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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-"
1
Faranda, Regina, et David B. Nolle. « Ethnic Social Distance in Kyrgyzstan : Evidence from a Nationwide Opinion Survey1 ». Nationalities Papers 31, no 2 (juin 2003) : 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990307129.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Unlike in some other former Soviet republics, when Kyrgyzstan achieved independence in 1991 its government granted citizenship to all residents, regardless of ethnicity or language. The government hoped this would help to quell incipient ethnic tensions in the country before they got out of hand. It was argued that, in a constantly changing ethnic landscape, citizens' identification with the country above all other considerations, including ethnicity and religion, would introduce a degree of stability—a common denominator for all residents of Kyrgyzstan, where there is a relatively high level of ethnic diversity (see Table 1).
2
Elebayeva, Ainura, Nurbek Omuraliev et Rafis Abazov. « The Shifting Identities and Loyalties in Kyrgyzstan : The Evidence from the Field ». Nationalities Papers 28, no 2 (juin 2000) : 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687466.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main objective of the ethnic policy of the government of Kyrgyzstan in the post-Soviet era was a consolidation of all people and ethnic groups on the territory of the Republic into the Kyrgyzstani nation. Such a goal is important for any nation that has just gained independence, but for the Kyrgyz Republic it was an especially important task for several reasons. First, the multiethnic composition of the country: in 1991 the Kyrgyzs, or the titular nation of the Republic, constituted roughly 52% of the population, there were around 22% Russians, and the Uzbeks represented 13% of the population. Second, interethnic relations in the Republic were especially tense at the beginning of the 1990s because of the interethnic conflicts in the southern regions of the Republic in 1989 and 1990.1 Third, the Kyrgyzs themselves lacked national cohesiveness and they often defined themselves as members of different tribes or tribal groups with distinct dialects, dress, and political affiliations.
3
Orçan, M., et S. Karaeva. « SLUMS IN BİSHKEK AND THEIR PROBLEMS ». Vestnik Bishkek state university af. K. Karasaev 2, no 60 (1 avril 2022) : 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35254/bhu/2022.60.37.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this study, the lack of access to schools, hospitals, licenses, and passports of slums who became common due to random urbanization, and a lack of proper planning, infrastructure and management in Bishkek, the capital city of Kyrgyzstan will be examined and evaluated from a sociological perspective. It becomes a huge social problem, since it wasn’t concerned by the Government. Recently, Government has started initiatives for solving it. In summary, this study examines the reflection of the political and social upheavals that took place in 1991 and later in 2005 and 2010 and the current situation and problems of the slums.
4
Pritchin, S. « Features of the Transit of Power in Kyrgyzstan and Georgia in the Context of Emerging Political Institutions ». Journal of Political Research 4, no 3 (6 octobre 2020) : 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-14-23.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Kyrgyzstan and Georgia are two states of the post-Soviet space where political processes take place in atypical scenarios for the region. In both countries, since independence in 1991, the change and transit of power has occurred more often than in their neighbors, and under different scenarios. Both republics are recognized as leaders in the post-Soviet region for liberalization and democratization, both are de-jure parliamentary republics, while Kyrgyzstan is the only parliamentary republic in Central Asia. At the same time, the peculiarity of the transit of power in the republics is the fact that after the change of power each time passed into the hands of either the opposition, or covertly or clearly conflicting with the government counter-elite. The article provides a comparative analysis of the historical, ideological, and geographical features of the formation of socio-political models of societies in countries that could be the causes of the phenomenon of cardinal change of power in any transit scenario.
5
Khalapsis, Oleksiy, Oleh Poplavskyi et Oleh Levin. « Political and constitutional-legal transformations in Central Asia countries (1991–2021). » Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, no 3 (30 septembre 2021) : 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-3-52-59.
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The aim of the article is to determine the specifics of political processes related to decommunization in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan), to study the variability of the main vectors of post-Soviet transformations of the respective societies. Reforms in Kazakhstan could theoretically pave the way for civil society, but so far they are more of an imitation. Uzbekistan is distinguished by the state's struggle against Islamic fundamentalism, which gave rise to Islam Karimov to pursue a tough internal policy. Democratization shifts after his death, but the prospects and irreversibility of these reforms are now highly questionable. Kyrgyzstan is the only society in which civil protest has real force, but the presence of clan-patriarchal system, ethnic conflicts, the tendency to use force and the weakness of the central government do not allow building a civil society in this country. Turkmenistan is characterized by boundless authoritarianism, and Tajikistan is the only country that has survived a fierce civil war in which the Islamic religion is most powerful. Each of the five Central Asian states has its own unique characteristics, but none of them has built a civil and democratic society, and the transformation cause of political regimes into democracies remains at the level of rhetoric. In these countries, political alterations have affected mainly the area of institutions, without changing the semi-feudal procedures and practices, and the process of democratization itself has been limited to pseudo-reforms. Civilizational and local-cultural features make the values of civil society unattractive not only for political elites, but also for the majority of the population, thus in the near future we can hardly expect significant progress in this direction. Moreover, Central Asian countries are under the influence of three powerful regional leaders –Russia, China and Iran – whose cultural and historical values are far from Western liberal-democratic ones. The situation is further complicated by the factor of Islamic fundamentalism, which will almost certainly intensify after the Taliban's victory in Afghanistan.
6
Altymyshova, Zuhra. « October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan ». Central Asia 81, Winter (30 juin 2018) : 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire region of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1924, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, established on April 30, 1918, was reorganized into a new administrative division. As the part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR), on October 24, 1924 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was formed. On May 25, 1925 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was renamed into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Region. Then on February 01, 1926 it was restructured into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On December 05, 1936 it became a separate constituent republic of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) known as the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. Along with other 15 Soviet Socialist states, Kyrgyzstan had been the member of the USSR for about 70 years, from 1919 till 1991.
The current paper focuses on the processes of social transformation under the Soviet regime, especially the implementation of class struggle policy and its impact on Kyrgyzstan. In comparison with the interventions from the Tsarist Russia, the social transformation process undertaken under the Soviet system was quite different. In the territory of the Kyrgyz traditional society, the Tsarist Russia made only some social reorganization, but the Soviets brought radical changes in to the socio-political organizations of the Kyrgyz people. The paper seeks to understand how the Soviet Union tried to reconstruct the Kyrgyz society during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the paper will analyze the methods and mechanisms of the social transformation processes and the measures used by the Soviet government in their socio-political ‘battles’ against the local elites, and the influence of the new system on the existing socio-economic stratification in the context of the Kyrgyz society. During the Soviet period the prevalent scientific vision about the major historical events of the time was based on the Communist ideology. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyze and describe an objective overview of the history of Soviet class struggle policy. The paper is based on the research of local archival documents, published sources and oral materials.
7
Garbuzarova, Elena. « ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES ». CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no 3 (27 septembre 2021) : 024–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.
8
Kaser, Michael. « V. The Economic and Social Impact of Systemic Transition in Central Asia and Azerbaijan ». Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no 3 (2003) : 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986352.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe economies of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan differ from the other states that quit the Soviet Union in 1991 by their inheritance of poor productivity growth and high demographic pressure for job creation. Moreover, since their incorporation into the Russian Empire during the nineteenth century, their production has been geared to primary goods - cotton and hydrocarbons - that in the 1930s Stalin's policy towards autarky was directed to Soviet domestic consumption. The six countries hence gained independence, but with high export dependency on markets that all suffered severe demand recessions. The corresponding production decline in the six states was modified during the 1990s by diversifying the direction of trade and was not as deep as indicated by the official GDP data by reason of the substantial growth of unmeasured production. That 'shadow economy' goes untaxed and all six states show government revenue inadequate for the social expenditure required to maintain the stock of human capital inherited from Soviet planning priorities and to reverse the widening of income differentials, as well as for capital formation to employ the expanding labor force. Some improvement has resulted from emigration and foreign investment by Kazakhstan, and from foreign investment by Azerbaijan. But that inflow has enhanced those states' dependence on hydrocarbons and the danger of a "Dutch disease." In all six states, authoritarian and corruption-prone governance inhibit foreign investment, though in two, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, state funds have been established so that eventual income from fixed assets replace that from depleting hydrocarbon deposits.
9
Zhamilova, Kaniet. « KYRGYZ - US RELATIONS AFTER 1991 ». Alatoo Academic Studies 19, no 4 (30 décembre 2019) : 222–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2019.194.25.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work is dedicated to learn about the Kyrgyz - US relationships after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The paper analyzed the political and economic relationships between two independent countries after 1991. This work is identified the three steps of the development of bilateral relationships, analyzed how the cooperation changes during the different president administrations and how do external and internal problems affected on it. It has also identified that the relationship between the United States and Kyrgyzstan in political and economic sphere was different as far as presidents were different. So, every president had their own ideas, provisions, strategies and priorities based on their awareness and knowledge of politics and international relations.
10
Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. « Reforma konstytucyjna w Kirgistanie. Wyzwania i zagrożenia dla demokracji i państwa prawa ». Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 1, no 65 (28 février 2022) : 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.14.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The collapse of the USSR in 1991 led to the emergence of five independent states in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan. Four of them established an authoritarian form of government, while Kyrgyzstan became the only democratic state in the region. This may change after the referendum on constitutional reform, which is scheduled for 2021. The amendments to the Constitution provide for the extension of the president’s powers, which, according to many Kyrgyz researchers, may lead to the transformation of Kyrgyzstan into an authoritarian state. This article presents the results of the analysis of the draft amendment to the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic initiated by the new president of the country, Sadyr Japarov.
Thèses sur le sujet "Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-"
1
Paberzyte, Ieva. « Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
2
Gallagher, Amelia. « The Albanian atheist state, 1967-1991 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43872.pdf.
Texte intégral
3
Morgan, Glenda Nadine. « Reform and democracy in Mozambique, 1983-1991 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
4
Wildschut, Angelique Colleen. « Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53473.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
5
Fugère, Charles. « Muslims, national security and the state in Uzbekistan ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98922.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The idea of an "Islamic threat" to national security in Uzbekistan is widespread in the media and amongst several academics. The regime of Uzbek President Islam Karimov has repeatedly emphasized the seriousness of this threat and acted to contain it. In this thesis, I examine both the present ability of different Muslim political actors to challenge the Uzbek state's defense position and recent historical elements of the Uzbek security strategy related to Islam. I argue that the relationship between Muslims and national security in Uzbekistan is characterized by the two following observations: (1) it is unlikely that Muslims are able to present a national security risk and (2) there are reasons to suspect that the national security policies of the Uzbek leadership target Islamic fundamentalism at least in part to legitimize the continued repression of most types of opposition.
6
Muriuki, Irene. « Donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya, 1991-1997 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union has encouraged democratisation in most parts of Africa. At the same time, Western donors' attitudes towards r~cipients of foreign aid have changed. This has resulted in a new practice, which attempts to force Third World states to move toward liberal democracy by conditioning lending on the holding of mUlti-party elections. In Africa this has resulted to the holding of multi-party elections. This study attempts to examine donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya by examining the results of 1992 and 1997 multi-party elections. Kenya attained independence from the British and ushered in a multi-party democracy in 1963. Since then, the country has undergone a full circle of political development, starting with a multi-party democracy at independence, through a one party dictatorship between 1982 and 1992 and back to a multi-party democracy in 1993. The need to satisfy foreign donors forced the leadership to amend Section 2(A) of Kenya' s constitution that had legalised single-party rule in 1982 thus allowing plural politics. The externally pressured transition to multi-party democracy though has resulted in increased corruption, state-sponsored ethnic violence, continued political authoritarianism and disastrous economic mismanagement of what was once considered a model for the continent. This study urges that Western donors should focus less on elections and more on the fostering of democratic institutions through breaking patterns of neo-patrimonial rule that have inforn1ed and continue to inform politics in Kenya. Political reforms have been resisted by the incumbency in the fear tha! they may curtail the power of the political leadership whose main objective has been to cling to power.
7
Lohuaru, Peter. « Estonia in the crucible of Soviet political reform ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42015.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Estonia's rise to prominence on the leading edge of the
Soviet reform process is a consequence of the republic's dual
position as an economic role model for other republics and a
Soviet exception in terms of lifestyle and cultural
orientation. While Estonia's open acceptance of perestroika
is clearly a boost for Soviet reformers, the Estonian vision
of reform is distinctly different from the direction intended
by Moscow. In its capacity as reform leader and radical
pioneer, Estonia is a microcosm of the Soviet political
economy and the elements that plague attempts to reform the
system. An examination of Estonia's role within the Soviet
reform movement provides a view of the potentially explosive
cultural processes that have now surfaced not only in the
Baltic but throughout the Soviet Union.
Chapter One presents a descriptive chronological overview
of the events that preceded Estonia's Declaration of
Sovereignty in November 1988. Chapter Two is analytical in
nature and provides a cultural context and background with
which to assess Estonian developments. The methodological
framework is adapted from Archie Brown's "Political Culture
and Communist Studies" and gives a qualitative description of
the intensity and psychological power of the cultural factor
in Estonian politics. Chapter Three presents Moscow's
reaction to Baltic initiatives and describes Gorbachev's
attempt to forge a new nationalities policy in the face of
deep-rooted conservative opposition.
Estonia is a prime example of the seemingly insoluble
nationality problems associated with Soviet political reform.
In terms of quantitative indicators, Estonia is the most
economically successful republic within the Soviet political
experiment, and yet it is also the most vociferous in voicing
rejection of fundamental Soviet political values.
Although the Soviet future remains unpredictable, there
are strong indicators that Estonia and the Baltic republics
will continue to expand the perimeters of reform at a pace and
in a manner that can now only be curtailed by armed force.
However, the potential consequences of Baltic initiatives will
not remain confined only to Soviet domestic politics. Whether
the Soviet Union becomes a benign Commonwealth or Confederacy,
or rapidly decays or disintegrates, or regresses into
authoritarianism and civil war, the result will have profound
consequences for Europe and the rest of the world. Therefore,
the importance of Estonia and the other Baltic republics in
the process of Soviet decline cannot be underestimated; the
Baltic States, although insignificant by global standards,
have set an example for other Soviet republics and national
groups to follow and will for the near term remain political
barometers of the Soviet future.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
8
Bennett, Jeffrey D. « Rising to the occasion : the changing role of the KGB and its influence in Soviet succession struggles 1953-1991 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23324.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After having reached a level of influence unmatched by any other element of Soviet government under Stalin and Beria, the security organs of the Soviet Union proved difficult to tame. While it has been argued that the KGB was made subservient to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union after the ascent of Khrushchev in the late 1950's, this essay will attempt to show that the security police apparatus was able to maintain a high level of prominence and even autonomy throughout the history of the Soviet Union and beyond. While it may have appeared that the organs were under constraints during periods of unchallenged leadership, the lack of a legislative definition of the KGB's role made the possibility of a coup or putsch a constant threat. During periods of instability, particularly those surrounding the succession struggles, the KGB was able to act independently and was highly influential as to the outcome of these contests. In the latter years of the Soviet era, efforts to alter the system in order to avoid the excesses of previous years revealed the organs to be highly adaptable and cognizant of the need to change to avoid being excluded from the political decision-making process. Through an assessment of the various succession struggles and efforts to place the organs within the confines of legality, the political power of the KGB may be better understood, and placed in a historical perspective side by side with its post-Soviet counterpart, which too is shown to have survived recent upheavals.
9
Lochery, Emma. « Generating power : electricity provision and state formation in Somaliland ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0d386359-b711-4137-bd3c-0aeb78a12c39.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dissertation uses the lens of electricity provision to examine processes of state formation in Somaliland, an unrecognized, self-declared independent state in the northwest of the former Somali Republic. The dissertation focuses on Hargeisa, the capital city at the heart of Somaliland's state-building project. After the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, private companies arose from the ruins of Hargeisa and turned the lights back on, navigating a fragmented post-war landscape by mobilizing local connections and transnational ties. However, being dependent on the political settlement that engendered the peace necessary for business, emerging private power providers were tied into a state-building project. The dissertation analyses the resulting tensions at the heart of this project, by examining the struggle to define the role, extents and limits of an emerging state in an interconnected world. Based on interviews in Somaliland and a survey of news media and grey literature, the dissertation has three aims. First, it provides a view into how social order and service provision persist after the collapse of the state. Secondly, it investigates how patterns of provision emerging in the absence of the state shape subsequent processes of state formation. Finally, it discusses how patterns of provision affect the interaction of state-building and market-making. In order to fulfil these aims, the dissertation examines how people invest in the project of building a state, both materially and discursively. The chapters present a narrative history of the electricity sector, explaining the attempts of both private companies and the government to claim sovereignty over the market and shape statehood in their own interests. The struggles shaping Somaliland's economic order reveal the contemporary significance of transnational connections, interconnected systems of capital flows, and the rise of corporate business actors. At the same time, they underline the abiding power of social structure, local identities, and historical memory.
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CHAMS, EL DINE Chérine. « Stratégies de survie de l'autoritarisme : gestion de l'élite gouvernante dans l'Irak de Saddam Hussein ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10456.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Hamit Bozarslan, (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris) ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers, (Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence) ; Prof. Eberhard Kienle, (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter, (Institut Universitaire Européen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Au début du 21ème siècle l’autoritarisme semble perdurer dans quelques régions du globe, notamment le monde arabe, où il résiste aux vagues de démocratisation successives. Ce travail s’interroge sur les mécanismes de perpétuation des autoritarismes et tente de comprendre les stratégies qui permettent à ces derniers de se renouveler au jour le jour pour répondre aux défis externes et internes qui mettent en péril leur survie. Ce faisant cette recherche a favorisé l’étude des modes de gestion et de circulation de l’élite gouvernante au détriment d’autres hypothèses expliquant la survie de l’autoritarisme, et a choisi le régime irakien de Saddam Hussein comme cas d’étude, compte tenu de l’habileté dont il a fait preuve pour survivre à des crises déstabilisatrices. Une revue quasi-exhaustive de la littérature sur l’autoritarisme ainsi que sur les théories de « circulation d’élite » permet de rentrer dans le vif du sujet : l’examen des modes de gestion et de la composition de l’élite gouvernante irakienne à travers une étude biographique approfondie de celle-ci. L’objectif de ce travail est d’en extraire un modèle contribuant à l’explication de la survie du régime irakien sous Saddam Hussein.
Livres sur le sujet "Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-"
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Kyrgyzstan ėgemendik doorunda (1991-2021). Bishkek : Kalem, 2021.
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Abzhalbek, Anarbekov. Politicheskie partii v Kyrgyzstane : 1991-1999 gg. Bishkek : T͡s︡entr Gusudarstvennogo I͡A︡zyka i Ėnt͡s︡iklopedii, 1999.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Report on the parliamentary election in Kyrgyzstan : February 5, 1995 Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Washington, D.C : Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1995.
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Koĭchumanova, Ch U. Stanovlenie politicheskoĭ sistemy suverennogo Kyrgyzstana : 1991-2003-e gody. Bishkek : Nat︠s︡ionalʹnai︠a︡ akademii︠a︡ nauk Kyrgyzskoĭ Respubliki, In-t istorii, 2004.
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Koĭchumanova, Ch U. Istorii︠a︡ demokratizat︠s︡ii suverennogo Kyrgyzstana (1991-2010 gg.) : Uchebnoe posobie. Bishkek : Ministerstvo obrazovanii︠a︡ i nauki Kyrgyzskoĭ Respubliki, 2013.
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I, Fukalov A., et Kyrgyzstan kalkynyn assamblei︠a︡sy, dir. Sbornik otchetov o dei︠a︡telʹnosti Soveta Assamblei naroda Kyrgyzstana, nat︠s︡ionalʹno-kulʹturnykh t︠s︡entrov i obshchestvennykh obʺedineniĭ, vkhodi︠a︡shchikh v sostav Assamblei naroda Kyrgyzstana, 1996-2000 gg. Bishkek : Assamblei︠a︡ naroda Kyrgyzstana, 2000.
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editor, Kubatova A. Ė., et Tarykh institutu (Kyrgyz Respublikasynyn uluttuk ilimder akademii︠a︡sy), dir. Kyrgyzstan. Bishkek : [publisher not identified], 2018.
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Edgeworth, Linda. Pre-Election assessment Kyrgyzstan. Washington, D.C. (1620 I Street, Washington, D.C. 20006) : IFES, 1993.
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Commercio, Michele E. Conflict in Kyrgyzstan ? Washington, D.C : Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2004.
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Koĭchuev, T. K. Poslemartovskiĭ Kyrgyzstan : Ideologii︠a︡, politika, ėkonomika. Bishkek : T︠S︡ÉS, 2006.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-"
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Opoku, Darko Kwabena. « Strains in Government-Business Relations, 1983–1991 ». Dans The Politics of Government-Business Relations in Ghana, 1982–2008, 75–100. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113107_5.
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Kaša, Rita, et Inta Mieriņa. « Introduction ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 1–10. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12092-4_1.
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Abstract This volume contributes to research on migration from Latvia, a country in Central Eastern Europe (CEE), following the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991. The experience of independent Latvia with borders opening up to the world and more specifically to the West has turned out to be both a rewarding and wounding experience for communities in the country. On the rewarding side, individuals have gained liberty – an ability to travel the world freely, to see and live in the countries which were beyond the closed doors of the Soviet Union just some decades ago. This freedom, however, has also brought the sense of cost to the society – people are going abroad as if dissolving into other worlds, away from their small homeland. The context of decreasing birth rates and ageing in the country seems to amplify a feeling of loss which is supported by hard evidence. Research shows a worrying 17% decline in Latvia’s population between 2000 and 2013. One third of this is due to declining birth rates and two-thirds is caused by emigration (Hazans 2016). This situation has turned out to be hurtful experience for communities in Latvia causing a heightened sense of grief especially during the Great Recession which shook the country at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. By 2013 the feeling of crises even larger than the economic downturn came to a head in Latvian society, pushing the government for the first time in the history of independent Latvia to recognise the migration of the country’s nationals and to acknowledge diaspora politics as an important item on the national policy agenda.
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Hardgrave, Robert L. « Alliance Politics and Minority Government : India at the Polls, 1989 and 1991 ». Dans India Votes, 225–40. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042430-11.
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Udulu, Atiku Abubakar. « Rural Agriculture, Technological Innovation, Sustainable Food Production, and Consumption in Kebbi State, Nigeria, 1991-2018 ». Dans Global Food Politics and Approaches to Sustainable Consumption, 157–75. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-0125-2.ch008.
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Agriculture has been the mainstay of Nigeria's rural economy. Food production and consumption started as a routine human activity. At a later stage, government got involved through provision of new agricultural inputs, collection, and redistribution of agricultural outputs, especially the staple foods such as grains, mainly millet, corn, and rice. The chapter explores various interventions in the areas of cultivation, processing, and distribution of food in the state. Historical method of enquiry is applied in the process of collection of materials and documenting this chapter. The findings of the chapter show that the state government has some degree of control on the production and distribution of food in the state. Technology boosts output and creates employment. Food products from Kebbi State are transported to many states in Nigeria, including a collaboration with a particular state in the southern part of the country. Thus, food production and distribution in the state is contributing to the national economy.
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Eihmanis, Edgars. « Latvia ». Dans Health Politics in Europe, 434–55. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860525.003.0020.
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This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the tax-financed health system in Latvia. It traces the development of the Latvian healthcare system, characterized by tension between central and local government, increasing commercialization, and chronic public underfinancing. Since independence in 1991, Latvia first decentralized then recentralized health financing. The state has taken the back seat in provision of health services and allotted larger roles to private providers and to solutions such as out-of-pocket payments that emphasize individual responsibility. In Latvia, life expectancy is among the lowest, and unmet needs are high. As the chapter argues, because of the country’s cultural politics, healthcare rarely tops the political agenda.
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Dunne, Tim. « 7. Liberalism ». Dans The Globalization of World Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198739852.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the core assumptions of liberalism regarding world politics. It explores why liberals believe in progress, what explains the ascendancy of liberal ideas in world politics since 1945, and whether liberal solutions to global problems are hard to achieve and difficult to sustain. The chapter also considers central ideas in liberal thinking on international relations, including internationalism, idealism, and institutionalism. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges confronting liberalism. Two case studies are presented: one dealing with imperialism and internationalism in nineteenth-century Britain, and the other with the 1990–1991 Gulf War and its implications for collective security. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether democracy is a better system of government and whether it should be promoted by peaceful and forceful means.
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Fisun, Oleksandr. « Ukrainian Constitutional Politics : Neopatrimonialism, Rent-seeking, and Regime Change ». Dans Beyond the Euromaidan. Stanford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804798457.003.0006.
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Ukraine has changed its constitution repeatedly since independence in 1991. Oleksandr Fisun focuses on the repeated renegotiation of constitutional arrangements as the political power of patronal presidents rises and falls. In this view, constitutions are effects more than causes. He then considers the various contextual shortcomings that undercut any constitutional arrangement in Ukraine. These include penetration of the government by powerful rent-seekers, the absence of a balanced tax base, and the weakness of the Weberian state. He points out that now the focus should not be on redistributing power between the president, prime minister, and parliament, but rather on subverting the ability of politicians and rent-seeking entrepreneurs to “play with the rules” and conduct frequent constitutional experiments.
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Barreto, Amílcar Antonio. « Culture, Identity, and Policy ». Dans The Politics of Language in Puerto Rico, 1–6. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401131.003.0001.
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More than means of communication, languages are integral parts of our cultural identities and feature frequently in intercultural conflict. Language policy has been a thorny issue in federal-territorial relations since the early twentieth century. There is a hallowed place for the Spanish language in Puerto Rican identity. At the same time, Puerto Ricans view English as a critical tool for upward mobility. The tug-of-war between the heart and wallet meant that most Puerto Ricans accepted official bilingualism. Then suddenly, in 1991, the island’s government declared Spanish its only official language. Political expediency was not the point. After all, it was not a popular move. Rather, the political operatives pushing this shift in language policy were involved in a complex game bypassing votes for a much larger political prize.
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Brüggemann, Mark. « Russian in Belarus : A Feature of Belarusian Identity or Moscow’s ‘Trojan Horse’ ? » Dans Politics of the Russian Language Beyond Russia, sous la direction de Christian Noack, 45–67. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474463799.003.0003.
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Language issues in Belarus are strongly politicised. While Russian had been the preferred language during the Soviet period, Belarusian was strongly favoured during the early years of Belarusian independence (1991–4). Following Lukashenka’s ascent to power, bilingualism was the official line in language policies. In the absence of any substantial support for the less popular Belarusian, this policy amounted to a stabilisation of the dominant position of Russian in the public space. In the wake of the annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of armed conflicts in the Donbas, the government position on the language question changed again. While Belarusian is increasingly understood as a marker of Belarusian nationality, some degree of ambivalence is retained, as Lukashenka in public continues to call Russian a language that does not exclusively ‘belong to the Russians’.
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Pettai, Vello. « Estonia ». Dans Coalition Governance in Central Eastern Europe, 170–206. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844372.003.0005.
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Since re-emerging as an independent state in 1991, Estonia has had to build up an entirely new constitutional and political system. This has meant that following an initial period of fluidity amongst parties and voters, patterns of politics have slowly begun to consolidate along more predictable lines. In particular, Estonia’s coalition politics have been dominated by centre-right constellations, mainly because of the strong role played as of the mid-1990s by the market-liberal Reform Party. The party has been a pivotal, if not leading force, in all of Estonia’s government coalitions between 1999 and 2016. This has allowed it also to influence greatly patterns of consolidation in coalition governance, namely the professionalization of coalition agreements, the development of coordination mechanisms between coalition partners, and mechanisms of mutual oversight in coalitions. While governments have not succeeded in lasting a full parliamentary term, the re-organizations that have taken place between elections have not generated prolonged crises of governing. The main blockage or weakness in the system was the continued side-lining of the left-leaning Centre Party from playing a direct role in coalition politics. Although the party regularly obtained up to a quarter of the national vote and filled an important place in the party landscape by representing the bulk of minority-Russian voters, it was never considered as a government formateur because of the overbearing style of its founding leader (Edgar Savisaar). It seems that only after he is replaced will a major re-shuffling of Estonia’s coalition landscape be possible.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-"
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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Ayşen Hiç Gencer et Ziya Çağlar Yurttançıkmaz. « The Relationships between Competitiveness and Economic Growth : A Study on the Countries of Central Asia and Caucasus ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00424.
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The relationships among input, production and market suddenly broke down after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The reflections of this disintegration are deeply felt in the Central Asian and in the Caucasian economies, which lack the traditions of being a government. The imbalances in the supply and demand, such as shutting down of factories due to breakdown of production relations and the resulting severe rise in the unemployment rate, caused a transition recession. As well-known in the literature, the main reason behind this is the interdependency of the production structures in these newly independent former Soviet countries. Large industrial establishments were left alone due to lack of sufficient raw materials and other inputs, due to lack of new technologies, and/or due to political void resulting from the transition period. In the newly established economic and political system, all of these countries, namely Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, try to realize their economic growth and development by specializing in the production of goods in which they have an economic advantage in terms of competitiveness. In this study, the effects of competitiveness on economic growth is investigated for these 7 countries during the 1995-2010 period using panel data analysis based on the Lafay index. In the light of the results of this research, policy recommendations are attempted in order to determine the sectors in which these countries are more competitive and hence to suggest ways of increasing their economic growth rate.
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Sakmurzaeva, Nargiza. « Political and Economic Cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the Republic of Korea : Perspectives and Obstacles ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01874.
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Diplomatic relations between Kyrgyzstan and The Republic of Korea were established on 31 January in 1992. Political and economic relations between Kyrgyzstan and The Republic of Korea is a new topic for the study. That’s why there are no books and dissertations on this topic. The aim of this paper is to analyze bilateral relations and find out the perspectives and obstacles of the economic cooperation which can really impact the economic development of the country. In order to research the topic, the empirical and comparative methods of analysis were used. As a data sources were used papers of F. Matteo, M. Douglass, S. Chung, and C. Eshimbekov.
«Saemaul Undong» or «The New Village Movement» is the South Korea’s Rural Development Model for countries such as Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyzstan has all conditions for applying the «The New Village Movement» program. First, Kyrgyzstan's an agrarian country. Second, 65% of the total population is the rural population. Third, about 1 931 000 people live below the poverty line in 2015. And, 67.7% of these people are rural settlements. So it means that by the financial support of the Korean International Cooperation Agency and the local government Korean rural development program can be implemented successfully in Kyrgyzstan. The perspective fields of economic cooperation between two countries are tourism, agriculture, textile industry, information technology and the mining. Some obstacles of the cooperation are the absence of direct flight Bishkek-Seoul, ineffective use of Korean investments and insufficient resources of information about Kyrgyzstan for Korean businessmen.
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Öngel, Volkan, İlyas Sözen et Ahmet Alkan Çelik. « An Evaluation of Human Development Index in Central Asian Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00377.
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Economic development and growth had been the most important target among all goverments throughout the history. In this respect, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in Middle Asian Region had chosen development as primary target in 20 years time after their independence. Human capital is the leading factor to maintain economic development and growth.
Development and growth terms over which different meanings and concepts were imposed in time, necessitated several political economic alterations. Before 1970’s, increase in income had been sufficient criterion for the development of a government. But nowadays economic development incorporates factors such as life expectancy at birth, school enrolment ratio, literancy rate, gender discrimination, poverty alleviation, equal distribution of income beyond economic growth. Herewith this change political preference and priorities has started to differentiate.
The aim of this study is to discuss human development index (HDI) data of 5 Middle Asian countries in 2010 and changes in HDI in years after their independence. Comparisan between Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and HDI rates are also performed within this analysis. This study consists of data of 5 Middle Asian countries between years 1990-2010. Basic, retrospective, illustrative library method is used as the study method.
In conclusion, we find that increase in GDP did not reflect over HDI in Middle Asian Countries within 20-years period.
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Aytuganova, Cipar. « Current Problems in Labor Quality in Kyrgyzstan ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00369.
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Formation or implementation of high-quality labor is an actual problem of the world economy and always considered in the theory and practice. Labor quality is the realization of increased productivity and performance of the work and responsibilities, also it is known as the main factor of economic growth in economics. Since 1991, the importance of labor quality for development of national economy and macroeconomic stability in Kyrgyzstan is growing and becoming actual in globalization and integration process, financial, informational, scientific and technical cooperation, is requiring researching. This problem studied by academics O. Bogomolov, L. Kudryavtsev, G.Kolodko, T.Koychuev and others. In economics labor defines as a set of three groups of labor skills and abilities of individuals. This group of skills combines the biological, economic and social side of man. Development of labor quality is considered at three levels: low, medium and high quality. In all states, there are complex of integrated structures that seek efficiency in own activity. In the transition period for Kyrgyzstan it is necessary to solve social problems, improve living standards. It’s necessary to abide execution of laws by from the President to the citizen, establish the subordination of society to laws, improve moral of public servants, gain people's trust in government, form up the economic culture, to eliminate the shadow economy and corruption. Economic culture must become an integral part of national ideology.
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Fuentes, Gabriel. « The Politics of Memory : Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba ». Dans 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.
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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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Karapınar, Esra. « The Place of Central Asian Turkic Republics in the Global World ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00124.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Globalization process which started at the end of nineteenth century and goes on at the present shows its impacts more in some countries or less in some other countries but this is a process that closes up countries, blots out authorities’ immunities, makes them become transparent, and strengthens socio-cultural, political and especially economic relations. After the terms of being introverted and self-sufficiency between First and Second World Wars, struggles to liberalized world trade have been accelerated since 1960, and good and service flows between countries grew both as a volume and value. As a result of liberalization and deregulation politics which appears since 1980, the capital could move easier on the world. So, how has this process felt its effect on the Central Asian Turkic Republics includes Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan that arised in 1991 after dissociation in the Soviet Union because of clearing and reconstruction policy applied and after facility of establishing its own, independent states by earning their national identities to Turkish elements who lived under the sovereignty of Russians for years is given? The aim of study here is to analyse the effects of that globalization wave in the Turkic Republics which spread out all over the world. For this purpose, first of all changes in the Soviet Union 's policy will be considered and reflections of it on the economical life are to be investigated, and then applications and what the course of actions about integration with the World determined by mentioned republics after dissociation are to be discussed.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-"
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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.