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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Kosovo (Serbia) – International status »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Kosovo (Serbia) – International status"

Surlan, Tijana. « Recognition in international law : The case of Kosovo and Metohija ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n^o 151 (2015) : 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1551289s.

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Recognition is an instrument of the public international law founded in the classical international law. Still, it preserves its main characteristics formed in the period when states dominated as the only legal persons in international community. Nevertheless, the instrument of recognition is today as vibrant as ever. As long as it does not have a uniform legal definition and means of application, it leaves room to be applied to very specific cases. In this paper, the instrument of recognition is elaborated from two aspects - theoretical and practical. First (theoretical) part of the paper presents main characteristics of the notion of recognition, as presented in main international law theories - declaratory and constitutive theory. Other part of the paper is focused on the recognition in the case of Kosovo. Within this part, main constitutive elements of state are elaborated, with special attention to Kosovo as self-proclaimed state. Conclusion is that Kosovo does not fulfill main constitutive elements of state. It is not an independent and sovereign state. It is in the status of internationalized entity, with four international missions on the field with competencies in the major fields of state authority - police, judiciary system, prosecution system, army, human rights, etc. Main normative framework for the status of Kosovo is still the UN Resolution 1244. It is also the legal ground for international missions, confirming non-independent status of Kosovo. States that recognized Kosovo despite this deficiency promote the constitutive theory of recognition, while states not recognizing Kosovo promote declaratory theory. Brussels Agreement, signed by representatives of Serbia and Kosovo under the auspices of the EU, has also been elaborated through the notion of recognition - (1) whether it represents recognition; (2) from the perspective of consequences it provokes in relations between Belgrade and Pristina. Official position of Serbian Government is clear - Serbia does not recognize Kosovo as an independent and sovereign state. On the other hand, subject matter of Brussels Agreement creates new means of improvement for Kosovo authorities in the north part of Kosovo. Thus, Serbian position regarding the recognition is twofold - it does not recognize Kosovo in foro externo, and it completes its competences in foro domestico. What has been underlined through the paper and confirmed in the conclusion is that there is not a recognition which has the power to create a state and there is not a non-recognition which has the power to annul a state.

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Koeth, Wolfgang. « The Serbia-Kosovo Agreement on Kosovos Regional Representation and the Feasibility Study : A Breakthrough in EU Kosovo Relations ? » European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 1 (1 février 2013) : 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013007.

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2012 was a year of significant developments for Kosovo: on 24 February, Serbian and Kosovo-Albanian negotiators reached an EU-mediated agreement on the representation of Kosovo in regional fora. Whereas this agreement enabled Serbia to gain the coveted status as EU candidate in March, it opened the way for Kosovo to participate in international meetings at regional level as an entity in its own rights. As stipulated in this agreement, the European Commission on 10 October also delivered a Feasibility Study on the conclusion of a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between Kosovo and the EU, which concluded that there would be no legal obstacles for the EU to sign an SAA (a mandatory pre-requisite for EU accession) with Pristina, in spite of the non-recognition by five EU Member States. However, it can be asked whether these measures were genuine diplomatic victories for Pristina or just rather symbolic measures without a real potential of opening a realistic accession perspective for both Kosovo and Serbia.

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Pavlenko, Alexander. « The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017) ». Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni : naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, n^o 26 (27 novembre 2017) : 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.

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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.

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Hebda, Wiktor. « KOSOVO STATUS ACCORDING TO STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB AND THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE ». Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, n^o 1/2020 (25 mai 2020) : 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.9.

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Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Belgrade and the University of Zagreb – two most important universities in Serbia and Croatia. The results presented in the paper are based on the survey carried out by the author in 2013.

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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, et MSc Nehat Demiri. « Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation ». ILIRIA International Review 4, n^o 1 (30 juin 2015) : 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.

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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Party), now are in power in the Republic of Serbia, and have the possibility to finally solve the Kosovo case, and to open the perspective for this part, Europe’s black hole, to be engaged in global integration. Statements by senior Serbian politicians are positively shifting, compared to the radicalization of the relations between Albanians and Serbs three decades ago and it is believed that the developments will evolve towards rational choice and acceptance by the parties. Being under pressure by difficult socio-economic situation and need for integration processes, both sides undertake risky and unpopular steps by signing unclear political and verbal agreements on normalization of relations, which may produce difficult solving externalities in the future. The risk lies in the possibility of further damaging the Kosovo’s “piece of the cake”, after every refusal step by the Serbian side, which will damage the interest of Kosovo side according to the “zero sum” game. Analyses of the dialogue process between Kosovo and Serbia reflect the mixed benefits to the parties, resulting in not very soon European integration, and with hope on difficult but necessary reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs in the region. The broken, after the war established, status quo is better than entering into a protracted conflict in the middle of Europe.

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BEREND, IVAN T. « The Kosovo Trap ». European Review 14, n^o 4 (8 septembre 2006) : 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000445.

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In February 2006, talks began in Vienna to decide the status of Kosovo. The solution was forecast in several statements: instead of officially remaining a province of Serbia, considering that 90% of the population of the area is Albanian, mostly Muslim, and want independence, independent statehood might be granted to Kosovo. Kosovo enjoyed an autonomous status under Tito (abolished by Milošević) and thus has the legal right to decide on independence.Serbia wants to keep its authority over the province, which is considered to be the ‘cradle of Serbia,’ a sacrosanct place in Serbian history. However, the Serb population has gradually decreased and become a small minority. This happened due to a huge Serb emigration after the Ottoman conquest of the region, a spontaneous, sometimes forced emigration, which gained special impetus during the Second World War, when the region became part of ‘Great Albania,’ and Serbs were killed and chased out of the province. The tension and violence of the post-war decades made emigration advisable for Serbs. Milošević's Kosovo war-and-rape campaign made the Kosovars victims of exalted Serb nationalism in the late 1990s. The NATO bombing stopped this but the Serb minority declined into an unbearable situation. The Kosovo Liberation Army's violent actions, killing Serbs, burning their houses, shooting at school buses, continued until recently and led to the flight of half of the remaining Serb population, and ‘cleansed’ Kosovo of 80% of the Roma population.

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Pavlović, Aleksandar. « The everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional status ». Bastina, n^o 51 (2020) : 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26304.

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In this paper the author presents the results of the research of the everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. The main attention is paid to the status and the functioning of institutions. The aim of the paper is to offer a contribution based on the conceptualization of the ethnographic field work material in order to give the account of the everyday experience of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional relations caused by the withdrawal of Serbian authorities from Kosovo and Metohija, the introduction of an international protectorate and the unilateral declaration of Kosovo independence. The results presented in this paper were obtained from the field research conducted several times from 2011 to 2015 in a total duration of over eight months. The change of social-political context after the war in 1999 led to major structural disruptions in Kosovo and Metohija. These disruptions were felt especially in the institutional sphere, where they reflected in almost all aspects of the everyday life of Serbs in this area. The undefined status of institutions, in this regard, has shown to be one of the key issues in the context of the everyday life of the Serb population in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica. The survival of the Serbian institutions for the Serbs in this town represented a confirmation of the presence of the Republic of Serbia in the North of Kosovo and Metohija, which was an important symbol of identification of the local Serbs with the state they considered their own. These institutions, on the other hand, have been under intense international and Albanian pressure since the war in 1999, i. e. under the constant threat of abolition, which caused a continuous feeling of insecurity among the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica and the concerns regarding their own survival. In the conditions of contested legitimacy the Serbs did not accept the imposed instances of international and Kosovo administration, while the international regulatory bodies and Kosovo institutions did not recognize institutions of the Republic of Serbia, considering them "parallel", i. e. illegal. In Northern Kosovska Mitrovica this led to a social situation characterized by the absence of clearly defined authorities, especially in the domain of executive structures, in which the Serbs in this town led their everyday life in a gap between their needs for carrying out various daily practices on the one hand, and on the other the reality interwoven with intricate institutional relations. The Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica were forced to adapt to living in "parallel" realities, deprived of the "normalcy" of everyday life inherent in organized societies. Yet, even though they learned how to adapt to those circumstances and even how to take advantage of them, such a reality created a number of everyday problems which, in the conditions of general uncertainty, made their situation even more unfavorable.

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Stevanović, Miroslav, et Dragan Đurđević. « Cultural heritage in K&M in the light of implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 ». Megatrend revija 18, n^o 2 (2021) : 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2102185s.

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On the part of the Republic of Serbia, the UN Security Council has established a temporary mandate of the United Nations. During this mandate, self-government institutions should be developed, until a political solution is reached about the final political status of that part of the territory. As the territorialization of any political community implies the tradition in specific region, thus among the elements for considering are the historical ones, which are evidenced by the cultural heritage in the area. This significance is recognized at the international level and heritage enjoys international protection. In the case of Kosovo and Metohija, under the complex administration mechanism of the United Nations, temporary Kosovo institutions and the European Union, there is a large scale destruction of religious buildings, cemeteries and other sites related to the history and life of the Serbian people there. This paper looks into the implementation of the umbrella legal framework under which the destruction of cultural heritage is possible. In this context, we look at the responsibilities for protection, the theoretical approach behind current practice and the possibilities mandated by Security Council Resolution 1244. The aim of this work is to examine whether the practice of non-compliance with international law regarding the protection of cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija is a consequence of noncompliance or inconsistent application of a legally binding Security Council resolution. The analysis shows that the current protection mechanism is inadequate, that apologetic approaches are being developed in theory that justify distortion of historical facts and voluntaristic targeted interpretation of law, but that Resolution 1244 is not an obstacle to the protection of cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija. Direct involvment of the Republic of Serbia with other international subjects in protection of its heritage is in line with the development in international cultural law, which increasingly imposes the need to ensure the coordination of international entities for the implementation of international norms governing the obligation to protect cultural goods and sites. As the Republic of Serbia is the party to relevant international agreements and has a legitimate interest in preserving its identity and heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, the complexity of relations regarding the province's final status requires a special strategy to protect cultural heritage and to insist on consistent implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244.

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Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac et Mihajlo Vucic. « The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija ». Medjunarodni problemi 64, n^o 4 (2012) : 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.

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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible territorial entity under the interim international administration. The Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United Nations system.

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Andrzejczak-Świątek, Małgorzata. « The process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo and the international legal strategies of the EU States, the USA, and Russia(with particular emphasis on the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers) ». Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, n^o 4 (décembre 2021) : 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.6.

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The aim of this article is to analyse the international legal and political process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo in terms of its impact on the scope of development directions and strategies of the European Union countries as well as Russia and the USA. Particular emphasis was placed on the treatment of these issues in the light of the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office. The main theses assumed for the purposes of this article are as follows: firstly, that the policy of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo is multidimensional, including the necessity of the process of international criminal liability for the crimes committed by both states, while at the same time influencing the dilemmas of the development directions of individual European countries, but also of the European Union and the United States. In addition, the legal and political stabilization of the Balkan region, especially in the context of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and the possibility of cooperation with these states as part of intergovernmental international organizations, is strategically extremely important for the EU, the USA, as well as for Russia. The Author critically analyses issues using polemics with the standpoint presented in the doctrine of the subject as well as interpreting selected instruments of international law and Kosovo’s national law. The deliberations resulted in conclusions as to the determinants in terms of the directions of the legal and political development of the EU and Russia resulting from the complicated process of reconciliation and mutual settlement of sins by Serbia and Kosovo.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Kosovo (Serbia) – International status"

MARUSICH, BLANCARTE DE GRGIC Paola. « Kosovo's juridical status ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/17296.

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Habláková, Veronika. « Postavenie Kosova v medzinárodných vzťahoch ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206574.

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The theme of this thesis is position of Kosovo in international relations. Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia in February 2008 and belongs to the failed states. In this thesis I will examine the main causes of the dysfunction of Kosovo, and how it is reflected in Kosovo current position.

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Bolgari, Alexandr. « Comparative Analysis of the Secessions of Kosovo and South Ossetia and Their Subsequent Independence Recognition ». Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1304034301.

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Smyrek, Daniel Sven. « Internationally administered territories - international protectorates ? : an analysis of sovereignty over internationally administered territories with special reference to the legal status of post-war Kosovo / ». Berlin : Duncker & ; Humblot, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/504128809.pdf.

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Wilson, Ann Conner. « Putnam’s Two-Level Game : Case Studies of Serbian and Russian Reactions to the Kosovar and Chechen Independence Movements ». The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274721632.

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Smyrek, Daniel Sven [Verfasser]. « Internationally Administered Territories – International Protectorates ? : An Analysis of Sovereignty over Internationally Administered Territories with Special Reference to the Legal Status of Post-War Kosovo. / Daniel Sven Smyrek ». Berlin : Duncker & ; Humblot, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1238351727/34.

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Weiß, Norman. « Daniel Sven Smyrek, Internationally administered territories : international protectorates ? : an analysis of sovereignty over internationally administered territories with special reference to the legal status of post-war Kosovo [rezensiert von] Norman Weiß ». Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3784/.

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Rezensiertes Werk: Internationally administered territories - international protectorates? : an analysis of sovereignty over internationally administered territories with special reference to the legal status of post-war Kosovo / by Daniel Sven Smyrek. - Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2006. - 260 S.- (Tübinger Schriften zum internationalen und europäischen Recht ; 80) Zugl.: Tübingen, Univ., Diss., 2005 ISBN: 3-428-11948-7

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Marques, Ivan Contente. « Intervenções humanitarias : aspectos politicos, morais e juridicos de um conceito em (trans)formação ». [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281494.

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Orientador: Andrei Koerner
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T01:52:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marques_IvanContente_M.pdf: 767815 bytes, checksum: 6ec7092e0e762c66283af8c6bcc55128 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a estudar os debates acerca das intervenções humanitárias e sua relação com os conceitos de legalidade e legitimidade nas relações internacionais. Para isso, partiremos do início desta discussão que ocorreu antes da formação e da consolidação dos Estados nacionais e o fortalecimento do princípio da soberania, e passaremos pelos impactos causados pela nova ordem jurídica internacional criada pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Isso trará subsídios para a análise da situação do combate às crises humanitárias nos anos 1990 sob a ótica da intervenção. Como exemplo da atuação do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, investigaremos dois casos emblemáticos de intervenções humanitárias deste período: o genocídio de Ruanda, em 1994, e os ataques da OTAN no Kosovo, em 1999. Dessa forma, levantaremos o entendimento atual sobre o tema, demonstrando o dilema entre o dever moral de salvar vidas em risco e o impedimento legal de fazê-lo dado o sistema jurídico internacional vigente. Por fim, apresentaremos a teoria ¿Responsabilidade de Proteger¿ que tem a pretensão de dar respostas ao problema da aceitação das intervenções humanitárias como prática legítima nas relações internacionais
Abstract: This work proposes to study the debates on humanitarian intervention and its relation with concepts of validity and legitimacy on international relations. For that, it will start from the beginning of this discussion which occurred before the constitution and consolidation of national states and the strengthen of the sovereignty principle, and goes through the impacts caused by the new international legal order created by the United Nations. This will support the analysis of the humanitarian crisis in the 90's under the optic of intervention. As an example of the United Nations Security Council performance, it will investigate two emblematic cases of humanitarian intervention of the period: Rwanda's genocide, in 1994, and NATO¿s air strikes on Kosovo, in 1999. From this perspective, it will rise the present understanding on this issue, bringing up the dilemma between the moral duty of saving lives jeopardized by the scourge of war and the legal bar of doing it considering the international legal system in vigor. At last, it will present the ¿responsibility to protect¿ theory which intends to provide solutions to the problem of acceptance of humanitarian intervention as a legitimate practice on international relations
Mestrado
Instituições, Processos e Atores

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KNOLL, Bernhard. « United Nations imperium : the legal status of territories subject to the administration of international organisations ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4677.

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Defence date: 17 October 2005
Examining Board: Prof. Pierre-Marie Dupuy, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Neil Walker, European University Institute; Prof. Hanspeter Neuhold, University of Vienna; Prof. Christian Tomuschat, Humboldt University Berlin
First made available online on 27 February 2018
The growing number of international organisations involved in ‘state-building’ and the scope of authority they exercise raises a number of important questions under international law - as to the status of UN-administered territories, the nature o f UN authority, its legal basis in the UN Charter, and its limitations, for example. By looking at the ways through which international authority carries out internationalisation projects, the thesis aims to explain how legal instruments were designed in order to respond to a spatio-temporal need of the international community. It adopts a broad topological style which interrogates where and how to ‘locate’ the background assumptions guiding the idea of international fiduciary administration, in legal and philosophical space. By supplying complementary theoretical frameworks to account for instances of suspended sovereignty, the thesis presents a synoptic vision of the notion of internationalisation of territory and the extent to which multilateral institution-building missions share features with, and can be distinguished from, projects undertaken under the Mandate- and Trusteeship systems. It utilises institutions of both private law (agency, trusteeship, servitude) and public law (wardship, the status of organs) to analyse the dual nature of international administrations. Firstly, an international administration represents a non-state territorial entity on the international plane as agent ex lege. Second, the thesis investigates the organic framework through which an ancillary organ of the UN dispenses temporary political authority in order to carry out the functions, and meet the needs, of the international community. The constructive approach to international legal personality solidifies the argument that a non-state territorial entity administered by the international community may base its claim towards partial personality on a legal argument. The doctorate follows a trajectory that outlines the phenomenon of 'dual functionality' throughout colonialism, trusteeship administration, military occupation and territorial administration on the basis of an international mandate. The notion of the fiduciary bond underpin all examples which illustrate that the more 'international’ the mandate of a territorial administration, the more pronounced its assumption of agency and pursuit of the ‘territorial’ interest. Both frames are applied to the UN Council for Namibia and to the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). The tensions resulting from the simultaneous performance, by the same actor, of the functions of territorial agent and international organ accompany the investigation into the status of Kosovo in public international law. Moreover, the thesis examines certain inherent shortcomings to an ‘open-ended’ institutionbuilding operation where the future status of the entity in statu nascendi remains undecided. Focusing on the internal political and legal order of an internationalised territory, the thesis notes that the rule of an international administration is subject to an ‘anomalous’ legitimacy cycle. The fundamental indeterminacy of law, gaps in statutory instruments and in human rights protection further expose the frailty of transitional administrations.

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Livres sur le sujet "Kosovo (Serbia) – International status"

Slobodan, Erić, et Ševkušić Milica, dir. Kosovo i Metohija : Argumenti za ostanak u Srbiji = Kosovo and Metohija : arguments in favour of its future within Serbia. Beograd : Udruz̆enje građana Cer, 2006.

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1959-, Nolte Georg, Hilpold Peter 1965-, Österreichischer Völkerrechtstag (31th : 2006 : München, Germany) et Österreichischer Völkerrechtstag (31 : 2006 : München, Germany), dir. Auslandsinvestitionen - Entwicklung grosser Kodifikationen - Fragmentierung des Völkerrechts - Status des Kosovo. Frankfurt a.M : P. Lang, 2008.

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Ana, Ćosić-Vukić, dir. Kosovo. Beograd : Novosti, 2004.

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J, Marković Predrag, dir. Kosovo i Metohija : Prošlost, pamćenje, stvarnost. Beograd : Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2006.

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author, Marković Predrag J., dir. Kosovo i Metohija : Prošlost, pamćenje, stvarnost. Beograd : Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2009.

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Pavlović, Momčilo. Kosovo i Metohija : Vek važnih događaja. Banja Luka : Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Republike Srpske, 2014.

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The legal status of territories subject to administration by international organisations. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Ćosić, Dobrica. Kosovo : (1966-2013). Beograd : Vukotić media, 2013.

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Kosovo-dan posle : Kosmetske teme II. Beograd : Rivel Ko, 2006.

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Heike, Krieger, dir. The Kosovo conflict and international law : An analytical documentation, 1974-1999. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2001.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Kosovo (Serbia) – International status"

Szeląg, Paulina. « Social Security of States with Limited Recognition : A Case Study of the Republic of Kosovo ». Dans Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 137–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_9.

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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) comprises 57 participating states, including almost all the countries of the Western Balkans. The only country which is not a participating state of the OSCE in this region is the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo announced its independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008, and a number of OSCE participating states soon after recognized its statehood. However, some participating states, including Serbia, Russia, Spain, Slovakia, Romania, Cyprus, and Greece, did not. International organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the OSCE, have been engaged in post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo since 1999. The aim of this article is to show the role of international community engagement in rebuilding the social security system in Kosovo since the end of the war of 1999. This analysis will enable the reader to understand not only the evolution of the social security system in Kosovo, but also the direct and indirect impact of international community on the social security of the states with limited recognition.

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Tannam, Etain. « Kosovo and Serbia ». Dans International Intervention in Ethnic Conflict, 118–49. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137317421_6.

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Bergmann, Julian. « The EU as a Mediator in the Kosovo–Serbia Conflict ». Dans The European Union as International Mediator, 109–72. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25564-0_4.

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Hisari, Lorika, Kristen Barrett-Casey et Kalliopi Fouseki. « The Role of Heritage in Post-War Reconciliation : Going Beyond World Heritage Sites ». Dans 50 Years World Heritage Convention : Shared Responsibility – Conflict & ; Reconciliation, 187–99. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05660-4_15.

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AbstractIt is widely acknowledged that reconciliation and sustainable development are processes that necessitate involvement from local, national and international actors. However, with the attention of international actors overwhelmingly focused on World Heritage sites, this chapter seeks to examine the potential consequences of the disparity in treatment between those sites on the World Heritage List and those that are not but are still significant for their local communities. Kosovo and Iraq are the two cases we use to explore the role, use and treatment of heritage in post-war recovery and reconciliation and how this is affected by World Heritage status. Through an examination of heritage as a political process, we can approach a more in-depth understanding of how heritage shapes and reshapes the politics of post-war memory, inter-community relations, and the extent to which the international community uses World Heritage in these communities to mandate their own politics of remembrance. We argue that heritage can have a “pacifying” role and contribute to peacebuilding, but this will need active, transformative actions from UNESCO which go beyond the Convention and, if possible, beyond politically influenced decision-making. This chapter seeks to fill a gap in the literature of how the local, national and international interact in the post-war environment, as well as the true impact of potential inequalities created by World Heritage.

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Özlem, Kader. « A comparative analysis of the policies of Turkey, the Russian Federation, and Greece towards the Kosovo issue (1999–2008) ». Dans Russia — Turkey — Greece : Dialogue opportunities in the Balkans, 122–29. Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/4469-2030-3.08.

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The developments in Kosovo that occurred after the death of Josip Broz Tito were one of the key factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Albanians in Kosovo, after the change of its status, started a peaceful resistance under the leadership of Ibrahim Rugova. However, the focus of the international community on the Bosnian War in the first half of the 1990s caused the Kosovo issue to decline in importance. As a result, Kosovo was not mentioned in the Dayton Accords, which caused Albanians to change their methods, and they subsequently militarized under the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA/UÇK). Clashes between the Yugoslavian Army, Serbian soldiers, and KLA in 1998 and 1999 concluded with NATO’s intervention on March 24, 1999. While the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) took the lead in the region, Albanians in Kosovo started to establish their own institutions after 1999. The failure of international negotiations over Kosovo’s status led Kosovo to declare her independence unilaterally with the support of the United States on 17th February, 2008. Turkey, as a member of NATO, joined the intervention in 1999 and supported the Kosovan independence process in the 2000s, while the Russian Federation (RF) opposed the unilateral independence declaration because the negotiations on Kosovo’s status did not conclude with a deal between both sides. In spite of Greece’s being a member of NATO, Athens only reluctantly supported the intervention in 1999 and Greek public opinion was firmly against that decision. Greece has been a traditional ally of Serbia in the Balkans, leading to a difficult situation for Greece. The result of this can be seen in the decision of Greece to not recognise Kosovo. This work compares the policies of Turkey, RF, and Greece on the Kosovo issue between the years of 1999 and 2008 and attempts to explore the primary motivations of these actors’ policies regarding Kosovo’s independence.

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« Kosovo : Some Thoughts On Its Future Status ». Dans Multiculturalism and International Law, 561–74. Brill | Nijhoff, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004174719.i-772.163.

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« The Political Future of Kosovo after the ICJ Opinion : Status Question (Un-)Resolved ? » Dans Kosovo and International Law, 263–80. Brill | Nijhoff, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004221291_014.

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« Kosovo's Status in Yugoslavia before 1999 ». Dans The Kosovo Conflict and International Law, 1–13. Cambridge University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511720802.005.

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Judah, Tim. « March 2004 and the Ahtisaari Plan ». Dans Kosovo. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780195376739.003.0010.

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The UN years can be divided neatly in two: before March 17, 2004, and after. Beginning in December 2003, the major plank of UNMIK and international policy was called Standards before Status. Its aim was to put off questions about Kosovo’s final status for...

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« Military Technical Agreement, 9 June 1999 between the International Security Force ('KFOR') and the Governments of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia ». Dans The Kosovo Tragedy, 367–71. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203045466-38.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Kosovo (Serbia) – International status"

Beqaj, Belul, et Astrit Hasani. « Dialogue in function of the normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia or for factorization of Serbia in Kosovo? ! » Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2017.320.

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Hajdari, Ismet. « Power-Broking From Brussels : Serbia, Kosovo Tensions Flex The EU's Foreign Policy Prowess ». Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2017.202.

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Murati, Artan. « In the EU’s waiting room : good neighborhood conditionallity for Kosovo and Serbia on their integration process ». Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2017.227.

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Shabani, Arafat. « RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE, SOCIAL STATUS AND SOCIO-EMOTIONAL STATUS AMONG HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS IN KOSOVO ». Dans 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/3.2/s11.047.

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Nagy, Attila. « THE NON-APPLICATION OF COMPETITION RULES IN POST-CONFLICT DEVELOPMENT ». Dans International Jean Monnet Module Conference of EU and Comparative Competition Law Issues "Competition Law (in Pandemic Times) : Challenges and Reforms. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18834.

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Competition has been claimed to be a very liberal economic tool where market players are meant to be free in arranging their technologies, production and sales on a particular market. In this paper we are developing a new hypothetical of the functioning of market economies which are in a global sense and considering new markets very different and specific. All the global powers, whose centre of influence might change in time, are trying to gain a bigger share regarding raw materials and potential markets. In post-conflicts societies and in particular in our case study of Kosovo and Serbia we can see the more clear market interests of all local, regional and global powers. The research of post-conflict societies is providing us with some answers regarding the possible future developments in certain societies and regions. The EU made Brussels Agreements in Kosovo has managed to establish new enterprises as a solution of a political compromise where energy, telecommunication and natural resources played a key role. The Washington Agreement has liberalized the infrastructure achievements but in some aspects limited the use of energy and telecommunication infrastructure from certain sources. In this sense we can observe the limited capacity of competition rules application in post-conflict societies and in particular Kosovo in this case. These agreements have therefore limited the influence of economic, strategic and energy related influence from main USA competitors which have not been named in the agreements, but are well known. In both agreements it is visible how economic activities and cooperation is encouraged with various non-economic incentives. Competition is accordingly more of a political will than an economic reality for some in post-conflict societies. The introduction of various companies into the Kosovo legal framework and their control by Serbia is an obvious tool how natural resources could be shared for a benefit of citizens where conflict is resolved using free market and competition rules.

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Rogan, Sasa. « GEOCHEMICAL MAP 1:1.000.000 OF WESTERN AND SOUTHERN PART OF SERBIA WITH THE ECOLOGICAL STATUS ». Dans 18th International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference SGEM2018. Stef92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2018/5.1/s20.056.

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Trakić, Tanja, Mirjana Stojanović, Filip Popović, Slobodanka Radosavljević et Jovana Sekulić. « DISTRIBUTION OF ENDEMIC SPECIES „CERNOSVITOVIA DUDICHI“ IN SERBIA ». Dans 1st INTERNATIONAL Conference on Chemo and BioInformatics. Institute for Information Technologies, University of Kragujevac,, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/iccbi21.230t.

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The genus Cernosvitovia consists of nine species in the whole world. Out of the nine species, eight species are with primary distribution in the eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula (except Cernosvitovia schweigeri). In the Lumbricidae fauna of Serbia, seven species from this genus have been registered. Among them, 6 taxa are endemic. The aim of this paper is to present new data of the endemic species Cernosvitovia dudichi Zicsi & Šapkarev, 1982, based on the current taxonomic status of species, literature data, and our unpublished data. In this paper, we have summarized the knowledge on the geographic distribution, biology, and habitat C. dudichi in Serbia. Our recent investigations have revealed new records for C. dudichi in Central Serbia. After 30 years, this species was found in another place in this area, in Goč Mt. New locality suggests that C. dudichi possess a wider range than it was previously thought.

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Ahmeti, Muhamet. « Current status on the causes of overruns deadline in Kosovo in highway and road constructions projects ». Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2012.22.

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Nuredini, Bashkim, et Hasan Metin. « Comparative definition of the co-founder’s legal status in limited liability companies in Albania, Macedonia and Kosovo ». Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.284.

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Đuretanović, Simona, Tijana Veličković, Aleksandra Milošković, Milena Radenković, Marijana Nikolić, Ivana Maguire et Vladica Simić. « PRELIMINARY RESULTS REGARDING PHYLOGENY OF THE NOBLE CRAYFISH (DECAPODA, ASTACIDAE, „ASTACUS ASTACUS“) IN SERBIA ». Dans 1st INTERNATIONAL Conference on Chemo and BioInformatics. Institute for Information Technologies, University of Kragujevac,, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/iccbi21.222dj.

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The noble crayfish is one of the three autochthonous species that inhabit the freshwater ecosystems of Serbia, along with stone and Danube crayfish. The noble crayfish has a complex historical and genetic status shaped by geological events, habitat loss, pollution, translocations, and reintroductions of both autochthonous and allochthonous crayfish species. That led to the disruption of the species genetic structure, mixing, and loss of populations across Europe. According to recent data, its populations in the freshwater ecosystems of Serbia are significantly reduced, so it has the status of a "strictly protected species". The genetic structure of the species must be known for endangered species conservation. Unfortunately, there is lack of such data for the territory of Serbia, which due to its position on the Balkan Peninsula, was an important refuge during the glaciation period. In this paper, the genetic structure of seven crayfish populations in freshwater ecosystems of Serbia was examined. Analyzes were performed on the COI and 16S rRNA genes of mitochondrial DNA. The study results showed a significant diversity of COI and 16S rRNA haplotypes compared to already described haplotypes. Three haplotypes were detected, of which Hap26 is the most common and was detected in five studied populations. Haplotypes Hap47 and Hap49 were detected in one and two populations, respectively. The results obtained in this study, together with previously published morphometric data, represent a good starting point for further genetic and population research, which are the basis for the proposal of conservation measures.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Kosovo (Serbia) – International status"

Haider, Huma. Transitional Justice and Reconciliation in the Western Balkans : Approaches, Impacts and Challenges. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), janvier 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.033.

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Countries in the Western Balkans have engaged in various transitional justice and reconciliation initiatives to address the legacy of the wars of the 1990s and the deep political and societal divisions that persist. There is growing consensus among scholars and practitioners that in order to foster meaningful change, transitional justice must extend beyond trials (the dominant international mechanism in the region) and be more firmly anchored in affected communities with alternative sites, safe spaces, and modes of engagement. This rapid literature review presents a sample of initiatives, spanning a range of sectors and fields – truth-telling, art and culture, memorialisation, dialogue and education – that have achieved a level of success in contributing to processes of reconciliation, most frequently at the community level. It draws primarily from recent studies, published in the past five years. Much of the literature available centres on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), with some examples also drawn from Serbia, Kosovo and North Macedonia.

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