukraine and Ukraine-Russia corridors, which held the first positions in the volume of migration in this part of the world. The military conflict in the East of Ukraine has strengthened the current trend towards reorienting of Ukrainian migration to the West. The employment structure of Ukrainian labour migrants is mostly inefficient, as only 26.8% of Ukrainian workers are employed abroad according to the qualifications obtained. The COVID-19 pandemic has affected virtually all spheres of public life; it has affected emigration from Ukraine, a crucial factor of which has been the introduction of lockdown in key host countries of Ukrainian labour migration, in particular, in the EU. However, the existence of an unconditional demand for Ukrainian workers in the labour-importer countries has led to the solution of problems with access of workers in an ad hoc manner in the first half of 2020, in particular, through the organization of workers transportation from Ukraine for seasonal work. The results of the study have shown that despite the fact that the structure of permanent migration from Ukraine is dominated by migration to the Russian Federation, trends in long-term and especially in temporary labour migration since 2014 and until now, clearly indicate a change in the vector of labour movement towards the EU. Labour emigration is not able to solve the problem of Ukraine’s economic development; it just solves the task of maintaining the welfare of the migrant families and provides the opportunities to develop the human capital of migrant children, primarily through funding by means of migration capital their education in Ukraine. Analysis of the current global and national economic situation, regulatory measures, both in Ukraine and in the countries of migration destination, which directly or indirectly affect migration flows, indicates that in the medium term we cannot predict that the COVID-19 pandemic will significantly affect large-scale labour migration.
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Khalil Al-ALaff, Ibrahim. "History of Labor Movement In Iraq." مجلة دراسات إقلیمیة 8, no. 25 (2012): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/regs.2012.27577.
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Yixing, Shen. "The Pre-1927 Shanghai Labor Movement." Chinese Studies in History 27, no. 1-2 (1993): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-463327010225.
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Perry, Elizabeth J. "Scholarship on the Shanghai Labor Movement." Chinese Studies in History 27, no. 1-2 (1993): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-46332701027.
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