Articles de revues sur le sujet « Kurdish fighters »
Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Kurdish fighters.
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 36 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Kurdish fighters ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Nilsson, Marco. « Primary Unit Cohesion Among the Peshmerga and Hezbollah ». Armed Forces & ; Society 44, no 4 (9 août 2017) : 647–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17720922.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study analyzes the creation of primary unit cohesion among the Kurdish Peshmerga soldiers fighting the Islamic State in northern Iraq and among Hezbollah fighters active in Syria. For this comparative study, Kurdish soldiers were interviewed on three fronts outside Mosul, Erbil, and Kirkuk in February 2015 and May 2016, and Hezbollah fighters were interviewed in Lebanon in March 2016. In contrast to many studies’ depictions of unit cohesion as relating to shared experiences of training and battle, this study argues that the Kurdish soldiers also import into their units various ideas relating to Kurdish identity. These include ideas about nationalism and religion produced through discourses within the Kurdish military and society. However, Hezbollah seeks to minimize political damage in the multisectarian political context in Lebanon while conducting domestically contested military operations abroad. This has led to a downplaying of the sectarian aspects of the conflict, which could be imported from the Shia community to increase unit cohesion, and to an ideological framing of the conflict. The general ideas circulating in society and the political context therefore matter for the strategies that can be used to increase primary unit cohesion and soldiers’ fighting power.
2
Tillo, Khoushnaw. « Perspectives of the Kurdish knot in the Middle East ». Review of Nationalities 8, no 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract For centuries, Kurds have been carrying out activities aimed at obtaining their own state. Due to the cooperation of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria, it was impossible in the twentieth century. As a result of Operation Desert Storm, a Kurdish enclave was created in the north of Iraq, which over the years developed and allowed for real dreams of recognized independence, at least for some of the Kurds living in the Middle East. A&er the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq in 2011, there was a political vacuum in which we observe the weakening of the Iraqi state, the outbreak of the Arab Spring and the emergence of the Islamic State, which also had direct consequences for the Kurds. The weakness of the central government in Baghdad, the need to fight the Kurdish army against IS fighters raised the importance of arguments for the proclamation of an independent Kurdish state in the Middle East, or maybe even two, including the possible division of Syria.
3
Rothkopf, Ilana. « International Humanitarian Law and Non-State Practice in Armed Conflict : Combatant’s Privilege and Kurdish Fighters in Syria ». Journal of Conflict and Security Law 24, no 2 (2019) : 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krz008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Do fighters associated with non-state armed groups have the combatant’s privilege in armed conflict? Non-state armed groups are commonplace in contemporary armed conflicts. However, international humanitarian law (IHL), particularly the law that pertains to combatant’s privilege and prisoner of war status, was designed with state actors in mind. This article assesses the conditions under which the members of non-state armed groups have combatant’s privilege. Throughout, it uses the case of Kurdish fighters in Syria as an example of the timeliness of this question and its ramifications for conflict actors. This article notes, with support from the Geneva Conventions, Additional Protocols, and other sources of IHL, that IHL does not foresee a combatant’s privilege for armed groups in a non-international armed conflict. It contends, however, that the international community should agree to a generalisable rule for the treatment of fighters as combatants regardless of conflict type, if these fighters demonstrate the capability and willingness to adhere to IHL. Such a rule would reduce the need to assess both conflict type and the status of individual fighters should they be captured, and more importantly, it would incentivise continued compliance with IHL.
4
Yesiltas, Ozum. « Understanding Rojava ». Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 18, no 3 (1 novembre 2022) : 337–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10022118.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This study critically analyzes representations of Kurdish women fighters in US mainstream media from January 2014 to December 2018. The article argues that the narrative articulated through the presentation of Kurdish women in the US media as “badass” soldiers fighting against the violence and extremism of the Islamic State serves to eschew a deeper understanding of their political and ideological motivations. Although they do not fit into the stereotypical category of oppressed Muslim women in need of saving, Kurdish women too are the subject of misrepresentation in US media in ways similar to the monolithic and essentialized representations of Afghan women in the post-9/11 era or Iranian women following the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The present work questions why this misrepresentation takes place and what renders the representation of Kurdish women Orientalist despite its differences from the previous discursive constitutions of Muslim women in US media.
5
Tank, Pinar. « Kurdish Women in Rojava : From Resistance to Reconstruction ». Die Welt des Islams 57, no 3-4 (17 octobre 2017) : 404–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05734p07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2010, the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, declared, “The freedom of the Kurdish people can be viewed as inseparably bound to women’s freedom.”1 This statement emphasizes a core tenet in the reinvention of the PKK’s ideology as articulated by Öcalan: the understanding that freedom can only be achieved through the defeat of the patriarchal system. The women of the PKK and its sister organization, the Democratic Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat, PYD), represent the embodiment of the PKK’s new ideology, attracting international attention following Kurdish efforts to establish an autonomous region of governance in north-east Syria. This article focuses on a case study of the PYD’s Syrian Kurdish Women’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin, YPJ), and their defence of Kurdish-dominated enclaves in Syria. The analysis demonstrates the agency behind their engagement and the ideology that motivates their resistance to patriarchy in the Middle East. In so doing, the article compares the YPJ’s understanding of agency to media representations of YPJ fighters’ engagement, in an effort to see beyond the traditional victim/peacemaker articulation of gendered engagement, arguing instead for the need to recognize the politics behind Kurdish women’s participation as combatants in the Syrian civil war.
6
Yar, Lucia. « KURDISH FEMALE FIGHTERS IN SYRIA DURING AND AFTER THE FIGHT AGAINST ISIS ». Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 20, no 2 (16 décembre 2020) : 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.20.2020.02.019-040.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Kurdish female fighters in Syria did not receive attention until after the Battle of Koban. This study analyzes activities during and after the struggle against ISIS, focusing on the ideological motivators that influenced their involvement in the armed insurgent movement. Through a discursive analysis of non-traditional, local sources, it concludes that the specificity of the ideological transformation of the movement, where women's emancipation came to the center of the local discourse, persisted even after the primary goal of the resistance has changed.
7
Schaefer, Oskar. « COVID-19 as a Green Light for the Regeneration of ISIS’ Forces in North-East Syria ». Polish Political Science Yearbook 50 (2021) : 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202127.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the fall of the so-called Islamic State in March 2019, tens of thousands of its fighters, along with their wives and children, were captured and detained in facilities controlled by Syrian Democratic Forces in northeast Syria. Many of which were European. Based on the information provided by scientific institutes and journalists, the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic had had a significant impact on the functioning of those facilities. Not only did it aggravate an already severe humanitarian crisis, pushing the detainees to reinforce their attempts of escaping and rioting against the guards, but it also lowered the security level in the controlled facilities, allowing a flourishing of criminal activities. Furthermore, the detainment of ISIS followers turned into a political game between the Kurdish coalition and the United States. The global health crisis put to the test the strategy of many Western governments of keeping European ISIS fighters in the Middle East while pressuring the international community to rethink its approach towards this crescent problem.
8
Toivanen, Mari, et Bahar Baser. « Gender in the Representations of an Armed Conflict ». Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 9, no 3 (2016) : 294–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00903007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Syrian civil war has been, without doubt, the war most widely covered by international media in this millennium. Having engaged in an armed combat against the Islamic State (IS), Kurdish military troops, especially the female battalion, have received considerable international media attention. This study examines the gender dimension of national media representations of female Kurdish combatants belonging to the Protection Units (YPJ) in Syria. How have the female combatants been framed in British and French media? To what extent are these representations gendered? The overall data consists of news articles from national media outlets in France and in the United Kingdom between 2014 and 2015, and is analyzed with frame analysis. The results show that the juxtaposition of female combatants with IS fighters allows the depiction of the participation of the former as exceptional and heroic and as one that deconstructs the masculinity of its adversary. The role of female combatants in the ongoing conflict is represented in the British and French media through the construction of sexualized and modern-day heroine figures that are largely glorified.
9
Hassan, Jehat, et Kovan Hassan. « Poems of Lamentation of Terez ». Humanities Journal of University of Zakho 11, no 3 (22 septembre 2023) : 545–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26436/hjuoz.2023.11.3.1056.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the past, grief and lamentation for the dead were one of the main purposes of poetry. However, with the passage of time, this purpose witnessed great changes as the Kurdish literature witnessed such developments. This means that grief and lamentation moved from the level of grief of relatives and clan to greater goals. The death of leaders, artists, writers, and fighters also became a tool for grief and lamentation in most of the stages of the Kurdish literature, especially in poems. Grief and lamentation for the dead were among the important topics and became the focus of poets' interest, especially in the traditional and modern poems. Many of the Kurdish poets cared about lamentation in the modern era, as they wrote poems of sadness and lamentation for different personalities and events. Terez is among those poets who paid great attention to lamentation, as it is possible to clearly show the direction of this change in his poems, and we tried to know the extent and quality of Terez's interest in the subject of grief and lamentation. Was he able to express it well and meet the required level? To what extent did he care about this topic? For this reason, we have tried in this research entitle (Poems of Lamentation of Terez) to show the innovations and changes that Terez made in this aspect. This research study adopted both the (descriptive and analytical) approaches.
10
Paasche, Till F. « Fighting Falcons over northern Iraq : a Kurdish perspective on F-16 fighters and regional security ». Critical Studies on Security 3, no 1 (2 janvier 2015) : 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2015.1005421.
Texte intégral
11
Aburish, Said. « The last Jew in Beirut ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no 1 (1 janvier 2009) : 162–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802576221.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The true story of a woman by the name of Qamar who was the ‘last Jew in Beirut’ and the protection given to her and her relatives by the Kurdish family of Jamīl and Amīnah Milhou in the historic Jewish quarter of Wādī Abū Jamīl centred around the Sinnou Building, during the first desperate years of the Lebanese Civil War (1975–77). Eventually attracting international press coverage and the attention of PLO Chairman Yāssir ‘Arafāt due to an article in the Lebanese daily al-Nahār which mistakenly identified the males of the Milhou family as PLO fighters, the story of Qamar and her protectors came to symbolize noble humanity in an inhumane war. The account is based on an interview with Fayṣal Milhou.
12
Tezcür, Güneş Murat. « A Path out of Patriarchy ? Political Agency and Social Identity of Women Fighters ». Perspectives on Politics 18, no 3 (13 juin 2019) : 722–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000288.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Violent movements in different parts of the world have employed large numbers of women fighters. I address the question of how and why so many women from diverse backgrounds join an ethnic insurgency. Informed by an intersectional approach, I suggest that when gender and ethnic inequalities overlap, an ethnic insurgency promising gender emancipation would have strong appeal among women. At the same time, the intersection of class and gender shapes distinctive patterns of mobilization among women of an ethnic minority. In particular, uneducated women with lower class backgrounds join the movement because it provides them with the most viable way out of patriarchal relations. I employ a multi-method research design to study a paradigmatic case of women in arms, the Kurdish insurgency. I use an original large dataset containing information about more than 9,000 militants, from extensive fieldwork entailing dozens of in-depth interviews, and an archival study of sources in primary languages. My findings reveal the effects of unequal relationships based on ethnicity, gender, and class on violent political mobilization and the ambivalent relationship between women’s political agency and empowerment.
13
TEZCÜR, GÜNEŞ MURAT. « Ordinary People, Extraordinary Risks : Participation in an Ethnic Rebellion ». American Political Science Review 110, no 2 (mai 2016) : 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000150.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why do ordinary people take extraordinary risks and join an ethnic armed rebellion? This article tests a series of well-established hypotheses about selfish and identity based motivations and a new hypothesis based on prospect theory. It then employs a unique multimethod research strategy combining one of the most comprehensive datasets on insurgent recruitment that contains biographical information about 8,266 Kurdish militants with extensive fieldwork involving in-depth interviews with relatives of the militants to test these hypotheses. The findings show the decision to rebel is as much political as economic and social. While security concerns and expectations of benefits affect the decision to rebel, social commitments, identities radicalized by state repression, and collective threat perceptions among efficacious individuals generated by political mobilization, rather than preexisting ethnic cleavages, also lead to participation in an ethnic insurgency. The latter findings explain the durability of insurgencies with limited economic resources and their ability to attract educated fighters.
14
Oguz, Zeynep. « Of Geosocial Relations and Separations ». Environmental Humanities 15, no 3 (1 novembre 2023) : 174–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/22011919-10746067.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract How might an attention to the role that the geologic plays in everyday social and political formations help reveal and politicize the geographically, temporally, and stratigraphically distributed forms of violence in the Anthropocene? Building on recent work in environmental humanities, anthropology, geography, and feminist geophilosophy that aims to rethink racialized forms of violence alongside planetary forces and earthly formations, this article explores how geosocial relations and exclusions register distributed forms of violence that are often kept separate from each other. Through an ethnographic account of a state-led oil shale exploration project in southwestern Turkey during the eruption of war between Kurdish freedom fighters and the Turkish state in southeastern Turkey in the summer of 2015, the article traces the links and disjunctures between the everyday disavowal of resource exploration and colonial warfare. It explores how the disavowal of war and hydrocarbon exploration forecloses political and ethical possibilities. It further examines how emergent geosocial relations between people and rocks carry the possibility of reckoning with anti-Kurdish war and violence. In doing so, the article invites environmental humanities to rethink methodological and analytical ways of rendering violence visible. The article concludes by speculating about the possibility of geosocial solidarity, or a mode of relation with geological formations and humans that forges connections between racialized forms of othering and planetary scales of time, space, and materiality. As a mode of earthly praxis, geosocial solidarity is what might come after the unfinished task of detangling distributed forms of violence in the Anthropocene.
15
Kulic, Sara. « Citizenship Deprivation as a Counterterrorism Measure in Europe ». Contemporary Challenges : The Global Crime, Justice and Security Journal 2 (3 octobre 2021) : 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/ccj.v2.5384.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the proclamation of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) Caliphate in June 2014, an unprecedented number of jihadi supporters in Europe have left their countries to fight alongside the organisation in Iraq and Syria. Over the years, ISIS has lost much of its territory and was militarily defeated in 2019, leaving a large number of members waiting in Kurdish camps and Iraqi prisons for their fate to be decided. Instead of repatriating foreign fighters, many European countries have started to use citizenship deprivation as a tool of preventing them from returning. Under the rationale of protecting national security and deterring possible supporters, it has been argued that citizenship deprivation is nothing more than risk exportation, with notable implications for a whole international community. This article provides an overview of the rationale behind citizenship deprivation as a counterterrorism measure and highlights how, from a counterterrorism perspective, shifting the problem instead of addressing it, could be counterproductive and undermine the fight against terrorism. The article concludes that despite numerous implications, following the public pressure to harshly respond to terrorism, it is unlikely that the popularity and use of citizenship deprivation as a counterterrorism measure will be in decrease soon.
16
Olejárová, Barbora. « The Great Wall of Turkey : From „The Open-Door Policy” to Building Fortress ? » Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 6, no 2 (2 novembre 2018) : 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/ppbs55.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Turkey recorded an unprecedented inflow of migrants from its southern neighbourhood. The policy of opened borders in the initial years of war contrasted to securitization, the search for international support and other similar policies, which countries usually adopt in cases of migration crises. However, rising numbers of Syrian migrants, the deterioration of Turkish relations with the Assad government and the engagement of the Kurds as another important party in the Syrian conflict resulted in the switch of the Turkish border policy. In 2014, President Erdoğan initiated the construction of over 800 km long barrier on the border with Syria with an aim to build similar fenced walls on the Iraqi and Iranian border in 2017. Main aim of this paper is to analyze the development of the Turkish border policy (particularly concerning the border with Syria) in the aftermath of the 2011 events in the Middle East and identify factors, which led up to the shift from the policy of welcoming to the policy of building „Fortress Turkey”. The first part of the paper will briefly summarize Turkish migration policy and focus on presenting the change of the initial ‘open’ approach to migration from Syria into the current state of building fences in the borderland. Subsequently, the paper will deal with selected factors, which might have caused this phenomenon. These include spread of terrorism and inflow of the Daesh fighters, who were using soft border regime to diffuse their activities to the Turkish territory; increase in smuggling and cross-border illegal trade; fears from the conflict spillover; but also territorial integrity concerns with regard to revival of the Kurdish activities in the region .
17
Dr. Murad Ali. « Turkey-United States' Bilateral Ties : a Tale of Convergence and Divergence of Interests ». sjesr 3, no 4 (25 décembre 2020) : 282–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss4-2020(282-288).
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper explores bilateral ties between Turkey and the United States (US) following the end of World War II to the recent era of Trump-Erdogan. Due to its immense geostrategic significance and a strong military, throughout the Cold War period and also in the post-Cold War era, Tukey has mostly remained a key US ally. The methodology adopted for this study is based on both qualitative data available in the form of policy documents and existing literature about the subject as well as utilizing quantitative data comprising US economic and military aid and arms' sales to Turkey obtained from databases of United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) respectively. Like numerous developing countries in other parts of the world, Turkey also became one of the biggest recipients of US economic and military assistance and Washington also provided huge arms to Ankara during the Cold War years. The US has provided Turkey an aggregate of US$ 70 billion in civilian and military assistance and has delivered its arms worth US$ 34 billion. However, it has not been a smooth journey as their bilateral relationship experienced some upheavals not only during the Cold War period but ties have been strained by various thorny matters in recent years. These include Turkey's dispute with Greece on Cyprus, targeting Kurdish fighters in Syria, purchase of S-400 defense systems from Russia, and human rights violations at home. By examining these vital points of concern, the paper concludes that although both countries have historically maintained warm bilateral ties, several divergent issues have marred the relationship between the two countries in recent years.
18
Tillo, Khoushnaw. « Lights on the emergence backgrounds of the de facto autonomy of North and East Syria (NES). Its features of quasi state and interdependence with roots of the Kurdish question in Syria ». Review of Nationalities 12, no 1 (1 décembre 2022) : 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2022-0011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The research is presenting backgrounds to the sudden informal secession of the Kurdish regions in Syria from the central government of Damascus in 2012, to successively create a kind of de facto autonomy known as Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). This research is trying to expose features of a quasi state demonstrated by AANES through analyses of its existence mechanisms and collaborations with the International Coalition in fights against ISIS, and also in the efforts by AANES to obtain international recognition for its autonomous project. Furthermore, to point the relations between indigenous secession attempts presented by AANES and roots of the Kurdish question in Syria, also the inter-engagements with micro- and macro-aspects and fluctuations of political transformation inside Syria and the existing severe ethnic and sectarian fragmentations of Syria’s society, considered as the main factors behind Syrian state failure and fragmentation, that also became very obvious after the outbreak of civil war in 2011, to finally present prognoses about the fate of AANES and Syrian state.
19
Akin, Cihan Erdost. « Making the revolution intelligible, rendering political imaginations unthinkable : A postcolonial reading of British and American media representations of Rojava ». Kurdish Studies 8, no 2 (13 octobre 2020) : 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i2.521.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although the gendered media portrayal of female Kurdish fighters has drawn academic attention, the representation of the socio-political model of Rojava by the British and American media is often neglected. This paper surveys the British and American media to understand the kinds of opinions found in the media, the discursive means that make the Rojava model intelligible, and what is rendered either commonsensical or unimaginable. The Rojava project is framed as “a separatist rebellion”, “an experiment”, and “a genuine social revolution”. By excluding the anti-capitalist and ecological principles of Rojava, and either dismissing or romanticising its achievements, these discourses render an alternative to capitalism and the nation-state unthinkable, and reproduce Orientalist images of the region, thus serving capitalist and imperialist interests. This study suggests that we should pay more attention to socio-political imaginations and representations of non-state paradigms in order to understand the hegemony of the state. Abstract in Kurmanji Fehmbarkirina şoreşê, pêşkêşkirina nemumkiniya tesewira polîtîk: Xwendineke postkolonyal a temsîlên Rojava di medyaya Brîtanya û Amerîkayê de Li hember teswîra zayendî ya şervanên kurd ên jin ku gelek bala akademiyê kişandiye, temsîla modela sosyo-polîtîk a Rojava ji teref medyaya brîtanyayî û emerîkî ve pirî caran hate paşguhkirin. Ev nivîs li medyaya brîtanyayî û emerîkî dinêre da ku cureyên fikrên di medyayê de, amûrên vegotinê yên ku modela Rojavayê fehmbar dikin vebikole û fehm bike ka çi û çiqas beraqil an jî nexeyalbar tê pêşkêşkirin. Projeya Rojava, weke “serhildaneke cudaxwaz”, “ceribandek” û “şoreşeke civakî ya resen” tê resmkirin. Bi derkirina prensîbên dij-kapîtalîst û ekolojîk yên Rojava û bi paşguhkirin an jî romantîzekirina destkeftên wê, ev dîskûr nemumkiniya alternatîfa kapîtalîzmê û netewe-dewletê îfade dikin û wêneyekî Oryantalîst ya herêmê diafirînin ku xizmeta berjewendiyên kapîtalîst û emperyalîst dike. Ev xebat pêşniyar dike ku divê em bêtir bala xwe bidin tesewirên sosyo-polîtîk û temsîlên paradîgmaya ne-dewlet ji bo fehmkirina hegemonyaya dewletê. Abstract in Sorani Be têgeyandin kirdnî şorrş, bê mana kirdnî endêşe syasîyekan: Xwêndneweyekî postkolonyalaney wênakirdnî mîdyay berîtanî û emrîkî bo rojawa Egerçî wêne mîdyayye cênderekanî jne şervanekanî kurd sernicî ekadîmîyekanî rakêşawe, zorcar wênakirdnî modêlî syasî-cvakî rojava lelayen mîdyay berîtanî û emrîkayewe feramoşkrawe. Bo têgeyîştin lew bîruboçunaney le mîdyakanda bedî dekrêt, em babete rumallêkî mîdyay berîtanî û emrîkî dekat, amraze gutarîyekan ke modêlî rojava bê mana deken û yan wek ştêkî asayî yan xeyallî dexrête rû . Projey rojava xrawete çwarçîwey “yaxîbunêkî cudaxwazî”, “ezmunêk” we “şorşêkî rasteqîney komellayetî”. Be wedernanî bnema dje-sermayedarî û îkolojîyekanî rojava, we yan be nadîdekirdin û romantîkirdnî deskewtekan, em gutarane bedîlêk bo sermayedarî û dewllet-netewe dexate derewey bîrkirdnewe. Em twêjîneweye pêşnyar dekat ke bo ewey le hejmûnî dewllet têbgeyn, pêwîste bayexî zyatir be endêşey syasî-cvakî û nwênerayetîkrinî paradaymî nadewlletî bdeyn. Abstract in Zazaki Şoreşî dayîşfehmkerdiş, fikranê sîyasîyan nêdayîşfikirîyayîş: Medyaya Brîtanya û Amerîka de temsîlê Rojawanî ser o wendişêko postkolonîyalîst Herçiqas ke nawitişê medyaya cinsîyetperwere de rolê şêrvananê cinîkanê kurdan bala akademîkan ante, modelê komel û sîyasetê Rojawanî zafê reyan hetê medyaya Brîtanya û Amerîka ra peygoş bî. Na meqale qayîtê medyaya Brîtanya û Amerîka kena ke wina tede qeneatê ci yê cîya-cîyayî, usûlê munaqeşeyî yê îzahkerdişê modelê Rojawanî û çîyê bimantiqkerde yan zî nefikrbarî fehm bibê. Projeyê Rojawanî sey “serewedaritişo cîyaker”, “ceribnayîş” û “şoreşê komelî yo raştikên” name beno. Bi îhmalkerdişê prensîpanê Rojawanî yê antîkapîtalîst û ekolojîkan û bi redkerdiş yan zî romantîzekerdişê serkewtişanê ci, nê munaqeşeyî alternatîfê kapîtalîzm û dewleta netewe nêdanê fikirîyayene. Wina herêm ra resimo oryantalîst yeno xêzkerdene ke menfeatanê kapîtalîst û emperyalîstan rê fayde dano. No cigêrayîş pêşnîyaz keno ke ma hîna zaf bala xo bidîme fikranê komelkî û sîyasîyan û estbîyayîşê paradîgmayanê nedewlete ser ke bandura dewlete fehm bikerîme.
20
Lopes, Letícia Ferreira, et Maiara Garcia Orlandini. « Curdas na Guerra Civil Síria ». Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo 11, no 1 (13 juin 2022) : 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/slj.v11.n1.2022.475.
Texte intégralRésumé :
PT. O artigo consiste em uma análise da cobertura jornalística de veículos de comunicação brasileiros sobre a Guerra Civil Síria, com foco na atuação da Yekineyên Parastina Jinê (Unidade de Defesa das Mulheres), conhecida como YPJ. A organização militar que se apresenta como objeto de estudo deste artigo é composta apenas por mulheres curdas com foco em defesa de ataques do governo sírio e do Estado Islâmico. O grupo busca empoderar mulheres, defendendo a igualdade de gênero, especialmente no que diz respeito à elaboração e execução de tarefas militares. Levando em conta as ações inovadoras da YPJ na Guerra Civil Síria junto à problemática dos produtos de mídia ainda presentes no nosso país, este trabalho procurou responder qual o foco das coberturas jornalísticas nacionais sobre as combatentes da YPJ. A partir de uma coleta realizada por meio do Google Notícias, chegamos há setenta notícias online sobre a YPJ, as quais foram analisadas sob a ótica do enquadramento multimodal (Wozniak et al, 2014) e da análise de conteúdo (Bardin, 2011; Krippendorff, 2004). Os operadores analíticos foram desenvolvidas exclusivamente para este trabalho e consideram três eixos, sendo eles: (1) manchete, (2) conteúdo visual e (3) conteúdo textual. Os achados de pesquisas apontam que as matérias brasileiras sobre a atuação da YPJ na Guerra Civil Síria são (i) marcadas por abordagens ligadas às questões bélicas sem aspectos diplomáticos e pela (ii) falta do protagonismo feminino nos enquadramentos midiáticos. A análise também revelou como a cobertura brasileira sobre a YPJ na Guerra Civil Síria é simplista no que tange à guerra, pois não se ateve às explicações pertinentes sobre o conflito, ou as questões atreladas à gênero, uma vez que não ofereceu espaço para que problematizações importantes sobre os feitios e condições de vida das combatentes fossem divulgados.
***
EN. The article provides an analysis of the journalistic coverage of Brazilian media outlets about the Syrian Civil War, with focus on the performance of Yekineyên Parastina Jinê (Women's Defense Unit), known as YPJ. The military organization that is presented as the object of study of this article is composed only of Kurdish women focused on defending attacks by the Syrian government and the Islamic State. The group seeks to empower women by advocating gender equality, especially concerning the design and execution of military tasks. Taking into account the YPJ's innovative actions in the Syrian Civil War along with the problem of media products still present in our country, this work sought to answer the focus of national journalistic coverage on YPJ fighters. From a collection carried out through Google News, there is seventy online news about the YPJ, which were analyzed from the perspective of the multimodal framework (Wozniak et al, 2014) and content analysis (Bardin, 2011; Krippendorff, 2004). The analytical operators were developed exclusively for this work and consider three axes, namely: (1) headline, (2) visual content, and (3) textual content. Research findings indicate that Brazilian articles on the role of the YPJ in the Syrian Civil War are (i) marked by approaches linked to war issues without diplomatic aspects and by (ii) the lack of female protagonists in the media frameworks. The analysis reveals how the Brazilian coverage of YPJ in the Syrian Civil War has a shallow character both in terms of war, as it did not stick to the pertinent explanations about the conflict, as to gender, since it did not offer space for important problematizations about the characteristics and living conditions of the combatants were made public.
***
FR. L'article présente une analyse de la couverture par les médias brésiliens de la guerre civile syrienne, en se penchant sur l’action de la Yekineyên Parastina Jinê (Unité de défense des femmes), connue sous l’acronyme YPJ. Cette organisation militaire, objet de l’étude, est composée exclusivement de femmes kurdes engagées à défendre la population contre les assauts du gouvernement syrien et de l'État islamique. Ce groupe a pour but d’autonomiser les femmes, en prônant l'égalité des genres, notamment en termes de conception et d'exécution des tâches militaires. En se penchant sur les actions innovantes de la YPJ dans la guerre civile syrienne ainsi que sur la problématique des produits médiatiques au Brésil, il s’agit ici de comprendre quel aspect est mis en relief par les couvertures médiatiques brésiliennes sur les combattantes de la YPJ. Le corpus, constitué de soixante-dix articles d'actualité en ligne sur la YPJ, recueillis sur le site Google News, a été analysé sous l'angle du cadrage multimodal (Wozniak et al, 2014) et de l'analyse de contenu (Bardin, 2011 ; Krippendorff, 2004). Les opérateurs analytiques, définis exclusivement pour ce travail, considèrent les données sous trois angles : (1) les gros-titres, (2) le contenu visuel et (3) le contenu textuel. Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que les articles de presse brésiliens sur les actions de la YPJ dans la guerre civile syrienne sont (i) marqués par des approches relatives aux questions de guerre sans tenir compte des aspects diplomatiques et (ii) par l'absence de protagonisme féminin dans les cadrages médiatiques. L'analyse révèle que la couverture brésilienne de la YPJ dans la guerre civile syrienne est superficielle tant sur le plan de la guerre elle-même, car elle ne s'en tient pas aux explications pertinentes sur le conflit, que sur celui du genre, aucun espace n’étant ouvert aux problématisations, pourtant centrales, sur les caractéristiques et les conditions de vie des combattantes.
***
21
Topal, Mustafa Kemal. « From Zin the Mythical Heroine to Zilan, the First Kurdish Female Suicide Bomber : The PKK’s Creation of a New Feminist Figuration ». Feminist Encounters : A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 7, no 2 (1 septembre 2023) : 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/13548.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines how the <i>Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan</i> (PKK) and its leader Abdullah Öcalan draw inspiration for their national struggle, through an appropriation of the female figure Zin from the 1692 classic Kurdish love myth <i>Mem and Zin</i> written by Ehmedê Xanî (1650-1707), turning her into a symbol of love for the nation. Based on interviews with some fully-fledged members of PKK and Abdullah Öcalan’s written works, as well as observations from fieldwork conducted in the mountainous areas of Iraq, this article will analyse how an old love story has become entangled with the PKK’s national struggle and its pursuit of a new human type, one that might truly represent a new type of freedom fighter. In this re-configuration, love for the opposite sex must be transformed radically into love for the native land, with death as a consequence if sacrifice is seen as necessary. Drawing on the work of Donna J. Haraway, Elisabeth Grosz and Rosi Braidotti, this analysis examines how history, nature, geography, myth, and nostalgia are employed in the re-configuration of gender and love, and in the creation of a new feminist figuration that recalls Haraway’s cyborg figure.
22
BROZIC, LILIANA. « INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMUNITY AT THE CROSSROADS ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/2 (30 juin 2016) : 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.2.00.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For some time already, the international security community has been at a crossroads and looking for new right directions. The established operational guidelines have changed, and in some areas, it seems that they simply no longer exist. There are many factors which have had an effect on the relatively high level of security we have witnessed in the last few years. The financial crisis, which started to show its teeth in 2008 and 2009, has seriously changed the European armed forces, their structure, organization and development. Many comforted themselves that this does not constitute a significant problem, since we are relatively safe. Public opinion surveys in Slovenia revealed that most of all, people feel threatened by natural disasters and socio-economic situation. However, gradually but relatively quickly, everything has changed. In the spring of 2014, Crimea held a referendum on its annexation to the Russian Federation. The rattling of weapons began, provoking different reactions in the international community and resulting in altered relations between NATO and Russia. These changes were also discussed at the July NATO Summit in Warsaw. Two years earlier, in 2012, the media increasingly reported on the soaring migration problems in the Mediterranean Sea and difficulties suffered by Italy due to those phenomena. By the end of last year, migrations from the Southeast reached unimaginable proportions and gave a profound shock to the foundations of the European Union. Some terrorist attacks in European cities, which were said to be organized and carried out by migrants, had a significant impact on the altered understanding of the new (in)security. Some experts adopted a scientific approach to the new understanding of safety. The Defence Research Centre of the Faculty of Social Sciences, for example, published the results of a survey on the opinions of the Slovenian public regarding safety, which was carried out in 2015/2016. Among other things, the findings show that the recent migrant crisis has affected the Slovenian public, which perceives mass migrations as well as illegal and economic migrants as an important reason of concern. The authors of the survey observed a marked increase in the acceptance of the idea that in the protection of borders from illegal crossings, the Police are assisted by the Slovenian Armed Forces. A significantly high number of people also agreed with the idea that the armed forces should help in the fight against terrorism which, before the occurrence of mass migrations, was unthinkable. According to the authors of the survey, in the last three years, the support of the Slovenian public to the participation of Slovenia in international operations and missions has also grown by more than 20 percent. In addition, the proportion of the public which supports proposals to increase the defence budget has gone up. But will it actually increase, and how soon? We are still waiting for the new European defence strategy. We are anticipating new solutions, agreements between the decision-makers, etc. In the meantime, different authors went through various experiences. Some of them have decided to share them with our readers. In his article Fourth Generation Warfare: Geopolitical Framework to Slovenian Security (Part 1),Viktor Potočnik explores the issue of how geopolitics impacts the global security situation, what are the contemporary security risks and how they can affect Slovenia. In ensuring national security, the Slovenian Armed Forces play an important role. Consequently, Potočnik raises the question of whether they have a sufficient level of readiness to withstand potential risks, and presents the facts which he believes can have a key influence on the Slovenian national security. Cyber threats represent one of the most modern forms of security threats. In the previous issue of the Contemporary Military Challenges, Vinko Vegič provided the definition of cyber threats. This issue continues this theme with the article NATO and Cyber Deterrence, written by Staša Novak. According to her, NATO is de facto already pursuing certain elements of cyber deterrence based on strong defence, declaratory policy and responsive measures. However, responsive measures are not NATO offensive cyber capabilities, but the possibility of a collective defence response to a cyber attack, which implies a response with all available means. The increased number of migrants on their way to a better future has surprised many people in the Balkans, although numerous institutions and individuals had warned of this possibility before. Some experiences and responses of Slovenia’s neighbour, Hungary, are presented in an article by József Padányi and László Földi, titled Lessons Learned for the Hungarian Defence Forces from the Deployment of Engineer Obstacles during the 2015 Europe-Wide Mass-Migration Emergency. The article focuses mainly on the activities of the Hungarian armed forces. Metodi Hadji-Janev and Marija Jankuloska point out that the region of South- Eastern Europe has witnessed some examples of terrorist attacks and observe that the use of drones for countering global terrorism proved to be effective. Their article The Challenges of Drone Usage by Southeast European Countries examines the possibilities of their use in the home region. In his article titled Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the International Fight against It, József Kis-Benedek discusses the origins of this phenomenon and its manifestations in various Middle East countries, as well as the response of those countries and other international actors who share an interest in this part of the world. He also calls attention to the question of the Kurds and the emergence of volunteer fighters who are coming to Syria and Iraq to fight. The Battalion Battle Group and the evaluation of its training is the subject of the article titled Battle Group Training Cycle, in which Aleš Avsec compares the methods of training of these units in the Slovenian Armed Forces with the training of similar units in the United States of America. Is it even possible to compare two countries which are that different?
23
Dean, Valentina. « Kurdish Female Fighters the Western Depiction of YPJ Combatants in Rojava ». Glocalism, no 1 (31 mars 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.12893/gjcpi.2019.1.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As this paper is drafted, the YPJ continues to clash against Daesh’s patriarchal impositions. This paper considers three significant questions for its purpose; first, who are Kurdish female fighters and why did they choose to take up arms in an orga- nized militia? Second, how did the Western media portray the YPJ? Third, it consid- ers whether the Western representation of female soldiers is coherent or not with the subject. In conclusion, the essay will attempt to summarize in a nutshell the reality of the Kurdish female fighters. The aim of this essay is to identify a possible misrepresentation of the objective entailed in Rojava’s liberation struggle, since this could com- promise the real understanding of the subject, withholding from the audience the opportunity to learn about the plight of the Kurdish female fighters. The study of YPJ’s representation was pursued with the Analysis of Textual Data (ATD). However, the subject material for the socio-political analysis on the background of YPJ fighters was pursued through reference to books and interviews of Western reporters that were engaged in Rojava. Furthermore, a written interview was submitted to Meral Çiçek, of REPAK (Kurdish Women’s Relation Office). The results show an overall heterogeneous representation of the subject, as it is still not entirely exhaustive. The socio- political and ideological stand of YPJ combatants is often not addressed in a proper manner, therefore diminishing some aspects of their struggle. While Western fascination with Kurdish female fighters has slowed down, the YPJ battle is still ongoing. To that regard, the analysis in this paper ought to be considered as a starting point for further research.
24
Corradi, Edoardo. « Joining the fight : the Italian foreign fighters contingent of the Kurdish People's Protection Units ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, 18 novembre 2022, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.31.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Since the emergence of the Islamic State (ISIS) as one of the leading insurgent forces in Syria and Iraq in the 2010s, the academic literature has increasingly focused on the phenomenon of foreign fighters. Most studies have analyzed transnational insurgents joining the ISIS; however, research on non-jihadi foreign fighters remains underdeveloped. The article sheds much-needed light on the factors motivating non-jihadi fighters to join conflicts abroad. Specifically, it presents the findings of an in-depth analysis of the factors leading Italian nationals to join the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG/YPJ)1 after 2011, their military contribution on the battlefield, and their reasons for returning to Italy. The contributions of the paper are twofold. First, it enriches our general understanding of the motivations of non-jihadi foreign fighters through detailed qualitative analysis, including first-hand accounts and an analysis of fighters' biographies. Second, it offers a more complete picture of the specific factors informing the Italian experience of transnational non-jihadi fighters in recent years. The qualitative data highlight the role of non-material factors in triggering the armed mobilization of foreign fighters. The findings indicate that the Italian foreign fighters contingent within the YPG/YPJ and the SDF has been highly committed, made up mostly of young males with no military experience, and had little to no impact on the battlefield.
25
ÖZ, Volkan. « Fighting Fire with Fire ? An Assesment of the Potential Threats of Westerners Fighting against ISIS in Syria and Iraq ». Savunma Bilimleri Dergisi, 18 octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.17134/khosbd.1085135.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the Syrian Civil War began in 2011, tens of thousands of foreign fighters from different parts of the world have joined various armed groups in Syria and Iraq. There are three main groups of foreign fighters: Firstly, pro-ISIS foreign fighters who are associated with jihadist groups like Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS); secondly, pro-regime Shiite foreign fighters who are affiliated with the Assad government; and finally, anti-ISIS Western foreign fighters, fighting with Kurdish and Christian groups against ISIS and other jihadist groups. This study aims at assessing the potential threats that anti-ISIS Western foreign fighters may pose to international security and to their home countries. In line with this purpose, this study contributes to our recognition of anti-ISIS Western foreign fighters, conducts a threat assessment based on capabilities and intents of anti-ISIS Western foreign fighters and presents recommendations on how international organizations and Western governments should manage the issue of anti-ISIS Western foreign fighters.
26
Abakay, Yunus. « Kurdish gender politics funeral ceremonies of female fighters ». Digest of Middle East Studies, 7 janvier 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dome.12312.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe funeral ceremonies of female fighters are a relatively recent phenomenon that gained popularity in Kurdish politics in Turkey in the early 2000s and after the 2011 uprisings in Syria. As a sociocultural rite, these funerals have become a spectacular site, a political means, and a symbolic investment serving an intersectional agenda pursuing Kurdish national and gender‐egalitarian aspirations simultaneously. The funerals provide a ground for mobilizing women to claim symbolic authority in public and inscribe women as nation builders to the notion of nation. Women undertaking this intersectional task through national discourse garnered significant academic interest in the national dimension of the ceremonies. However, the emphasis on the national aspect overshadowed the gendered strategy the ceremonies signify. This article investigates the gender aspect of funerals to draw attention to the use of national discourse to subvert patriarchal dynamics within society, highlighting the role of national struggle in women's pursuit of liberation from social oppression. Therefore, it speaks to the scholarship focused on gender in nationalist endeavors and revisits the discussions on gender‐nation relations by focusing on national discourse instrumentalization serving the gender agenda. The analysis reveals the intricate dynamics between gender and nation and how they intersect in pursuing women's liberation.
27
Mustafa, Mohammad Salih, et Abdulrahman Karim Darwesh. « The Anti-Kurdish Thoughts of ISIS ». Review of Middle East Studies, 22 mars 2023, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2022.31.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article explores the ideological motivations for ISIS's prejudice against the Kurds. From the group's inception, ISIS has rejected any kind of understanding of Islam but its own. However, its animosity toward Kurds has its own purpose and foundations, separate from its religious dogmas. The aim of this article is to study the reasons behind its fundamental aversion toward the Kurds. An analysis of the literature of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), and particularly their interpretation of the Qurʾan and of Islamic prophetic traditions and history, demonstrates such a clear prejudice toward the Kurds, that no honest researcher can deny the vehemence of the group's hatred of the Kurds and their nationalist ideology. This animus explains, at least in part, why ISIS promulgated such a virulent anti-Kurdish ideology and recruited fighters to invade Kurdish lands. This study examines the ideological motives behind the group's behavior toward the Kurds. The article's hypothesis is that the Arab extremists that filled the ranks of ISIS, whether they came from secular nationalist, jihadist, or even moderate Islamist backgrounds, shared an antipathy against the Kurdish people that was deeply rooted in pro-Arab nationalistic sentiment. Below, the article looks at the deadly combination of Baʿthist ideology, which had previously led to genocidal campaigns against Kurds under Saddam Hussein, with the religious extremism of ISIS. A qualitative research method of discourse analysis is used to shed light on the ideological roots of ISIS's antagonism against Kurds. Kurdish-studies researchers will benefit from this study, as well as security, counter-terrorism, and Middle Eastern researchers and students.
28
Fernàndez Aragonès, Aina. « Women, body and war : Kurdish female fighters through Commander Arian and Girls’ War ». Media, War & ; Conflict, 20 août 2020, 175063522094855. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635220948554.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The historical relationship between women and war is largely mediated by their body, used as a symbolic expression of the process of occupation, extermination and subjugation of one people by another through the systematic violation of women and girls. Kurdish women live a triple struggle: against the Daesh, against the national oppression of their people by the different states of the Middle East into which Kurdistan is divided, and last – but not least – against patriarchy. In this fight, their body is their weapon: Daesh fighters are put into panic by them, since if they die at the hands of a woman they will not go to paradise. Commander Arian (2018) directed by Alba Sotorra and Girls’ War (2016) directed by Mylène Sauloy portray the struggle of Kurdish women against Daesh in the area of Rojava (Syrian Kurdistan). This article explores the media frame used in those documentaries to explain the relationship that these women establish with violence, a relationship allegedly denatured but sustained throughout history.
29
Kashani-Sabet, Firoozeh. « “A Nation in Turmoil, A Field in Crisis : The Upshots of Woman, Life, Freedom” ». International Journal of Middle East Studies, 11 janvier 2024, 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743823001460.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By now, it is well known that the murder of the Kurdish woman, Jina Mahsa Amini, last fall sparked nationwide protests in Iran. Aside from Jina, many other young protestors were killed, imprisoned, or permanently disabled, as security forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran began blinding demonstrators by firing rubber bullets at their eyes.1 These ghastly scenes were accompanied by other disturbing and violent acts that included the raiding of universities, sexual abuse of students, targeting of minority populations, and shockingly the execution of young men for their involvement in these fracases.2 The Woman, Life, Freedom (Persian: Zan, Zendegi, Azadi; WLF) uprising, which erupted in response to gender discrimination in the Islamic Republic, promptly embraced other social causes. What began as gender protests amplified people's strident cries against political repression in Iran. Despite raising awareness of a range of sociopolitical problems in Iran, the gender focus of this movement remains its singular achievement. This uprising,whose slogan (Kurdish: Jin, Jiyan, Azadi ) gained inspiration from the struggles of Kurdish women fighters, has put gender issues center stage and restored women's presence as primary agents of change in Iranian society.
30
Mohammadpour, Ahmad. « Blood for bread : Necro‐labor, nonsovereign bodies, and the state of exception in Rojhelat ». American Anthropologist, 29 octobre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aman.13941.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAs members of a stateless nation that is geopolitically divided across Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, Kurds are known mainly in the West as excellent fighters and political revolutionaries. Amid the devastation of war and political unrest, most Kurds struggle for economic survival. This is especially true for Eastern Kurds living under Iranian rule. They have seen their lands confiscated, their resources plundered, and their access to capital and educational mobility severely restricted. Moreover, under the rule of the Iranian Persian‐Shi'i necropolitics, Kurds have been culturally and economically subjected to a regime of internal colonialism that has eroded their capacity for economic survival. Building on the literature on sovereignty and violence, this article investigates the nexus between precarity, spatiality, and necropolitics as embodied in the practice of Kurdish cross‐border labor, or kolberi. I argue that the Iranian state deploys the discourse of a securitized borderland as a weapon to inflict a permanent state of exception on Rojhelat, condemning Kurds to the status of living dead through the imposition of precarious necro‐labor practice. Furthermore, this study articulates the border as an archive where registers of state necropolitics are deposited, preserved, and revealed in the lives of kolbers.
31
Santoire, Bénédicte. « Beyond feminist heroines : framing the discourses on Kurdish women fighters in three types of Western media ». Feminist Media Studies, 7 mars 2022, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2022.2041690.
Texte intégral
32
Corradi, Edoardo. « The Kurdish Protection Units in Northern Syria : A Deviant Case of Peaceful Cohabitation between Foreign Fighters and Local Civilians ? » Studies in Conflict & ; Terrorism, 30 juin 2022, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2022.2091038.
Texte intégral
33
Abdulah, Deldar Morad, Bayar Mohammed Omar Abdulla et Pranee Liamputtong. « The lived experience of surviving from the Islamic State attack and capture in Iraq and Syria : An arts-based qualitative study with Yazidi young women ». International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 6 janvier 2022, 002076402110689. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207640211068981.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: In August 2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attacked the Sinjar district and destroyed several villages and towns and killed several individuals. Aim: In this study, the Yazidi young women who survived the ISIS attack were encouraged to express their lived experiences through paintings following participation in a 6-month art-based intervention program. Methods: A total of 13 Yazidi Kurdish females aged 18 to 25 years (Mean: 21.7 years) were invited to participate in an art-based (drawing and painting) course for 6 months in 2018. They were invited to draw or paint images that portrayed their lived experiences of attack and capture by the ISIS. Qualitative research situated within feminist methodology was used with the young women in this study. The interviews were analyzed using the descriptive content analysis method. Results: The paintings and narratives of the participants were constructed into three main themes: fear and traumatic experiences; feeling of hopelessness; and freedom and hope. During the attack and capture, due to the escape, rape, and horrific treatments by the ISIS fighters, the young women were traumatized severely. They were sold as a sex slave by the ISIS fighters. The participants still had severe anxiety and psychological challenges after being free from the capture. However, despite their traumatic experiences and feeling of hopelessness, most of them were hoping for freedom and a better future. Conclusions: This study showed that the Yazidi young females still experienced psychological challenges burdens even 3 years after the traumatic day. However, the participants showed their resilience through feeling hopeful for freedom and a better future.
34
Sargsyan, Suren T. « Արմենական-Ռամկավար շղթայի նվիրյալը՝ Արտակ Դարբինյան / Artak Darbinyan, devotee of the Armenakan-Ramkavar chain ». Регион и мир / Region and the World, 30 août 2023, 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.58587/18292437-2023.4-28.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since Armenia gained independence, the life of the Armenians has been unprecedented politicized: Parties play a big role in this: This is not accidental at all, since one of the important and turning events in the history of Armenia was the birth of Armenian political parties: The first of them in the Armenian reality was the secret revolutionary party Armenakan, which was born in Van in 1885. that is 33 years earlier than in 1918. Our neighboring artificial state is Azerbaijan. During its existence, the party had a large number of dedicated figures who spared nothing for the liberation of the Motherland, ensuring the safety of their own people and fighting Turkish and Kurdish bandits: One of them was the fighter of the liberation struggle, theorist and press activist Great Artak Darbinyan, who, not limited to the internal party sphere, included many spheres of national life in his activities and, with his 60–year fruitful party, national activities, struggle and struggle, lived a life worthy of an ideological fighter, having passed a long and responsible path from Armenakan to Ramkavar- Azatakan.
35
Lloydd, Marnie. « Unpacking Foreign Fighting : New Zealand’s Legislative Responses to Transnational Combatants ». New Zealand and Counter Terrorism Special Issue 5, no 1 (29 mars 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.36878/nsj20230329.07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Is it lawful for New Zealanders to travel overseas to participate in a foreign conflict? Political statements and travel advisories have discouraged the private participation of New Zealanders in the conflicts in Syria and Ukraine. Yet, prohibitions in New Zealand’s law are currently restricted to criminal offences related to the ‘mercenary’ and the ‘foreign terrorist fighter’. Foreign fighting or foreign incursion conceived more broadly are not specifically prohibited. At first glance, the chosen mercenary-terrorist binary appears unreflective, leaving unhelpfully unpacked any broader phenomena of transnational combatants who might not be fighting with designated terrorist entities or for financial gain as mercenaries – such as volunteers fighting in Ukraine or with Kurdish forces in Syria. This article brings together the various areas of law that address these questions, providing a historical account of how the law has evolved over time. It reveals how New Zealand’s discourse in key moments of legislative debate has in fact continually preserved space for certain types of private involvement in transnational armed violence. The article suggests, therefore, that the unpacking still required is not necessarily that of seeking better understanding of transnational participation in war and its policy considerations, but rather further consideration of the values and assumptions underlying the permissive legal positions taken in the first place.
36
Бугай, Н. Ф. « A Valor-Bonded Unity : Participation of Ethnic Minorities’ Representatives in the Battles for Kuban and Crimea (1941–1943) ». Nasledie Vekov, no 2(22) (10 juillet 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.36343/sb.2020.22.2.001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
В статье на основе исследований российских ученых, архивных документов, воспоминаний рассматривается слабо изученная в отечественной историографии проблема участия представителей этнических меньшинств в битвах за Кавказ и Крым в ходе Великой Отечественной войны. В качестве примера автором избраны этнические общности курдов и корейцев. Использованы историко-генетический, историко-биографический и системно-исторический методы. Изучены меры советского командования по формированию национальных воинских подразделений; реконструированы биографии героев войны – корейцев и курдов, участвовавших в освобождении Юга России и получивших боевые награды; прослежена их послевоенная судьба; рассмотрены репрессивные действия советского правительства по отношению к военнослужащим некоторых национальностей. Автор заключает, что представители разных народов СССР, столкнувшись с врагом, проявили стремление к единству и добровольное желание выступить на защиту государства, которое они избрали своей Родиной. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the biographies of participants in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945), who belonged to ethnic minorities and fought for the liberation of the Caucasus and Crimea from Nazi invaders. As an example, the author selected ethnic communities of Kurds and Koreans. The study was conducted on the basis of research by Russian scholars, archival documents, and memoirs of direct participants in the events. The historical-genetic, historical-biographical and system-historical methods were used. The measures of the Soviet command for the formation of national military units were studied, the biographies of war heroes, Koreans and Kurds who participated in the liberation of the South of Russia and received military awards (including the title Hero of the Soviet Union) were reconstructed. The author describes in detail the military clashes during which these fighters showed military prowess, presents their photographs, and traces their further military path, post-war fate and forms of their memory perpetuation. Quotations from the war veterans’ front-line letters and their relatives’ memoirs are given. The repressive actions of the Soviet government towards the military personnel of certain nationalities, who after the demobilization received the status of “special settlers” and lost their military tickets and award sheets, are also considered. The author emphasizes that the fight against the enemy was a test of strength for the unity of the peoples living in the Caucasus and Crimea. Examples of civic solidarity in the fight against the enemy shown by ethnic minorities in the early days of the war (mass enrollment in volunteers, holding civil rallies) are given. It is noted that representatives of local ethnic communities became the basis of 12 military units that were at the forefront of the defenders of the Caucasus. The paradoxical nature of the situation in which USSR citizens were repressed for various (often far-fetched) reasons is stated; however, during the war they still heroically fought against Nazism with arms in their hands. The author connects the repressions against members of the ethnic minorities with the ethnosocial policy pursued by the Soviet state, as well as the spread of desertion and draft evasion in the North Caucasus and Crimea. It is concluded that representatives of ethnic minorities living in the USSR, faced with the enemy, showed a desire for unity and a voluntary desire to defend the state, which they chose as their homeland.