Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Kuo language (Cameroon and Chad) »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Kuo language (Cameroon and Chad) ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Kuo language (Cameroon and Chad)"
1
Anonby, Erik John. « Mambay ». Journal of the International Phonetic Association 36, no 2 (décembre 2006) : 221–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100306002635.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mambay is spoken by about 15,000 people in Cameroon and Chad. The majority of the population lives in the North Province of Cameroon, while the remaining group of 3,000 speakers is found immediately across the border in the Mayo-Kebbi Prefecture of southwestern Chad (Grimes 2000: 43, 68). There is little variation among dialects of the language.
2
Pearce, Mary. « Kera ». Journal of the International Phonetic Association 41, no 2 (12 juillet 2011) : 249–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100311000168.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Kera is an Eastern Chadic language spoken by about 50,000 people in southwestern Chad, south of the town of Fianga, and in major towns of Cameroon and Chad. Most Kera speakers would claim to speak a standard variety of Kera although there is some variation depending on gender and location. The differences involve the relationship between tone and voicing, the number of contrastive tones and the presence or absence of a voicing contrast. Women are more conservative than men in the use of tone in rural settings and more innovative than men in urban settings (Pearce 2009). Previous literature on Kera includes Ebert (1975, 1976, 1979) and Pearce (1999, 2006a, b, c, 2007a, 2008, 2009).
3
Ndikoua Ngaidandi. « Examining the morphological processes in the formation of Tupuri nominals ». World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 15, no 2 (30 août 2022) : 639–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2022.15.2.0866.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The current work examines the morphological processes that are observable in the formation of nominals in Tupuri, a Niger-Congo language spoken in the South West of Chad and in the North of the Republic of Cameroon. Structuralism was adopted as a theoretical approach in this paper. Forty (40) native speakers of ɓāŋlíŋ dialect, i.e. eight (8) from each of towns/villages Sere, Dawa, Mindaore, Lale, and Guwe were randomly selected to collect data based on a Swadesh words-list. The data revealed that the formation of nominals in Tupuri language is characterized by pre-fixation, suffixation, total reduplication, partial reduplication, total modification, and partial modification, which include subtraction and neutralization. Furthermore, compounding is another process that characterizes the formation of nouns in Tupuri language.
4
Allison, Sean. « Borrowings But No Diffusion : A Case of Language Contact in the Lake Chad Basin ». Journal of Language Contact 10, no 3 (7 septembre 2017) : 395–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-01002008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Makary Kotoko, a Chadic language spoken in the flood plain directly south of Lake Chad in Cameroon, has an estimated 16,000 speakers. An analysis of a lexical database for the language shows that of the 3000 or so distinct lexical entries in the database, almost 1/3 (916 items) have been identified as borrowed from other languages in the region. The majority of the borrowings come from Kanuri, a Nilo-Saharan language of Nigeria, with an estimated number of speakers ranging from 1 to 4 million. In this article I first present the number of borrowings specifically from Kanuri relative to the total number of borrowed items in Makary Kotoko, and the lexical/grammatical categories in Makary Kotoko that have incorporated Kanuri borrowings. I follow this by presenting the linguistic evidence which not only suggests a possible time frame for when the borrowings from Kanuri came into Makary Kotoko, but also supports the idea that this is essentially a case of completed language contact. After discussing the lexical and grammatical borrowings from Kanuri into Makary Kotoko in detail, I explore the limited evidence in Makary Kotoko for lexical and grammatical ‘calquing’ from Kanuri, resulting in almost no structural diffusion from Kanuri into Makary Kotoko. I finish with a few proposals as to why this is the case in this instance of language contact in the Lake Chad basin.
5
Abu, Safiya Wada, et Adam Okene Ahmed. « Cooperation Between the Countries Around Lake Chad Basin : An Assessment ». Asian Social Science 17, no 12 (29 novembre 2021) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n12p1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Lake Chad Basin is an important natural resource that cut across several countries among which are Nigeria, Niger, Chad, Cameroon, Algeria, Central African Republic and Libya. In a bid to ensure the effective utilization of the water of the basin, the countries have engaged in cooperation through the creation of Lake Chad Basin Commission. The Commission has embarked on certain programmes to achieve its aim, hence the need for the assessment of the cooperation between countries around the basin. This work is an assessment albeit critical, of the cooperation within that commission. Part of the findings of the paper is that the Lake Chad Basin Commission has been unable to achieve objectives it sets for itself. Certain challenges which include but not limited to, lack of political will among members of the Commission, reoccurrence of violence, lack of adequate finance, poor organizational structure, cultural and language difference have worked either individually or in tandem to frustrate the realization of what appeared ab initio to be the noble and lofty goals of the commission. The contention of the paper therefore, is that the Lake Chad Basin Commission member states should reflect and modernize its initial objectives and operationalize the ingredients of its cooperation to derive the positivity laden in the agreements or else risk the extinction of an important water resource. Data for the paper were sourced using both primary and secondary. Other variables and methodological approaches like analysis, discourse, and accountability and of course, chronological delineations were generously employed in reconstruction. Study of this nature is multidisciplinary and knitted in the International studies, Security studies, and Diplomatic and Military history.
6
Adam, Brahim. « Questions Formation in Musey ». Randwick International of Education and Linguistics Science Journal 3, no 4 (31 décembre 2022) : 699–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rielsj.v3i4.617.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is interested in questions formation in Musey, a chadic language spoken in Chad and Cameroon. It comes within the competence of generative grammar. Kayne’s (1994) Antisymmetry and Rizzi’s (1997, 2001b) Split-CP are used for analyzing the Musey data. Musey is made up of arguments (nge (who) and mege (what)), referential adjuncts (saba (when), aige (where)) and non-referential adjuncts (an mege (how); kai mege (why)). They are focalized à la clause final comp and à la clause initial comp. Since the focus marker ni precedes focused arguments and adjuncts, they are hosted by Spec-FocP. In yes/no questions, the question marker su ends the structures and is hosted by IntP. In embedded questions, the lexical complementizer ana (that) is hosted by ForceP. This study leads to the following projections hierarchy: Int > Cleft > Foc > Force > Agr.
7
Safotso, Gilbert Tagne, et Ndoubangar Tompté. « Chadian Learners’/Users’ Preferred Variety(ies) of English ». International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no 6 (29 octobre 2020) : 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n6p410.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although French and Arabic are the official languages of Chad, for the past twenty years Chadian learners and users of English have been having a strong interest in the language. Their number in Cameroonian, Nigerian, Ghanaian and Sudanese universities as well as in linguistic centres in N’Djamena testifies to this. It can be said that the petrol boom in the country has really changed the attitudes of Chadians towards English. They see in it the language of opening and opportunities. Given that in most major languages there are accents and variants, and most especially with English the lingua franca of the 21st century, it is important to know those learners’/users’ preferred variety (ies). This paper thus aims to know which variety (ies) of English Chadian learners/users prefer to hear or speak. The data was gathered through a questionnaire administered to 106 university students, 97 secondary school learners, 18 English language teachers and 29 workers of other sectors (N = 250). Results show that most Chadian learners/users prefer American or British English and a good percentage of them favour Ghanaian or Cameroon English.
8
Wolff, H. Ekkehard. « Historical sound changes in Central Chadic (Afroasiatic) ». Brill's Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 15, no 2 (21 novembre 2023) : 349–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01502003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In its entirety as much as with regard to its four branches, the Chadic language family poses challenges to the application of the Neogrammarian-school comparative method, not the least because of the immense time-depth involved and aggravated by certain typological peculiarities of Chadic phonology and morphology as inherited from its Afroasiatic ancestry. This is particularly true for Central Chadic, which—with 80 languages—is the most numerous and most diverse branch of Chadic, which in total counts almost 200 languages and thereby more than half of all known Afroasiatic languages. Both more or less ‘regular’ and ‘sporadic’ sound changes criss-cross the territories currently occupied by speakers of Central Chadic languages in Nigeria, Cameroon, and Chad, which allow confident identification of cognates. Some cognates have survived many millennia of language history practically unchanged with regard to their phonetic realisations, while others differ remarkably from the reconstructed proto-language forms beyond ad hoc recognisability. Recent historical comparative research by Richard Gravina (2014, 2015) and the present author (2022, 2023) involving 66 spoken languages and some 230 cognate lexical items have unearthed much of the linguistic histories behind the massive synchronic diversity of the modern Central Chadic languages. The recent research by the author has added to our understanding of historical Central Chadic phonology by unravelling the phonological processes by which the languages have developed sets of new phonemes, in addition to tracing more or less ‘regular’ and ‘sporadic’ sound changes that the PCC segmental inventories of vowels and consonants underwent. Modern Central Chadic languages show sets of innovative vowels and consonant whose emergence can largely be attributed, besides occasional instances of segmental fusion, to the ‘colouring’ effects of so-called prosodies. This makes the analysis of prosodic features such as palatalisation, labialisation, prenasalisation and glottalisation essential in order to understand the evolution of modern Central Chadic languages.
9
Vansina, Jan. « Linguistic Evidence for the Introduction of Ironworking into Bantu-Speaking Africa ». History in Africa 33 (2006) : 321–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Did Africans once independently invent the smelting of metals or did they obtain this technology from Europe or the Middle East? This continues to be an unresolved and hotly disputed issue, mainly because the dates for the earliest appearance of smelting in Africa south of the Sahara remain inconclusive. All the earliest sites in Western and West-Central Africa from Walalde in Senegal to the Tigidit cliffs and Termit in Niger, the firki plains south of lake Chad, Taruga, and perhaps Nsukka in Nigeria, Ghwa Kiva (Nigeria), and Doulo (Cameroon) in the Mandara mountains, Gbabiri (Ndio district) in the Central African Republic, and a few sites in Rwanda, Burundi, and Buhaya cannot be dated more closely than between 840 and 420 BCE. Greater precision is impossible because the C14 curve runs flat during these four centuries, hence all these sites yield the same date. (Alpern, Killick, Me Eachern, Holl, Jézégou/Clist, Kanimba Misago). If the earliest “real” dates fell before 800 BCE, they would support independent invention, while later dates strengthen the case for borrowing. Still, this information does tell us that ironworking was adopted in the northern parts of West and West -Central Africa and in the region of the Great Lakes within the span of a mere four centuries.The emergence of ironworking must have left linguistic traces in the relevant terminology irrespective of whether it spread by borrowing or by independent invention—hence historical linguistics can contribute to this debate. That approach is best tested by an examination of the relevant vocabulary in Bantu languages because the historical study of those languages is further advanced than that of any other language family in Africa (Nurse/Phillipson). Moreover Bantu-speakers occupy a large portion of the continent.
10
Andreeva, Larisa. « Ibrahim az-Zakzaky and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, no 5 (2023) : 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027696-2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the history of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IDN), a Shiite religious organization founded by Ibrahim al-Zakzaki in Zaria in Northern Nigeria. IDM consider itself as an independent socio-political actor that does not recognize the legitimacy of the official government of the country. It is shown that the purpose of the IDN is to create a theocratic Islamic state in Nigeria. IDN is most active not only in the northern states of the country, but has also found supporters in neighboring countries – Niger, Cameroon, Chad, Burkina Faso, Ghana. The birth of the Movement and its rapid expansion coincided with the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the ideals of which were promoted by the leaders of the IDN. Over the more than 40-year history of its presence in Nigeria, this organization has been able to achieve a fairly broad support of the population, and the share of its members in the 2010’s was up to 17% of all Muslims in the country. Having originated in the university environment, IDN initially recruited representatives of the educated elite, dissatisfied with social injustice, government corruption and lack of ways of self-realization. Subsequently, by promoting the corresponding egalitarian ideals, IDM attracted broad segments of the population. This was facilitated by the experience of successful implementation of socially significant projects in rural areas. Financial and methodological support in the implementation of various IDN projects, including educational ones, was provided by Iran through various channels. The growing popularity of the Movement, coupled with its politicization, became the main reason for its ban by the Nigerian government. At the same time, the authorities, judging by such decisive steps, saw serious political risks in the existence of the IDM, perceived as an agent of foreign policy influence – in addition to the legal ban, it also used repressive tools to suppress this organization. Despite the efforts of the Nigerian authorities, the IDM continues its "underground" existence. The authors consider that the strategy chosen by the official authorities – control of the activities of foreign states in Nigeria and the repression of IDM members – turned out to be ineffective, and deradicalization and depoliticization of this organization is possible only through solving social problems.
Livres sur le sujet "Kuo language (Cameroon and Chad)"
1
A grammar of Mambay : An Adamawa language of Chad and Cameroon. Köln : Köppe, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society et Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization, dir. A unified standard orthography for the Hausa language : (Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Ghana and Chad). Cape Town, South Africa : Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society (CASAS), 2011.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Douffissa, Albert. Les noms chez les Di y na Kada : Identité, histoire et philosophie d'un peuple. [Yaoundé?] : Editions Saagraph, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégralRapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Kuo language (Cameroon and Chad)"
1
Higgins, Steve, Emma Dobson, Jonathan Kay et Patrick Okwen. Using meta-analysis to explore the transferability of education mid-range theories to Cameroon, Chad, Nigeria and Niger : Final academic report – Evidence synthesis. Centre for Excellence and Development Impact and Learning (CEDIL), juillet 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51744/crpp2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Our project sought to recontextualise a popular evidence portal from the English education system to Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. The Teaching and Learning Toolkit is a resource that summarises the global evidence for 30 different pedagogical approaches in plain language so that it can inform the decisions of school leaders in England. This paper shares the evidence synthesis for the project.