Thèses : « Justice in immigration »

1

Straehle, Christine. « Immigration, individual autonomy, and social justice : an argument for a redistributive immigration policy ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102827.

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Contemporary liberal democratic societies currently enact immigration policies that are morally indefensible from a liberal autonomy and social justice perspective. In a world characterized by stark inequalities in individual opportunities to lead autonomous lives, and in which many individuals lack the basic conditions for autonomous functioning, I argue that contemporary immigration regimes that distinguish between desirable immigrants---who are typically from similarly wealthy countries---and undesirable one ---who are typically members of the global poor---conflict with liberal commitments to individual autonomy and equality of opportunity. I advocate that such commitments should lead wealthy countries to change their criteria for immigration, so that they admit proportionally many more of the global poor than they currently do. Such redistributive immigration policies are a way for rich countries to fulfill their global distributive justice duties. The thesis examines two major objections to formulating immigration policies on grounds of global distributive justice. First, some theorists posit a moral distinction between compatriots and non-compatriots, and argue that duties of redistribution should be restricted to compatriots. Second, some theorists fear that redistributive immigration schemes will have negative consequences on the conditions of social justice in host communities. This fear derives from the assumptions that social solidarity and social trust will be eroded by the greater ethno-cultural heterogeneity that is likely to result from the implementation of redistributive immigration policies. In response I show, first, that social solidarity is not circumscribed by national boundaries; the empirical evidence does not support claims that solidaristic acts rely on a predefined idea of community. Second, drawing on the Canadian case study, I find that institutional trust rather than interpersonal trust is key to motivating compliance with social welfare policies, and that this kind of trust can be sustained under conditions of ethno-cultural heterogeneity.

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Higgins, Peter W. « Immigration justice : A proposal for developing just admissions policies ». Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3315825.

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McIntyre, Meagan L. « Disparities of (In)Justice : An Examination of the Asylum Adjudication System in the U.S ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1041.

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This study examines decisions of immigration judges from the Miami and Los Angeles immigration courts, analyzing the asylum grant rates of judges in the courts from 2000-2016. In five-year time frames, the study looks at each immigration court and the decisions yielded, amounting up to nearly 86,000 decisions. Examining judges on an individual level, the study also analyzes the outputs of each court collectively. The analysis reveals very distinct disparities in grant rates, showing up to a 70% disparity between judges within the same immigration court. Based on biographies provided by Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC), this paper explores possible correlations between various extralegal factors of individual immigration judges and their respective asylum grant rates. The results of the analysis showed correlation between gender, political party appointed under and the asylum grant rate, as well as strong correlation between judges’ previous work experience prior to appointment (DHS/INS experience, NGO experience) and the asylum grant rate. Additionally, the analysis reviews case law of the Ninth and Eleventh Circuit Courts, looking at distinct differences in the precedents of asylum law. The paper explores the tension between these judicial entities, the legislative branch, and the executive agencies enforcing the asylum adjudication process in the context of the Los Angeles and Miami immigration courts. The conclusion discusses the implications of the findings, especially in regards to the rapidly changing directives of the current executive administration.

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Myers, Philip. « European Union and justice and home affairs ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285115.

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This thesis looks at justice and home affairs (JHA) policy-making in the European Union (EU). JHA refers to those areas which have traditionally been the domain of interior and justice ministries on the national level and which are now dealt with on the EU level on the basis of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and includes areas such as immigration and asylum, visa policy and police co-operation. In short, this thesis aims to examine why the governments of the member states chose to start co-operating on these issues within the EU, what the nature of this co-operation is and what does it tell us about the EU in general. The thesis looks firstly at the forms of JHA co-operation prior to the TEU and how this led to the national governments deciding to give it a Treaty basis within the EU. There is then an account of how the negotiations on the TEU developed and resulted in JHA being governed by a set of Treaty provisions quite different to those for other policy areas. This is followed by two case studies looking in detail at how JHA policy was made after the TEU entered into force; these deal with visa policy and immigration and asylum. To help in this, two theoretical approaches, taken from political science studies of European integration, are used, namely neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. These allow us to identify the extent to which the same processes and factors influence JHA policy-making as in more traditional areas of Community policy-making, and allow for conclusions to be drawn on what JHA policy-making can tell us about wider issues of European integration.

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Angeli, Oliviero. « Territorial rights and global justice ». Thesis, Tours, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010TOUR2012.

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Cette thèse développe une conception normative du territoire qui associe l’idée cosmopolite selon laquelle les êtres humains sont au centre des préoccupations morales et et celle du droit à l’autodétermination collective, conçu elle généralement comme étrangère au cosmopolitisme. Les droits de l’Homme sont placés au cœur de cette thèse dans la mesure où les arguments qui y sont développés donnent la priorité aux intérêts humains les plus fondamentaux sur l’utilité sociale ou l’efficacité. Par ailleurs, ce travail avance que les citoyens des Etats ont un droit moral à l’auto-détermination collective et que ce droit peut être ramené aux droits de tous les êtres humains en tant que citoyens d’Etats particuliers. En explorant les implications de ces raisonnements, la thèse aborde des questions relatives à la citoyenneté, à l’immigration, aux ressources naturelles et à la justice distributive à l’échelle globale
This thesis develops a normative conception of the territory that combines the cosmopolitan notion that human beings are ultimate units of moral concern with the putatively non-cosmopolitan right to collective self-determination. Human rights are placed at very heart of this thesis insofar as the arguments developed therein give priority to important human interests over other considerations of social utility or efficiency. On the other hand, the thesis argues that the citizens of states have a moral right to collective self-determination and that this right is reducible to the rights of all human beings as citizens of particular states. Exploring the implications of these arguments, the thesis addresses issues pertaining to citizenship, immigration, and global distributive justice. Some of the arguments developed run against the dominant grain of contemporary political philosophy: residency provides a sufficient reason for claiming citizenship rights, there is no general right to immigration, natural resources are not the ‘currency’ of global distributive justice

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McEvoy, Gráinne. « Justice and Order : American Catholic Social Thought and the Immigration Question in the Restriction Era, 1917-1965 ». Thesis, Boston College, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3796.

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Thesis advisor: Kevin Kenny
The present study examines the Catholic social critique of U.S. immigration law from the introduction of literacy testing in 1917 to the removal of the national origins quota system in 1965. During this period, Catholic thinkers developed a distinctive theology of migration and engaged in a long campaign for reform of federal immigration policy. They did so at a time when the debate over that policy was characterised by a number of contentious issues: discrimination against prospective immigrants on the basis of race and national origins; the importation of migrant labor; the obligation to respond to an international refugee crisis; and the imperatives of Cold War national security. Catholic thinking on these issues involved a constant negotiation between a liberal policy position emphasizing the dignity of the individual and man's natural right to migrate, and a restrictive outlook which acknowledged sovereign states' right to control immigration and citizenship in the national interest. The Catholic philosophy was an important dimension of a national debate that oscillated between exclusionary and inclusionary approaches. In keeping with Catholic social doctrine, Catholic intellectuals and immigration experts insisted that the debate over policy and implementation should give priority to the integrity of the migrating family and the attainment and protection of a living wage for all. These priorities coalesced with a post-New Deal political and social emphasis on the heteronormative family as the core consuming and breadwinning unit in American life. Current historical understanding of the debate over American immigration policy elides the significance of religious thought. This study demonstrates that religious ideas and institutions were used to give the Post-World War II campaign for immigration reform and the Hart-Celler Immigration Act of 1965 the weight of moral authority, inclusive of their liberalizing and restrictive features. By giving the 1965 law their imprimatur, Catholic social thinkers helped efface the law's retention of restrictive and selective measures. Examination of the Catholic social critique of immigration policy reveals that socio-economic and moral ideals - as embodied by the idealized nuclear, male breadwinner-headed family - pervaded the debate over immigration reform in this era of restriction
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History

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Jamison, Elizabeth Cori Shields. « Circuits of Power in Alabama's Immigration Politics : Labor Justice and Corporate Social Responsibility ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77689.

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At the time of its debate and passage in 2010-2011, Alabama's immigration law evoked support and opposition from across the state and nation. Despite the outcry, the Alabama business community projected a pronounced public "silence". This silence was particularly curious because of the law's clear and intended goal of self-deportation of Latinos who are a significant labor source for Alabama agri-businesses and food processing industries. The key question for this dissertation is: Why did the poultry processing industry, which has high populations of Latino employees and a significant industrial presence in Alabama, stay publicly silent despite a predictable impact on their labor supply? This qualitative analysis used the lens of the circuits of power model to interrogate this question. The findings indicate that Alabama poultry processors found themselves susceptible to the same opportunities and challenges as any other social actor confronted with the racialized, politicized, and historically contingent challenges facing Latino labor in Alabama. In other words, these business actors were fully socially embedded actors within Alabama. I demonstrate that individual residents, relevant associations, Alabama's politicians, and even the poultry processors themselves never fully realized the political vulnerability of their particular embeddedness until it was too late for poultry processing employers to publicly act to protect their Latino employees from this unjust state law. I collected and triangulated data from multiple sources, including semi-structured interviews, media reports, state and national statistics, official websites, and legal documents. Through discourse and content analysis of this data, I developed a case study that demonstrates how Alabama's poultry processors were on a collision course with Alabama state politicians over immigration reform, but they never saw it coming. In so doing, I raise important questions about limits on the "real" power of economic actors for achieving self-interested business outcomes when those interests contest strongly-held social and cultural norms that are infused with a particular history of race, difference, and alterity in local spaces. I demonstrate that these limits raise questions for the democratic process and have consequences for economic actors with regard to corporate social responsibility claims as they pertain to labor justice.
Ph. D.

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Aliberti, Arianna <1996&gt. « Haitian immigration in Dominican Republic : how the Dominican justice reacts to the prejudice ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21931.

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La mia tesi tratta dell'immigrazione haitiana in Repubblica Dominicana; in particolare, dopo una prima parte introduttiva in cui si spiegano i contesti storico e sociale, e in cui viene fatta un'analisi proprio sull'immigrazione, il focus è il tema del pregiudizio dominicano nei confronti degli haitiani e l'accesso alla giustizia da parte segli stessi. La gestione della giustizia dominicana nei confronti degli immigrati haitiani infatti, è un tema complesso che, anche grazie a interviste fatte a persone che lavorano in loco, trova la sua esplicazione soprattutto nella parte conclusiva dell'elaborato.

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Vieira, Velloso Joao Gustavo. « Seeking Alternatives for Criminology : The Immigration and Refugee Board Practices on the Regulation of Immigration in Canada ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31196.

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Administrative justice is traditionally considered as the main alternative to the criminal justice system when a certain illegality is decriminalized or not enforced by criminal justice institutions (e.g. the regulation of elite deviance, urban disorder, mental health, etc.). This doctoral thesis studies how the conflicts related to immigration are being managed in the largest administrative tribunal in Canada: the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB). It asks how exactly does immigration justice, and administrative law more broadly, constitute an alternative to criminal justice in terms of social reaction, and what kinds of challenges does this alternative present for the study of social control. This research takes a qualitative approach based on documentary analysis and long-term ethnographic fieldwork conducted at the IRB between 2007 and 2009. It uses its own theoretical framework building on post-structural perspectives, including Bourdieu’s constructivist structuralism, governmentality and nodal governance studies, left realism and political economy of punishment. In the empirical part of the thesis, I present some of the characteristics of the legal translation of conflicts in immigration law, including the forms and logics of punishment involved and how immigration law is practiced at the tribunal. I argue that administrative adjudication and punishment differ substantially from criminal law regimes and I question the idea of criminalization (of immigration) as a category capable of nuancing the complexity of administrative forms of social reaction. Instead, I suggest that we should take these forms of punitive social reaction as they are, and study how they operate along, beyond and in addition to criminal law. I propose an integrated conception of the penal complex which works as a mobile (kinetic sculpture) and includes the criminal law realm, but also other normative systems that configure ‘less’ prominent locations of punishment playing an increasing role in social reaction. I conclude by proposing a new reading of selectivity of justice and penal policies, and consequently, a new agenda for criminology and criminologists. In this new agenda, the penal complex should be taken as a totality in order to promote broader and combined propositions for law reform and resistance to punitiveness.

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Camacho, Enrique. « Justice, legitimacy and political boundaries : the morality of border control ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/62115/.

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The general problem of the morality of borders is to determine what kind of borders liberal democracies ought to have. This in turn raises two particular problems. First to determine the nature of states entitlement to control the administration of political and territorial borders and second, to determine what constitutes to exercise this entitlement in fair terms. This thesis is devoted to the first particular problem. I distinguish two kinds of approaches to legitimate border control: justice-based accounts and legitimacy oriented accounts. I argue that justice-based accounts are inappropriate to frame and address the legitimacy problem of borders because they typically merely assume that a set of institutions apply to those over whom coercion is exercised. But these accounts never provide an explanation about why we (and not others) have legitimate rights over territorial borders. This standard objection shows that these views fail to reach the boundary problem, but it does not say why. In this thesis I advance an explanation. I say that justice-based accounts are unfit to address problems of borders. The idea is that justice-based is a simplified account tailored to the problem of public justification, but this simplification has removed the traits relevant to reach the boundary problem. In contrast I introduced legitimacy-oriented accounts of borders. When legitimacy is not about justice and the problem of public justification of coercion, it is about integrity and the assessment of political power from the point of view of distinct political virtues such as fairness, democratic participation, due process, and justice. Legitimacy as integrity performs a division of labour between distinct conceptions of legitimacy in order to justify political power as a whole including the kind of power that borders exercise. But integrity of international basic institutions like borders point out to porous borders as the appropriate case for liberal democracies.

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Rajendra, Tisha. « The Rights of the Stranger : Justice, Responsibility and the Ethics of Migration ». Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3719.

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Thesis advisor: David Hollenbach
Transnational migration presents a problem for universal human rights. Because migrants do not have full citizenship in their countries of residence, they are left out of the distribution of social goods within a nation-state. Contemporary theories of justice largely remain trapped in the framework of the "bounded society," which members enter by birth and leave by death. The dissertation argues that the protection of universal human rights depends on turning particular relationships of exploitation into relationships of co-responsibility. The dissertation draws on two sources of Christian ethics, the Bible and Catholic social teaching on migration in order to maintain both the importance of the unity of the human family, the universality of human rights, and the importance of the political community. The work of three political philosophers suggests that in order to respond to transnational migration, an ethics of migration must maintain both the universality of human rights and the moral significance of the political community, but must discard the ideal of the bounded society. The resources of the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament indicate that care for the stranger must be foundational to a Christian ethics of migration. Catholic social teaching on migration maintains both the universality of human rights and the right of the state to control its borders, but ultimately fails to address whether and in what circumstances the state should prioritize its citizens over migrants and potential migrants. The dissertation uses Jon Sobrino's reflections on Christian solidarity in order to address this lacuna in Catholic social teaching on migration. It argues that the political community must protect the human rights of migrants because, in most cases, migrants are in relationships with citizens
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Theology

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Turnbull, Penelope Anne. « Germany, Britain and the institutionalisation of justice and home affairs co-operation in the European Union : competing visions and common agendas ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368222.

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Duckwitz, Mary Jo Lopez. « Sacred and the secular in Catholic activism an analysis of the "Justice for Immigrants" campaign by the U.S. Catholic Conference of Bishops / ». Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4542.

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Thesis (M.A.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 61. Thesis director: John B. Burns. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed June 10, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 56-60). Also issued in print.

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Silverman, Stephanie J. « The normative ethics of immigration detention in liberal states ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4c37674b-abdb-42b0-91a9-e6719587bf01.

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This thesis explores the normative propriety of immigration detention in liberal states. In the first part of the thesis, I explore the development, current practice, and popular justifications for immigration detention in the United Kingdom. I argue that a crucial but unacknowledged role for immigration detention is to function as a political spectacle of the centralisation of power in liberal states. I find that the key motivation for detaining non-citizens is that they could abscond before their removals. I conclude that this basis for detention is normatively acceptable in only very limited cases and, even then, alternatives are often available and ethically preferable. Based on the fact that there is a normatively acceptable rationale, albeit circumscribed, for detention practices, I then propose a framework of minimum standards of treatment in detention that I advise all liberal states to follow. After outlining my proposal, I turn in the second part of the thesis to an examination of the normative theories of immigration control and how they take account of detention. Normative theorists differ in how they balance their commitments to individual and state rights, yet I find the majority concedes the need for some degree of immigration admissions control. Such theories face a moral dilemma: there can be no immigration control without detention, and so detention becomes an implicit assumption for these normative theories to be coherent. A potential solution for combating the practical problems associated with the growing, worsening detention estates as well as the moral dilemma of incarcerating a non-citizen based on fear of absconding would be to open borders and eliminate immigration control. Given the reality of the sovereign right to control immigration, however, I argue that the more feasible normative answer is lobby liberal states to adopt my framework of minimum standards of treatment while simultaneously pressing for open borders as the long-term ethical goal.

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Norman, Ludvig. « Asyulum and Immigration in an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice : EU policy and the logic of securitization ». Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-886.

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The aim of this essayis to show how the issues of asylum and immigration have been formulated as security issues in EU policy by applying a discursive approach to policy analysis and securitization, analyzing selected policy texts produced by the European Commission and the Council for Justice and Home Affairs from 1999 to 2006. The positioning of these issues in the policy domain of 'Freedom, Security and Justice' has facilitated a linkage between these issues and issues like terrorism and organised crime and has enabled a formulation of asylum and immigration according to a logic of securitization. The analysis of policy texts aims at investigating how linkages between issues are represented, how these linkages shape issues, and how the policy, in formulating threats and responses, also represent the EU in very specific ways. Policy from this perspective is not the rational answer to an unambigous reality but rather, highly implicated in its production. An important part of this analysis is drawing out the implications of the policy, in terms of further policy development, as well as how the policy implicates particular ways of dealing with those represented as for instance 'illegal immigrants' or 'illegitimate asylum seekers'.

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Gleason, Kayla Christine. « The immigrant justice movement in the northwestern United States : an analysis of immigration in organizing and electoral politics/ ». Click here to view full text, 2007.

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Dezendorf, Caroline. « Agriculture, Diet, and Empowerment : Understanding the Role of Community Gardens in Improving the Health of Oregon's Urban Latino Community ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13289.

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Across the United States, organic gardens are being used to improve community development and develop civic agriculture programs for minority populations, including Latinos. Huerto de la Familia (Family Garden), a community agriculture organization based in Eugene, Oregon, aims to improve the food security and well-being of urban Latino immigrants. This study asks the question: how effective is the organization's Organic Gardening program at improving the mental, physical, and nutritional health of urban Latinos? I analyze how participation in the community gardening program empowers the families involved and provides them access to fresh and culturally appropriate foods. Through active participatory research, semi-structured interviews, and the use of photo journals and receipt collections, this study finds that Huerto de la Familia is beneficial in terms of food justice and improving community integration.

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Wallace, Anne Maree. « Justice and the 'virtual' expert : using remote witness technology to take scientific evidence ». Phd thesis, Faculty of Law, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8986.

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Johannesson, Livia. « In Courts We Trust : Administrative Justice in Swedish Migration Courts ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-138909.

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The research problem this dissertation addresses is how judicial practices generate administrative justice in asylum determination procedures. Previous research on immigration policies argues that when asylum determinations are processed in courts, principles of administrative justice are ensured and immigrants’ rights protected. In this dissertation, I challenge that argument by approaching administrative justice as an empirical phenomenon open for different types of interpretations. Instead of assuming that administrative justice characterizes courts, I assume that this concept acquires particular meanings through the practices of the courts. Empirically, this dissertation studies practices of assessing asylum claims at the Swedish migration courts. The migration courts are the result of a major reform of the Swedish asylum procedure that took place in 2006, with the motive to end inhumane rejections of asylum seekers by enhancing administrative justice in the asylum process. By interviewing and observing judges at the migration courts, litigators from the Migration Board and public counsels from different law firms, this interpretive and ethnographic study analyzes how administrative justice acquires meanings in the daily practices of assessing asylum claims at the migration courts. The main result is that a ceremonial version of administrative justice is generated at the migration courts. This version of administrative justice forefronts symbolic dimensions of justice. The asylum appeal procedure succeeds in communicating justice through rituals, building design and metaphors, which emphasize objectivity, impartiality and certainty on behalf of the judicial practices. However, these symbols of justice disguise several unfair aspects of the asylum appeal procedure, such as inequality in resources and trustworthiness between the state’s representative and the asylum applicants as well as the uncertainty inherent in both the factual and the credibility assessment of asylum claims. The implications of these findings are that immigration policy research needs to reconsider the relationship between the courts and immigrants’ rights by paying more attention to the everyday practices of ensuing administrative justice in courts than on the instances when courts oppose political attempts to restrict immigrants’ rights.

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Maltby, Elizabeth. « The political origins of racial and ethnic inequality ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5807.

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Policy feedback theory argues that public policies shape mass political behavior by teaching citizens about their relationship to government. However, most studies assume that the entire public has a uniform reaction to policy. I reevaluate this assumption by examining how feedback from policy varies by groups and across contexts. I argue that, because policy sends different signals to those targeted by policy than those outside policy’s target group, these groups should have opposite reactions to the way policy is implemented in their community. And, for those targeted by policy, feedback effects should depend on how likely individuals’ are to have direct contact with policy. I also argue that since policy is not created or implemented in isolation, scholars must also how residential context affects where we are likely to see feedback effects and where the effects of policy will be muted. The first half of the dissertation tests my arguments by exploring how criminal justice policy affects the political behavior of blacks and whites. Using data from two national surveys and information on racial inequalities in local law enforcement, I find that racially skewed criminal justice outcomes is linked with stronger feelings of racial identity for highly educated blacks and stronger feelings of national identity for blacks with low levels of education. I also find that racially unequal criminal justice enforcement is associated with negative political orientations and lower rates of participation for highly educated blacks. Whites, however, respond positively to similar criminal justice outcomes when they reside in areas with large black populations. The effect of criminal justice policy on political behavior for both blacks and whites is stronger in contexts where policy is more salient—areas with large black populations. In the second half of the dissertation, I analyze how immigration enforcement affects the identities and attitudes of Latinos and Anglos. Here, I use data from two national public opinion surveys and information on county-level immigration enforcement to test my arguments. I find that native-born Latinos are more likely to feel tied to their ethnic group in areas with a large foreign-born population where many immigrants are deported. Foreign-born Latinos’ ethnic identity is unaffected by policy. I also find that high levels of immigration enforcement are associated with less restrictive immigration attitudes for foreign- and native-born Latinos, especially in areas with large foreign-born populations I also find some evidence that Anglos hold more restrictive attitudes toward immigration in response to high levels of immigration enforcement.

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Yong, Caleb Hoe-Kit. « Justice, legitimacy, and movement across borders : a political theory of international migration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7f94a135-778d-45cd-acdf-e5e15adba7f1.

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Existing moral reflection on immigration law and policy is caught in an impasse between (1) proponents of an individual right to free international migration and (2) proponents of a state’s right to control its borders. In Chapter 1, I examine arguments supporting an individual right to free international migration. I show that the case for this putative right cannot be settled solely by considering the strength of individuals’ interest in being able to cross international borders according to their choice. Rather, at a crucial point, the argument for an individual right to free migration turns on the truth of a particular conception of global justice. In Chapter 2, I examine arguments supporting a state’s right to control its borders. I contend that these arguments do not seek to defend the substantive justice of restrictive immigration policies, but rather the legitimacy of processes of political decision-making by which states unilaterally determine their own immigration policies. Abandoning this right-versus-right paradigm, I recast the debate by focusing on two distinct questions: (1) the question of justice in immigration, which substantively evaluates immigrant admission policy; and (2) the question of the legitimacy of immigration law enacted by procedures responsive only to states’ internal political decisions. I further propose that in articulating principles of justice in immigration, we should first develop a conception of global justice which will provide the background for our evaluation of immigration policy. In Chapter 3, I develop and defend a conception of global justice I call cooperation-based internationalism. I argue that co-citizens are joint participants in a scheme of cooperation which provides them with the social goods they need to lead autonomous lives. They therefore owe each other special duties of social justice. In addition, I argue for a duty of assistance which applies among all human persons globally. This duty requires developed states to assist developing states in establishing minimally just institutions. In Chapter 4, I develop a conception of justice in immigration against the background of cooperation-based internationalism. I argue that there is no requirement for states to allow open immigration. Nevertheless, I argue that co-citizens owe each other duties which impose significant moral constraints on immigration policy: states must (1) allow for family unification; (2) eschew policies that select immigrants based on criteria that unjustly call into question the fitness for citizenship of certain current members; (3) regulate labour immigration so that all current citizens benefit equally unless unequal gains benefit worse-off citizens. The duty of assistance is also imposes constraints on immigration policy. Developed states should (4) avoid immigration policies which cause brain drain harmful to international development and (5) admit and resettle refugees. In Chapter 5, I turn to the distinct question of the legitimacy of unilaterally-enacted immigration law. I argue that the application and enforcement of immigration law counts as a coercive exercise of political power which stands in need of justification. I examine the consent and natural duty of justice theories of political legitimacy, concluding that these influential theories cannot establish the legitimacy of immigration law. I conclude by considering the implications of the illegitimacy of immigration law for the evaluation of irregular migration.

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Ticktin, Miriam Iris. « Between justice and compassion "les sans papiers" and the political economy of health, human rights and humanitarianism in France / ». Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/61763840.html.

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Billet, Carole. « Dimension externe de l’espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice et action extérieure de l’Union européenne ». Thesis, Rennes 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014REN1G002.

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Domaine d’action récent, la dimension externe de l’ELSJ a connu un développement fulgurant et apparaît aujourd’hui comme une composante essentielle de l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne. Il s’agit toutefois d’une composante particulière en raison de la sensibilité des domaines en cause, qui entraîne d’importantes réticences de la part des Etats membres. L’objet de cette recherche consiste à analyser la question de la façon dont la dimension externe de l’ELSJ s’intègre au cadre juridique de l’action extérieure de l’Union, lequel a été largement rénové par le traité de Lisbonne, et ce, sous deux angles : institutionnel et matériel. Sous l’angle institutionnel, la dimension externe de l’ELSJ s’inscrit pleinement dans la systémique des compétences de l’Union. En raison des lacunes des traités concernant cette dimension externe, une dynamique de compensation des fondements juridiques apparaît en effet nécessaire et les institutions font donc appel aux diverses solutions découlant du système des compétences de l’action extérieure pour adopter les instruments souhaités. Confronté aux caractéristiques de l’ELSJ, ce recours au système des compétences de l’action extérieure engendre toutefois une accumulation de contraintes auxquelles les institutions doivent faire face. Certaines de ces contraintes, celles liées à la répartition des compétences, sont classiques mais se voient renouvelées et démultipliées dans le cadre de cette dimension externe. D’autres contraintes, celles liées à la différenciation, sont plus spécifiques et nécessitent d’avoir recours à des solutions innovantes. Sous l’angle matériel, l’intégration de la dimension extérieure de l’ELSJ à l’action extérieure de l’Union se mesure à l’aune du respect des exigences applicables à toute action de l’Union sur la scène internationale : les principes sur lesquels elle repose et les objectifs qu’elle poursuit, précisés à l’article 21 TUE. Concernant les objectifs de l’action extérieure, leur prise en compte dans le développement de la dimension externe de l’ELSJ demeure encore graduée. L’intégration apparait quasi-naturelle concernant l’objectif de sécurité pour lequel il existe une coïncidence avec les objectifs de l’ELSJ, mais pour les objectifs de soutien au multilatéralisme ou au développement, leur prise en compte nécessite davantage d’ajustements. Concernant les principes de l’action extérieure, leur valorisation apparait encore imparfaite. Auprès des tiers, l’Union utilise la conditionnalité de façon trop erratique, et en son sein, le contrôle demeure perfectible
As a recent domain of action, the external dimension of the AFSJ has developed with lightning speed and is currently emerging as an essential component of the European Union’s external action. This is, however, a specific component owing to the sensitivity of the areas concerned, and one which arouses considerable reticence on the part of Member States. The question then arises as to how it is to be fitted into the legal framework of the Union’s external action, which has been extensively renovated by the Lisbon Treaty. The ensuing analysis needs to be conducted from two distinct and complementary perspectives: an institutional one and a material one. From an institutional perspective, the external dimension of AFSJ is totally in keeping with the Union’s competence system. Indeed, because of the loopholes in the treaties regarding this external action, a compensation scheme taking account of the diverse legal bases appears to be necessary. Therefore, institutions have recourse to the various solutions arising out of the external action’s competence system, in order to adopt the required instruments. Nevertheless, when confronted with the AFSJ’s characteristics, this recourse to the external action’s competence system generates a build-up of constraints which institutions have to face up to. Some of these constraints are familiar but are renewed and sometimes multiplied within the framework of this external dimension of the AFSJ. The constraints in question are related to the sharing out of competences. Other constraints are more specific and make it necessary to resort to innovative solutions, and such constraints are linked to differentiation. From a material perspective, integration of the AFSJ’s external dimension into the external action of the Union has to be measured in light of the respect for the exigencies applicable to any action by the Union on the international stage, namely the principles on which it is based and the objectives that it pursues, as specified in Article 21 of TEU. Regarding the goals of the external action, the role they play in the development of the AFSJ’s external dimension remains gradual. Integration appears to be a quasi natural objective as regards security, a domain in which it happens to coincide with the objectives of the AFSJ. However, regarding the desirable support for multilateralism or development, achieving coherence requires further adjustments. Concerning the principles underlying the external action, results are more mixed. With third parties, the EU makes an erratic use of conditionality, and within the Union, control could be improved

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Silva, Grant Joseph 1982. « Thinking about Justice from “the Outside” of Nationality : Re-Thinking the Legal and National Dimensions of Citizenship ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12101.

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xi, 202 p.
This dissertation examines the legal and national dimensions of citizenship, focusing on the nature of social justice, multiculturalism and state formation in light of an increasing "migrant" population in the United States. For many individuals, Hispanic people and undocumented immigrants are outside of stereotypic understandings of "American" and the legal structure of the United States. Seeking to question this belief and the subsequent political atmosphere it engenders, this work presents the challenges that Hispanic people and undocumented persons pose to the central tenants of liberal political theory and the politics of recognition. Liberal theories of justice that assume the nation-state as their starting point and ignore the international elements of 21st century societies need reconsideration. Although John Rawls's work remains central to this tradition, by constricting his theory of justice to a closed, self-sustaining polity that assumes all persons behind the veil of ignorance to be citizens, the trajectory of liberal political thought after his work evades the question of citizenship and the possibility of social justice for undocumented people. Although conversations about "multicultural citizenship" are abundant in North American political contexts, these discussions focus on the national representation of minority peoples and ignore the legal aspects of citizenship and the reality of undocumented immigration. Philosophers that do think about undocumented persons argue for international theories of justice, human rights or cosmopolitanism. These are positive steps in thinking about social justice for immigrants, but they only matter insofar as they do not impinge upon state sovereignty and render social justice for immigrants a secondary issue. While Latin American political thinkers such as Enrique Dussel ground the origins of political power in the citizenry of states, they nonetheless assume the category of "citizen" to be uncontested. Thus, even in settings where radical political change is underway, the basis of state membership remains to be defined and freed of racial (or even "post-racial") expectations. I undertake this project in terms of Estadounidense or "Unitedstatesian" citizenship, a concept that combats ethnocentric beliefs about the meaning of "American" while also informing of more open understandings of legal citizenship and porous conceptions of the state.
Committee in charge: Naomi Zack, Chairperson; Cheyney Ryan, Member; Scott Pratt, Member; Michael Hames-Garcia, Outside Member

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Costa, Francisco Pereira. « Para a chuva não beber o leite. Soldados da borracha : imigração, trabalho e justiças na Amazônia, 1940-1945 ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-18052015-161536/.

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parte do povo do Nordeste brasileiro momentos de grandes sofrimentos devido as estiagens que acometeram aquela região. A situação beligerante na Europa que levou a Segunda Guerra Mundial promovida pelo espírito imperialista alemão, instigado por Hitler, levou vários nações à guerra, consequentemente, envolvendo trabalhadores do mundo inteiro direta ou indiretamente. A Amazônia entra nesse conflito a partir da ocupação pelos japoneses da base militar norte-americana em Pearl Habor, no Havaí, o que se desdobrou no fechamento do fornecimento de borracha crua para os norte-americanos proveniente das colônias inglesas da Ásia. A Amazônia passa a ser vista como alternativa para o suprimento dessa matéria-prima para os norte-americanos. Estudos sobre a viabilidade econômica dos investimentos são feitos e acordos são celebrados entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos da América do Norte, ficando conhecido como os Acordos de Whashington, que visava basicamente o financiamento para a compra do excedente da borracha brasileira. Um obstáculo deveria ser superado: a baixa quantidade de seringueiros para trabalharem na extração do látex e fabrico da borracha. Uma operação denominada batalha da borracha foi colocada em curso, onde o Estado brasileiro aliciou mais de 50 mil trabalhadores, principalmente do Nordeste para as regiões dos altos rios do Acre, Guaporé, Amazonas. Uma propaganda enganosa executada por Chabloz a mando do Estado Novo, contribuiu em parte para arregimentar essa mão de obra. Protegidos por um garantismo trabalhista, vez que, assinaram um termo de compromisso, uma espécie de contrato de trabalho com cláusulas gerais, parecia que Getúlio Vargas conseguira celar com brio e astúcia a proteção aos trabalhadores. Ledo engano, os que vieram para a Amazônia passaram a viver em condições precárias e relações trabalhistas de condições análoga a de escravo. Essa tese é uma resposta à problematização direcionada a entender e responder como os seringueiros acessaram o poder judiciário trabalhista, neste período, a fim de resolver problemas relacionados às relações de trabalho na economia extrativista da borracha. A resposta resulta em duas situações: uma relacionada a um espaço vazio, ou seja, a ausência de fontes para trabalhar e responder à problematização; a outra, é que o Estado Novo e as elites mercantilistas da borracha criaram uma blindagem contra os seringueiros a ponto de cercearem e os impedirem de acessar os órgãos de controle do Estado. E, por fim, a Justiça do Trabalho inexistia na Amazônia. Diante disso, o que se percebeu é que o contrato de trabalho nesse período era uma farsa, não havia nenhuma mediação para garantir aos operários extrativistas os direitos trabalhistas. Na Amazônia a elite da borracha continuava mantendo a ordem e a disciplina.
Between the end of the 1930s and beginning of the 1940s, thousands of workers from the Northeast of Brazil migrated to the Amazon in search of better working and living conditions. At first in a spontaneous shift, and then directed by the Estado Novo in 1940. This shift was intensified by the Washington Accords between Brazil and the United States of America. During World War II, the Axis blocked American access to Asian trade routes and so the United States attempted to replace its normal Asian raw rubber supply with Brazilian rubber. However, the obstacle of scarce labor had to be overcome in order for Amazonia to function as a viable alternative. In response to the challenge, the Brazilian state mounted the Battle of rubber, in which it solicited over fifty thousand workers, principally from the countrys Northeast, to work in the upriver regions of the Acre, Guaporé, and Amazon rivers. By instituting a kind of collective labor contract that included guarantees of workers rights, it seemed that Getúlio Vargas had deftly managed provide for the protection of the so-called rubber soldiers rights. Those who actually came to Amazonia under this happy illusion lived in precarious conditions e and experienced working conditions analogous to slavery. This thesis responds to the problem of how rubber tappers accessed the labor judiciary in order to resolve problems related to labor relations between bosses and estate owners and rubber tappers in the extractive rubber economy during this period. The response resulted in two situations: the first was related to empty space, in other words the absence of outlets (labor complaints) to work on and respond to problems; the other was that the Estado Novo and the mercantilist rubber elites impeded rubber tappers access to state and non-state channels for complaints and denunciations, such as the press. And finally, even if workers had access to it, the labor court was inexistent in the Amazon, or if it did exist, it was inoperative. Thus, we can conclude that the labor contract during this period was a farce and there was no mediation to protect extractive workers rights, since Amazonian rubber elites were charged with maintaining order and discipline. In February of 1946, a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry was established to investigate the responsibilities of state agents with regard to the neglect and abandonment of the rubber soldiers in forests and cities at the end of the war. The commissions results were disastrous and shameful, and revealed a reinforcement of the Brazilian political tradition of shielding elites and heads of state from the illegality of their actions.

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Matshakaile, Thabani Nkosiyapha. « Access to justice for non-citizens : a constitutional analysis ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86576.

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Thesis (LLM)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights in South Africa’s final Constitution are, with a few exceptions, guaranteed to citizens and non-citizens alike. South Africa has seen an influx of migrants, asylum seekers and refugees since 1994, and this migratory movement has posed significant challenges to the post-apartheid legal order. This thesis is concerned with the State’s implementation of its constitutional obligations to protect and guarantee the constitutional rights of everyone within the borders of South Africa. It is important that these constitutional obligations do not remain mere aspirations but should translate into reality. Most non-citizens living in South Africa face numerous barriers to accessing justice and the processes that could enable them to realise their rights. The thesis examines the concept of “access to justice” and investigates a number of obstacles encountered by different categories of non-citizens – such as refugees, asylum seekers and documented and undocumented migrants – in trying to access justice and to realise their rights. Against this background, arrest, detention and deportation under the Immigration Act and Refugees Act are examined because these processes have often been abused by State officials to prevent non-citizens from accessing the rights and protections guaranteed in these Acts and the Constitution, and to frustrate the implementation of court orders vindicating the rights of non-citizens. The application of the Immigration and Refugees Acts is discussed through the lens of sections 12(1), 33, 34 and 35(2) of the Constitution which ensure that arrest, detention and deportation are done in a lawful and procedurally fair manner, as opposed to the arbitrariness that most non-citizens experience on a daily basis. Secondly, the thesis also examines access to justice for non-citizens in the context of xenophobia and bias based crimes. The State has in the past failed to respond in a coordinated and timely fashion in the face of violent manifestations of xenophobia. Against this background, the State’s obligation to protect non-citizens from violence from either public or private sources in terms of section 12(1)(c) of the Constitution is discussed and analysed. The role, accessibility and effectiveness of Equality Courts are also examined in light of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act and the cases that were brought before them emanating from xenophobic incidents. The thesis concludes with proposals on areas which require better implementation of existing laws; and areas in which legislative reform is needed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regte wat in die Handves van Regte in Suid-Afrika se finale Grondwet veranker is, word op enkele uitsonderings na vir burgers en nie-burgers gewaarborg. Sedert 1994 het Suid- Afrika instroming van migrante, asielsoekers en vlugtelinge beleef, en hierdie verskuiwing het wesenlike uitdagings aan die post-apartheid regsorde gestel. Hierdie tesis is gemoeid met die Staat se implementering van sy grondwetlike verpligting om die grondwetlike regte van almal wat hul binne Suid-Afrika se landsgrense bevind, te beskerm en te waarborg. Dit is belangrik dat hierdie grondwetlike verpligtinge nie blote aspirasies bly nie, maar ’n werklikheid word. Die meeste nie-burgers wat in Suid-Afrika woon staar talle hindernisse in die gesig wat dit vir hulle moeilik maak om toegang tot geregtigheid te verkry en om hul regte te verwesenlik. Die tesis ondersoek die begrip “toegang tot geregtigheid” en bekyk aantal struikelblokke in die weg van verskillende kategorieë nie-burgers – soos vlugtelinge, asielsoekers en gedokumenteerde en nie-gedokumenteerde migrante – wat toegang tot geregtigheid probeer verkry en hul regte probeer verwesenlik. Teen hierdie agtergrond word arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering ingevolge die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge ondersoek, aangesien hierdie prosesse dikwels deur staatsamptenare misbruik word om nie-burgers te verhinder om toegang te verkry tot die regte en beskermings wat in hierdie wetgewing en in die Grondwet gewaarborg word, en om geregtelike bevele wat die regte van nie-burgers afdwing, te verydel. Die toepassing van die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge word deur die lens van artikels 12(1), 33, 34 en 35(2) van die Grondwet bespreek, wat probeer verseker dat arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering op regmatige en prosedureel billike manier geskied, in teenstelling met die willekeur wat nie-burgers op daaglikse basis ervaar. Tweedens ondersoek die tesis toegang tot geregtigheid vir nie-burgers in die konteks van vreemdelingehaat en misdade wat op vooroordeel gebaseer is. Die Staat het in die verlede in gebreke gebly om in die aangesig van gewelddadige manifesterings van vreemdelingehaat op gekoördineerde en tydige manier te reageer. Die Staat se verpligting om ingevolge artikel 12(1)(c) van die Grondwet nie-burgers teen geweld van hetsy openbare hetsy private oorsprong te beskerm, word bespreek en ontleed. Die rol, toeganklikheid en doeltreffendheid van gelykheidshowe word ook bespreek in die lig van die Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act en die sake wat deur hierdie howe beslis is wat uit xenofobiese voorvalle voortspruit. Die tesis sluit af met voorstelle oor terreine waar beter implementering van bestaande wetgewing benodig word, asook terreine waar wetgewende hervorming verlang word.

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Minniti, Robert K. « Identifying Business Risk Factors of Identity Theft ». ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2935.

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Businesses are under pressure to identify and control risks affecting profitability, including the risk of fraud. Identity theft, a type of fraud, costs businesses, governments, and individuals in excess of $56 billion a year. In order to develop good internal controls to help prevent and detect fraud, it is necessary to identify the risks to the business, but business owners are not always aware of what risk factors relate to identity theft. A nonexperimental research design formed the basis of this research study. The population for this study was data from all 50 U.S. states, represented via government databases maintained by the Federal Trade Commission, the U.S. Census Bureau, and the Department of Labor from all 50 U.S. states from 2008 until 2014. The fraud triangle theory formed the theoretical framework for this study. Regression analysis determined the significance of relationships between state-specific instances of international immigration, state-specific unemployment rates, and state-specific instances of identity theft. Both state-specific instances of international immigration and state-specific unemployment rates demonstrated a significant and positive relationship with instances of identity theft. The implications for positive social change include improved understanding of risk factors for identity theft, which could lead to lower costs of operation for businesses and lower prices for consumers.

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Fauteux, Jade. « Vers de nouvelles pratiques intersectionnelles : quand parcours migratoire se conjugue avec situation de handicap ». Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/11846.

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Dans les dernières années, nous avons assisté à l’arrivée imposante des théories de l’intersectionnalité au Québec et plus particulièrement, à une popularité marquée dans les milieux féministes universitaires. Les théories de l’intersectionnalité sont venues transformer les perceptions et la compréhension des enjeux sociaux actuels et, par conséquent, ce nouvel angle proposé par l’intersectionnalité a contribué au processus d’actualisation de certaines pratiques. Cette recherche est née de l’idée de contribuer à faciliter l’appropriation des théories de l’intersectionnalité dans les milieux de la pratique. Plutôt que de parler de l’intégration des théories intersectionnelles dans les pratiques des organisations féministes, je soumets l’idée de partir plutôt des pratiques et des savoirs d’expérience issus des organisations qui travaillent auprès d’autres groupes qui se trouvent au carrefour d’intersections de plusieurs systèmes d’oppression. La recherche prend la forme d’une étude de cas auprès de l’Association multiethnique pour l’intégration des personnes handicapées, l’AMEIPH. Celle-ci consiste notamment en une étude qualitative, dans une perspective de travail social anti-oppressif et féministe, portant sur les pratiques développées dans l’organisme et sur les formes que peuvent prendre certaines dimensions de l’intersectionnalité. L’étude de cas va chercher les points de vue des différent·e·s acteur·trice·s, soit les membres, les intervenant·e·s et les représentant·e·s de la sphère administrative. Les répondant·e·s de la recherche ont partagé leurs expériences à divers niveaux, notamment en ce qui concerne les obstacles rencontrés par les personnes issues de l’immigration en situation de handicap, la reconnaissance, leur participation dans l’organisme et les possibilités de transformations sociales. Leurs propos soulèvent de nombreuses réflexions et pistes quant à la mise en place de pratiques intersectionnelles et aux potentiels de transformation des différents rapports de pouvoir qui traversent les interactions et les structures sociales. Finalement, cette recherche documente l’apport des pratiques intersectionnelles en les inscrivant dans une pratique de travail social anti-oppressif et féministe, dans le but d'outiller différent·e·s intervenant·e·s et de contribuer à l'actualisation des pratiques dans les organisations sociales auprès des personnes marginalisées.

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Curry, Paul F. « Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23674.

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The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques. Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration. Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.

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Angrisani, Roberto. « L'action de la Cour de Justice de l'Union européenne pour la protection des droits fondamentaux face à la répression des migrations irrégulières ». Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/67910.

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Thèse en cotutelle : Université Laval, Québec, Canada et Université de Bordeaux, Talence, France
L'étude défend la thèse selon laquelle la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne, avec son action interprétative, joue un rôle majeur dans la définition du niveau de protection des droits fondamentaux des migrants en condition irrégulière dans l'UE. Les compétences limitées de l'UE en matière migratoire, partagées avec les États membres (article 4, § 2, lettre j TFUE ), n'ont pas empêché la Cour de justice d'affirmer des principes généraux de droit qui ont marqué l'évolution de l'activité législative européenne, au point de contrecarrer l'action répressive mise en exergue par les États membres et parfois par l'UE elle-même. Néanmoins, l'interprétation faite par la CJUE du droit primaire et dérivé à la lumière de la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l'UE rencontre des limites majeures lorsqu'elle vise le contentieux pénal et administratif portant sur l'immigration irrégulière. La première partie de l'étude est consacrée aux limites de l'action interprétative de la CJUE. La dimension territoriale étant le fil conducteur de la recherche, l'analyse montrera d'abord les obstacles qui s'opposent à une action efficace des juges de Luxembourg face à la répression « avant l’entrée » et « à la sortie » des migrants. En effet, tant les accords pris par l'UE ou par ses États membres avec des pays tiers pour empêcher les départs, que les accords de réadmission visant les retours des migrants en condition irrégulière vers leur pays d'origine ou vers des pays de transit se placent souvent à l'extérieur des compétences de la CJUE. La deuxième partie se concentre sur les pratiques de répression des migrations irrégulières sur le territoire de l'UE. L'importance du mécanisme du renvoi préjudiciel (article 267 TFUE) sera mise en exergue à partir du contentieux pénal sur la criminalisation des migrations et le contentieux administratif sur la répression du même phénomène. Si l'efficacité de l'action de la CJUE manifeste son ampleur dans la dimension interne de la répression des migrations, l'analyse de sa jurisprudence touchant la dimension externe de la répression permet de montrer le besoin d'harmonisation dont la politique migratoire de l'UE a besoin aujourd’hui.
This research argues that the European Court of Justice, with its interpretative action, plays a major role in defining fundamental rights for irregular migrants in the EU. The limited competences of the EU in migration matters, shared with the Member States (Article 4(2)(j) TFEU), have not prevented the Court of Justice from affirming general principles of law that have marked the development of European legislative activity, to the point of thwarting the law enforcement action highlighted by the Member States and sometimes by the EU itself. Nevertheless, the interpretation made by the CJEU of primary and secondary law in the light of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights encounters major limitations when it comes to criminal and administrative litigation on illegal immigration. The first part of the study is dedicated to the limits of the interpretative action of the CJEU. As the territorial dimension is the central thread of the research, the analysis of case law shows the obstacles to effective action by Luxembourg judges in the face of repression "before entry" and "on exit" of migrants. Indeed, both the agreements taken by the EU or by its Member States with third countries to prevent departures, and the readmission agreements aimed at the return of migrants in an irregular condition to their country of origin or to transit countries are often outside the competence of the CJEU. The second part focuses on the practices of repression of irregular migration on the territory of the EU. The importance of the preliminary ruling mechanism (Article 267 TFEU) will be highlighted from the criminal litigation on the criminalisation of migration and the administrative litigation on the repression of the same phenomenon. While the effectiveness of the action of the CJEU is obvious in the internal dimension of the repression of migration, the analysis of its case law on the external dimension of repression shows the need for harmonisation that EU migration policy needs today.

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Scott, David Malcolm Robert. « Minority activism : trends informing political participation across Australian communities ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41033/1/David_Scott_Thesis.pdf.

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In the late 1990’s, intense and vigorous debate surrounded the impact of minority communities on Australia’s mainstream society. The rise of far-right populism took the stage with the introduction to the political landscape of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation party, whilst John Howard’s Liberal-National Coalition Government took the fore on debate over immigration issues corresponding with an influx of irregular arrivals. In 2001, following the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America and subsequent attacks on western targets globally, many of these issues continued to be debated through the security posturing that followed. In recent years, much effort has been afforded to countering the threat of terrorism from home grown assailants. The Government has introduced stringent legislative responses whilst researchers have studied social movements and trends within Australian communities, particularly with respect to minorities. In 2008, the Scanlon Foundation, in association with Monash University and various government entities, released its findings into its survey approach to mapping social cohesion in Australia. It identified a number of spheres of exploration which it believed were essential to measuring cohesiveness of Australian communities generally including, economic, political and socio-cultural factors (Markus and Dharmalingam, 2008). This doctoral project report will explore the political sphere as identified in the Mapping Social Cohesion project and apply it to identified minority ethnic communities. The Scanlon Foundation project identified political participation as one of a number of true indicators of social cohesion. This project acknowledges that democracy in Australia is represented predominantly by two political entities representing a vast majority of constituents under a compulsory voting regime. This essay will identify the levels of political activism achieved by minority ethnic communities and access to democratic participation within the Australian political structure. It will define a ten year period from 1999 to 2009, identifying trends and issues within minority communities that have proactively and reactively promoted engagement in achieving a political voice, framed within a mainstream-dominated political system. It will research social movements and other influential factors over that period to enrich existing knowledge in relation to political participation rates across Australian communities.

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Angrisani, Roberto. « L’action de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne pour la protection des droits fondamentaux face à la répression des migrations irrégulières ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BORD0318.

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L’étude défend la thèse selon laquelle la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne, avec son action interprétative, joue un rôle majeur dans la définition du niveau de protection des droits fondamentaux des migrants en condition irrégulière dans l’UE. Les compétences limitées de l’UE en matière migratoire, partagées avec les États membres (article 4, § 2, lettre j TFUE), n’ont pas empêché la Cour de justice de contrecarrer l’action répressive mise en exergue par les États membres et parfois par l’UE elle-même. Néanmoins, l’interprétation faite par la CJUE du droit primaire et dérivé à la lumière de la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’UE rencontre des limites majeures lorsqu’elle vise le contentieux pénal et administratif portant sur l’immigration irrégulière. La première partie de l’étude est consacrée aux limites de l’action interprétative de la CJUE. La dimension territoriale étant le fil conducteur de la recherche, l’analyse de la jurisprudence montre les obstacles qui s’opposent à une action efficace des juges de Luxembourg face à la répression « avant l’entrée » et « à la sortie » des migrants. En effet, tant les accords pris par l’UE ou par ses États membres avec des pays tiers pour empêcher les départs, que les accords de réadmission visant les retours des migrants en condition irrégulière vers leur pays d’origine ou vers des pays de transit se placent souvent à l’extérieur des compétences de la CJUE. La deuxième partie se concentre sur les pratiques de répression des migrations irrégulières sur le territoire de l’UE. L’importance du mécanisme du renvoi préjudiciel (article 267 TFUE) sera mise en exergue à partir du contentieux pénal sur la criminalisation des migrations et le contentieux administratif sur la répression du même phénomène. Si l’efficacité de l’action de la CJUE manifeste son ampleur dans la dimension interne de la répression des migrations, l’analyse de sa jurisprudence touchant la dimension externe de la répression permet de montrer le besoin d’harmonisation dont la politique migratoire de l’UE a besoin aujourd’hui
This research argues that the European Court of Justice, with its interpretative action, plays a major role in defining fundamental rights for irregular migrants in the EU. The limited competences of the EU in migration matters, shared with the Member States (Article 4(2)(j) TFEU), have not prevented the Court of Justice from affirming general principles of law that have marked the development of European legislative activity, to the point of thwarting the law enforcement action highlighted by the Member States and sometimes by the EU itself. Nevertheless, the interpretation made by the CJEU of primary and secondary law in the light of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights encounters major limitations when it comes to criminal and administrative litigation on illegal immigration. The first part of the study is dedicated to the limits of the interpretative action of the CJEU. As the territorial dimension is the central thread of the research, the analysis of case law shows the obstacles to effective action by Luxembourg judges in the face of repression "before entry" and "on exit" of migrants. Indeed, both the agreements taken by the EU or by its Member States with third countries to prevent departures, and the readmission agreements aimed at the return of migrants in an irregular condition to their country of origin or to transit countries are often outside the competence of the CJEU. The second part focuses on the practices of repression of irregular migration on the territory of the EU. The importance of the preliminary ruling mechanism (Article 267 TFEU) will be highlighted from the criminal litigation on the criminalisation of migration and the administrative litigation on the repression of the same phenomenon. While the effectiveness of the action of the CJEU is obvious in the internal dimension of the repression of migration, the analysis of its case law on the external dimension of repression shows the need for harmonisation that EU migration policy needs today

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Tallgren, Eva. « The Concept of'European Citizenship' : National Experiences and Post-National Expectations ? » Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2004.

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The aim of this thesis is to interpret and understand the concept of citizenship in general, and the European citizenship in particular, placed within a broad theoretical framework. Furthermore, the purpose is to examine whether the development of a European citizenship indicates an emergence of a new ‘post-national’ model of citizenship, based on residence rather than nationality or place of birth. In order to address this, the status of third- country nationals (TCN’s), who are legally long-term residents within the Union, in relation to EU citizens has been analysed from the theoretical perspectives.

Different models of citizenship provide the paper with a theoretical framework, through which the empirical data has been examined. The theoretical approaches dealt with in this paper are the liberal, the republican/communitarian and the ‘post-national’ models of citizenship respectively. Fundamental ‘key concepts’ have been derived from these different models of citizenship, which have facilitated the analysis by providing the interpretation of the EU citizenship with an analytical framework.

To find answers to the initial research questions and fulfil the aim of the paper, a qualitative and hermeneutic study has been carried out, aiming at interpreting and understanding the European citizenship placed within its socio-political context. Text and language constitute the units of analysis and, hence, a textual analysis has been conducted of official EU documents. Following a conceptual history approach, concepts are not just reflections of historical processes, but can themselves contribute to historical change by making new things imaginable. As emphasised throughout the paper, concepts embrace at the same time a ‘space of experience’ and a ‘horizon of expectation’.

The main conclusions drawn from the research can be summarised in a number of points. First, while the concept of European citizenship was originally connected to a formal and economic view upon citizenship, close to a liberal/neo-liberal notion of citizenship, the texts express an aim of a more active citizenship, emphasised in the republican/communitarian tradition. Secondly, despite a multicultural and post-national rhetoric concerning the status of long-term resident TCN’s, the gaining of ‘full’ EU citizenship can still only be attained through nationality in a Member State. Thirdly, the importance of interpreting a concept placed within its socio-political context has been clear from the study. The semantic analysis has showed a close link between the European citizenship andthe goal to create an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ throughout the Union. This goal is interpreted as a response to recent occurrences in the world, but at the same time it expresses expectations about the EU citizenship, and it can thus itself affect future developments in this field.

To sum up, while the concept of European citizenship is post-national to the extent that it applies to all EU citizens irrespective of where in the Union they live, it is still not completely based on the principle of residence. Only nationals of an EU Member State can obtain citizenship of the Union. Thus, the concept of European citizenship, while establishing a citizenship across national borders, is still based on nationality.

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Ray, Sarah Jaquette 1976. « The ecological other : Indians, invalids, and immigrants in U.S. environmental thought and literature ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10352.

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xi, 233 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
This dissertation argues that a fundamental paradox underlies U.S. environmentalism: even as it functions as a critique of dominant social and economic practices, environmentalism simultaneously reinforces many social hierarchies, especially with regard to race, immigration, and disability, despite its claims to recognize the interdependence of human and ecological well-being. This project addresses the related questions: In what ways does environmentalism--as a code of behavioral imperatives and as a set of rhetorical strategies--ironically play a role in the exploitation of land and communities? Along what lines--class, race, ability, gender, nationality, age, and even "sense of place"--do these environmental codes and discourses delineate good and bad environmental behavior? I contend that environmentalism emerged in part to help legitimize U.S. imperial ambitions and support racialized and patriarchal conceptions of national identity. Concern about "the environment" made anxieties about communities of color more palatable than overt racism. Furthermore, "environmentalism's hidden attachments" to whiteness and Manifest Destiny historically aligned the movement with other repressive ideologies, such as eugenics and strict anti-immigration. These "hidden attachments" exist today, yet few have analyzed their contemporary implications, a gap this project fills. In three chapters, I detail nineteenth-century environmentalism's influence on contemporary environmental thought. Each of these three illustrative chapters investigates a distinct category of environmentalism's "ecological others": Native Americans, people with disabilities, and undocumented immigrants. I argue that environmentalism defines these groups as "ecological others" because they are viewed as threats to nature and to the American national body politic. The first illustrative chapter analyzes Native American land claims in Leslie Marmon Silko's 1991 novel, Almanac of the Dead . The second illustrative chapter examines the importance of the fit body in environmental literature and U.S. adventure culture. In the third illustrative chapter, I integrate literary analysis with geographical theories and methods to investigate national security, wilderness protection, and undocumented immigration in the borderland. In a concluding fourth chapter, I analyze works of members of the excluded groups discussed in the first three chapters to show how they transform mainstream environmentalism to bridge social justice and ecological concerns. This dissertation contains previously published material.
Committee in charge: Shari Huhndorf, Chairperson, English; Louise Westling, Member, English; David Vazquez, Member, English; Juanita Sundberg, Member, Not from U of 0 Susan Hardwick, Outside Member, Geography

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Pellegrino, Claudia Lea. « La Cour constitutionnelle italienne et son rôle en matière de garantie des droits fondamentaux des étrangers ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0186.

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Le présent travail se propose d’examiner le rôle joué par la Cour Constitutionnelle italienne dans la garantie des droits fondamentaux des individus, inscrits dans la Constitution, eu égard notamment à la catégorie des étrangers, n’ayant aucun lien de citoyenneté avec l’Etat.La recherche a été menée dans une perspective de reconstruction historique qui part de l’évolution de la justice constitutionnelle en Europe et des travaux de l’Assemblée constituante en Italie concernant l’institution du« Juge des lois ».Dans la première partie de la thèse, on a approfondi les profils de la structure de la Cour, de son fonctionnement, des instruments décisoires et des mécanismes d’accès au jugement constitutionnel sur les lois. A l’égard de ces derniers, on a voulu focaliser l’attention sur le recours incident tel qu’il est configuré dans notre système de justice constitutionnelle, en analysant ses points de force et ses limites et en opérant, ensuite, une comparaison avec la question prioritaire de constitutionnalité introduite, il y a dix ans, dans le système français.Objet d’étude a été également, le manque, dans le système italien, de toute forme de recours direct de la part des particuliers qui leur permette de saisir la Cour, même à défaut d’un jugement à quo engendrant la saisine de la question de légitimité constitutionnelle.On a pris, par conséquent, en considération les propositions législatives concernant l’introduction d’une telle institution et les orientations doctrinales qui se sont exprimées en termes positifs ou négatifs par rapport à cette possibilité.La deuxième partie, représentant le cœur du travail, concerne la contribution de la Cour constitutionnelle à la définition du statut juridique de l'étranger et à la mise en œuvre du droit constitutionnel d'asile. L’évolution de la jurisprudence constitutionnelle en matière d’immigration se caractérise par une certaine autolimitation de la part de la Cour par rapport au pouvoir discrétionnaire du législateur. L'attitude de la Cour varie toutefois également en fonction des aspects réglementés et des droits présumés violés par la législation soumise au contrôle de constitutionnalité.En définitive, la Cour a contribué considérablement à un ajustement dynamique du statut des droits et des devoirs des étrangers, également avec des déclarations d'inconstitutionnalité visant à assurer la reconnaissance effective des droits de l’homme, consacrés dans la Constitution et dans le droit supranational et international, qui doivent être appliqués quelle que soit la possession du status civitatis ou le caractère régulier du séjour. En ce qui concerne le droit constitutionnel d’asile, la disposition de référence est l’article 10, paragraphe 3 de la Constitution.Le punctum crucis de la réflexion sur l'asile tel qu’il est défini par la Constitution est représenté par la relation de cet institut avec ceux de la protection internationale (statut de réfugié et protection subsidiaire) régis par la législation interne de transposition des directives européennes faisant partie dudit « Système européen commun d’asile » ainsi que de la forme résiduelle de protection interne dite "humanitaire", envisagée dans notre système jusqu'à sa récente abrogation. On a tenté de répondre à deux questions : le droit constitutionnel d'asile peut-il être considéré comme "absorbé" par les instruments de protection indiqués ci-dessus et, par conséquent, mis en œuvre dans notre système juridique?Quel rôle la Cour constitutionnelle a-t-elle joué dans la définition de la nature juridique de cette institution et des droits qui lui sont associés, en l’absence d’une loi mettant en œuvre la réserve de législation prévue par la disposition constitutionnelle susmentionnée?Le travail se conclut donc par le souhait d’une intervention plus significative de la Cour, sanctionnant l’absence d’une discipline prescrite par la Constitution, afin de rétablir le droit autonome de l’individu à l’asile constitutionnel
The present work aims to investigate the role of the Italian Constitutional Court in the protection of fundamental rights of individuals, enshrined in the Constitution. Special reference will be made to the category of third-country nationals, who are untied from the State by any bond of citizenship.This research is conducted following a perspective of historical reconstruction, starting from the evolution of constitutional justice in Europe and the works of the Italian Constituent Assembly concerning the establishment of a “Judge of laws”.The first section of the thesis analyses the Court’s structure, its functioning, the decision-making tools and the mechanisms of access to the constitutional judgment of the laws. With regard to the latter, it is intended to focus attention on the mechanism of cross-claim as it is designed in the Italian constitutional justice’s system, by analyzing its strengths and limits and by making a comparison with the “question prioritaire de constitutionnalité” introduced in France ten years ago.Furthermore, research aims to investigate the absence, in the Italian system, of any forms of direct appeal by the individuals, which may allow them to send a referral to the Court in the absence of an a quo judgment in which an opportunity for the referral of the question of constitutional legitimacy can be initiated.Moreover, object of analysis are the legislative proposals for the establishment of such an instrument, as well as the doctrinal orientations that have spoken in favor or against this opportunity.The second part, which constitutes the more original contribution of the work, relates to the role that the Constitutional Court has provided in defining the legal status of foreigners and in implementing the constitutional right of asylum. The evolution of the constitutional jurisprudence in the matter of immigration is characterized by a trend of self-restraint by the Court as far as the discretion of the legislator is concerned.However, the attitude of the Court also varies according to the aspects governed by sectorial legislation and the rights that are presumed to be violated by the laws subjected to the scrutiny of constitutionality.Ultimately, the Court has considerably contributed to a dynamic adjustment of the status of the rights and duties of foreigners, also with declarations of unconstitutionality aimed at ensuring effective recognition of human rights, enshrined in the Constitution and in supranational and international law, which must be applied regardless of the possession of the status civitatis or regularity of the stay.As for constitutional right of asylum, the reference provision is Article 10, paragraph 3 of the Constitution.The punctum crucis of the reflection on constitutional asylum is represented by the relationship of this institution with those of international protection(refugee status and subsidiary protection) governed by the internal legislation transposing the European directives forming part of the so-called "Common European Asylum System" as well as of the residual form of so- called "humanitarian" internal protection, contemplated in the Italian system until its recent repeal.An attempt was made to answer two questions: can the constitutional right of asylum be considered as "absorbed" by the tools of protection indicated above and, therefore, implemented in our legal system?What role has the Constitutional Court played in defining the legal nature of this institution and the rights associated with it, in the absence of a provision implementing the rule of law/statutory reservation provided by the aforementioned constitutional provision?The work concludes, therefore, with the hope of a more meaningful intervention by the Court, that may sanction the absence of a constitutionally prescribed discipline, in order to restore the autonomous right of the individual to constitutional asylum

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Schoultz, Isabel. « Controlling the Swedish state : Studies on formal and informal bodies of control ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Kriminologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-110050.

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The dissertation aims to develop an understanding of the outcomes and limitations of formal and informal control of the Swedish state, and of the positions and strategies of the social agents involved in this field. The dissertation contributes with new perspectives on controls directed at the state, comparing various control organs (the Parliamentary Ombudsman, the Chancellor of Justice, the United Nations, the European Court of Human Rights and NGOs) and focusing on a wide range of wrongs and harms by the Swedish state. Paper I explores incidents for which the Swedish state and its agencies have been judged to be responsible by formal control organs. Paper II analyzes the accounts used by state representatives in judgments from formal control organs on issues related to migration. Paper III examines the characteristics of those who hold the state accountable via the European Court. Paper IV explores how formal and informal control organs frame problems in relation to the Swedish state’s treatment of residence permit applicants. The studies demonstrate that formal domestic control organs mainly direct criticisms at state agencies that focus on particular and procedural issues. International bodies of formal and particularly informal control publish criticisms of the state that focus on general and systemic issues. The dissertation highlights how control organs offer limited access to accountability, and how controls of the state may be perceived as both ineffective and counterproductive. Another conclusion is that the positions and strategies of the agents in this field are dependent on their specific capital (resources, knowledge and support). Control of the state is understood as a field of struggle for recognition and legitimacy, in which accusations are denied by representatives of the state and control organs balance their criticism in order to maintain credibility. Both informal control organs and those who hold the state accountable must adjust to the rules of the game or risk being defined out.

At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 4: Manuscript.

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Loubeyre, Alix. « Le droit européen des migrations et la confiance mutuelle entre les États membres de l'Union européenne ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01D028.

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La question de l’existence et du maintien de la confiance mutuelle est essentielle à la compréhension des dysfonctionnements actuels de la politique migratoire européenne et des difficultés importantes de mise en œuvre du droit de l’Union dans ce domaine. Celui-ci organise en effet des rapports de coopération directs entre les autorités nationales chargées du contrôle des frontières, de l’asile ainsi que de l’entrée, du séjour et du retour des étrangers dans l’Union. Ces autorités nationales doivent alors avoir confiance dans la capacité et la volonté des unes et des autres de respecter leurs obligations européennes en matière migratoire. La confiance mutuelle entre les autorités nationales conditionne ainsi l’application du droit européen des migrations et a des conséquences importantes sur la situation des étrangers aux frontières de l’Union et sur son territoire. La confiance mutuelle est définie dans la thèse comme une combinaison de deux présomptions selon lesquelles les systèmes nationaux sont équivalents entre eux et tous conformes au droit de l’Union et notamment à ses valeurs fondamentales visées à l’article 2 TUE. La thèse analyse les dysfonctionnements de la politique migratoire commune sous le prisme de la confiance mutuelle et vise à démontrer que le droit de l’Union a été jusqu’à présent incapable de construire la « convergence systémique » nécessaire à garantir celle-ci
The question of the existence and preservation of mutual trust is essential in understanding the current dysfunctions of the European migration policy and the significant difficulties in implementing EU law in this area. EU migration law requires direct cooperation between the national authorities responsible for asylum, border control, entry, stay, and return of migrants in the European Union. These national authorities need to have confidence in each other's ability and willingness to meet their European obligations in the field of migration. This kind of mutual trust between the authorities has important consequences for the situation of migrants at the Union's borders, and within its territory. Mutual trust is defined in the thesis as a combination of two presumptions. First, that national systems are equivalent to each other, and second, that they are all in conformity with Union law and in particular with its fundamental values as referred to in Article 2 TFEU. This thesis analyses the dysfunctions of the common migration policy under the prism of mutual trust and aims to demonstrate that EU law has so far been unable to build the ‘systemic convergence’ necessary to ensure it

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Mainwaring, Cetta. « Centring on the margins : migration control in Malta, Cyprus and the European Union ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4666c423-23eb-4ef6-99dc-f85f8c3f391a.

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Why does the European Union focus on controlling irregular immigration at the external border? The emphasis presents a paradox as most irregular migrants in the EU arrive through legal channels and subsequently overstay or violate the conditions of their visa. In order to explore this paradox, the thesis examines two case studies, Malta and Cyprus. As small island states on the Union’s southern periphery, the two are ostensibly unable to resist the transfer of migration controls and asylum responsibility to the EU’s external borders. Yet, employing nonmaterial power, namely by highlighting the perceived migration pressures they are under, the two states have successfully attracted significant financial and practical support from other member states. In doing so, they have influenced policymaking within EU migration governance, but have ultimately reinforced the emphasis on controlling irregular immigration at the external border by portraying the phenomenon as a crisis. This thesis not only sheds light on the interaction between the EU and the two states under investigation, but combines three levels of analysis – the regional, national, and local. The crisis narrative detrimentally affects the migrant and refugee populations as it encourages the adoption of restrictive and deterrent measures rather than ensuring access to rights and long-term integration. Nevertheless, this population is not without agency. It is their individual decisions to move across national borders without state authorisation that in the aggregate both compels states into dialogue about the issue and provides the basis for the dynamic between the EU and these two member states.

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Pollmann, Christopher. « Le recours collectif au droit comme stratégie : l'action des syndicats et des "patronati" en France et en RFA, en matière de libre circulation des travailleurs communautaires ». Montpellier 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991MON10029.

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L'étude cherche à développer les caractéristiques d'une stratégie dans le champ du droit. A cette fin, sont analysés plusieurs dizaines de dossiers français et allemands concernant la libre circulation et la protection sociale des travailleurs migrants communautaires. Ils relèvent de l'action de syndicats et des "patronati", organisations de défense des travailleurs italiens. Il s'agit pour la plupart de procès, souvent auprès de la cour de justice, et qui par la prise en compte de leur environnement peuvent être expliqués en une approche élargie. Une stratégie juridique apparaît alors comme une triple approche : - prospective, capable de façonner l'avenir, - enclenchante, en bénéficiant du fait que le discours juridique opère comme un engrenage, et - communicationnelle par respect à la nature langagière du droit.

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Elmer, Julia Raquel. « Reinventing the Rust Belt : Welcoming Economies, Immigrant Entrepreneurship, and Urban Resilience ». The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1468517928.

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Heimburger, Robert Whitaker. « A theological response to the "illegal alien" in federal United States law ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:43010cbe-32a9-4ecd-abcf-cf57f729bbd5.

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Today, some twelve million immigrants are unlawfully present in the United States. What response to this situation does Christian theology suggest for these immigrants and those who receive them? To this question about the status of immigrants before the law, the theological literature lacks an understanding of how federal U.S. immigration law developed, and it lacks a robust theological account of the governance of immigration. To fill this gap, the thesis presents three stages in the formation of the laws that designate some immigrants as aliens unlawfully present or illegal aliens, drawing out the moral argumentation in each phase and responding with moral theology. In the first stage, non-citizens were called aliens in U.S. law. In response to the argument that aliens exist as a consequence of natural law, Christian teaching indicates that immigrants are not alien either in creation or for the church. In the second stage, the authority of the federal government to exclude and expel aliens was established, leaving those who do not comply to be designated illegal aliens. To the claim that the federal government has unlimited sovereignty over immigration, interpretations of the Christian Scriptures respond that divine sovereignty limits and directs civil authority over immigration. In the third stage, legal reforms that were intended to end discrimination between countries allowed millions from countries neighboring the U.S. to become illegal aliens. These reforms turn out to be unjust on philosophical grounds and unneighborly on theological grounds. While federal law classes many as aliens unlawfully present in the United States, Christian political theology indicates that immigrants are not alien, the government of immigration is limited by divine judgment, and nationals of neighboring countries deserve special regard.

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Chimwaga, Juliet Cindy. « Critical Analysis of the SADC Legal and Policy Framework for combating corruption in human trafficking ». University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6350.

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Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)
The fight against human trafficking requires a broad range of approaches, including the eradication of crimes that facilitate trafficking of human beings. The idea of committing crimes within crimes is common in most national regimes just as it is in transnational and organised crimes. For instance, transnational crimes such as money laundering and human trafficking always are accompanied by various types of corruption such as petty, grand or bureaucratic corruption. As the Southern African Development Community (SADC) States Parties strengthen strategies to address human trafficking, the region continues to face an increase of trafficking of persons into Europe and Asia, as well as within Africa. There are various causes of human trafficking, such as poverty, hunger and deteriorating economies, as victims are promised luxurious lives in the countries to which they are trafficked. The poverty and stunted economies in most African countries make it easy for corruption to flourish because most police and immigration officers occupy low-paying ranks, making them highly susceptible to bribery and other corrupt incentives.

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Chimwaga, Juliet Cindy. « Critical analysis of the SADC legal and policy framework for combating corruption in trafficking in persons ». University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6365.

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Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)
The fight against human trafficking requires a broad range of approaches, including the eradication of crimes that facilitate trafficking of human beings. The idea of committing crimes within crimes is common in most national regimes just as it is in transnational and organised crimes. For instance, transnational crimes such as money laundering and human trafficking always are accompanied by various types of corruption such as petty, grand or bureaucratic corruption. As the Southern African Development Community (SADC) States Parties strengthen strategies to address human trafficking, the region continues to face an increase of trafficking of persons into Europe and Asia, as well as within Africa. There are various causes of human trafficking, such as poverty, hunger and deteriorating economies, as victims are promised luxurious lives in the countries to which they are trafficked. The poverty and stunted economies in most African countries make it easy for corruption to flourish because most police and immigration officers occupy low-paying ranks, making them highly susceptible to bribery and other corrupt incentives.

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Eldridge-Nelson, Allison. « Veil of Protection : Operation Paperclip and the Contrasting Fates of Wernher von Braun and Arthur Rudolph ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510914308951993.

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Hirschhorn, Damien. « Haïti : une intervention exemplaire ? La Réforme du Secteur de Sécurité en Haïti ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30053/document.

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Cette thèse cherche d'abord à comprendre, en usant de l'exemple Haïtien, si les Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité menées à bien dans le cadre des interventions internationales dans des pays en crise ou en situation de post-conflit, sont efficaces dans l'accomplissement de leurs objectifs et apportent le meilleur soutien d'une manière durable aux Etats hôtes. Finalement, ce document est aussi une base de réflexion pour trouver de nouvelles solutions et pratiques à la mise en oeuvre de Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité
First of all, this thesis aims at understanding, while using the example of Haiti, if Security Sector Reforms carried out within international interventions in crisis or post-conflict countries are effective at accomplishing their objectives and providing the best support for sustainable changes to host States. Finally this document's objective is also to serve as a support in finding new solutions and new practices to successfully achieve Security Sector Reforms

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MARTINEZ, DAMIA SARA MARIA. « La partecipazione comunitaria all'interno delle Migrant Community-Based Organizations nel Nord Italia ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/119852.

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Fin dall'unificazione dell’Italia, gli immigrati hanno vissuto in condizioni di giustizia non ottimali in questo paese. Di fronte ad un ambiente socio-politico sfidante, essi si sono uniti formando Migrant Community-Based Organizations (MCBOs), dove hanno messo in atto diverse forme di partecipazione comunitaria. In questo lavoro suggerisco che la partecipazione comunitaria è una strategia per promuovere il cambiamento sociale e una fonte per migliorare la salute mentale degli immigrati. Attraverso questa tesi mi propongo di risolvere tre lacune della letteratura: (a) Come fanno le MCBOs a navigare il clima socio-politico? (b) Quali sono i processi psicologici e i risultati che caratterizzano la partecipazione comunitaria tra gli immigrati all'interno delle MCBO? E (c) Quali sono i meccanismi psicologici attraverso i quali la partecipazione comunitaria favorisce il benessere soggettivo degli immigrati? Per rispondere a queste domande ho condotto: (a) uno studio qualitativo che adotta un approccio di critical situational analysis per comprendere le sfide che le MCBO affrontano all'interno della società ospitante e per fornire linee guida di azione per affrontare tali sfide; (b) uno studio qualitativo che utilizza l'approccio della generatività sociale per identificare le caratteristiche della partecipazione comunitaria tra gli immigrati e per indagare il processo psicologico e gli esiti positivi che la partecipazione comunitaria all'interno delle MCBO promuove per gli immigrati; e (c) uno studio quantitativo che analizza il sense of mattering e il senso psicologico di comunità come mediatori della relazione tra partecipazione comunitaria e benessere soggettivo. I risultati di questo progetto multi-metodo sono presentati in tre capitoli empirici. Infine, delineo alcune implicazioni pratiche al fine di sostenere le MCBO verso la costruzione di miglioramenti sociali e di benessere soggettivo per gli immigrati nelle società di accoglienza.
Immigrants in Italy have lived under suboptimal conditions of justice since the unification of the country. In response to this challenging socio-political environment, they have connected within Migrant Community-Based Organizations (MCBOs), where they have enacted different forms of community participation. I suggest community participation as a strategy to promote social change and as a source to enhance the mental health among immigrants. Through this thesis I aim to solve three gaps of literature: (a) How do MCBOs navigate the socio-political climate? (b) What are the psychological processes and outcomes that characterize community participation among immigrants within MCBOs? And (c) What are the psychological mechanisms through which community participation fosters immigrants’ subjective wellbeing? To answer these questions I conducted: (a) a qualitative study that adopts a critical situational analysis approach to understand the challenges that MCBOs face within the host society and to provide guidelines for action to address such challenges; (b) a qualitative study that uses the social generativity approach to identify the features of the community participation among immigrants and to investigate the psychological process and the positive outcomes that community participation within MCBOs fosters for immigrants; and (c) a quantitative study that analyzes sense of mattering and psychological sense of community as mediators of the relationship between community participation and subjective wellbeing. The results of this multi-method project are presented in three empirical chapters. Finally, I outline some practical implications that are likely to support MCBOs towards building social changes and subjective wellbeing for immigrants in host societies.

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Pevnick, Ryan David. « Justice in immigration citizenship, residence & ; political association / ». 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3362872.

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« The Real American Court : Immigration Courts and the Ecology of Reform ». Doctoral diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.17784.

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abstract: Immigration courts fail to live up to courtroom ideals. Around 2009, proposals were offered to address the problems of these troubled courts. My study illustrates the inevitable linkage between court reform proposals and conceptions of fairness and efficiency, and ultimately justice. I ask: (1) From the perspective of attorneys defending immigrants' rights, what are the obstacles to justice? How should they be addressed? And (2) How do proposals speak to these attorneys' concerns and proposed resolutions? The proposals reviewed generally favor restructuring the court. On the other hand, immigration (cause) lawyers remain unconvinced that current proposals to reform the courts' structure would be successful at addressing the pivotal issues of these courts: confounding laws and problematic personnel. They are particularly concerned about the legal needs and rights of immigrants and how reforms may affect their current and potential clients. With this in mind, they prefer incremental changes - such as extending pro bono programs - to the system. These findings suggest the importance of professional location in conceptualizing justice through law. They offer rich ground for theorizing about courts and politics, and justice in immigration adjudication.
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Ph.D. Justice Studies 2013

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« "Wolves" or "Blessing" ? Victims'/Survivors' Perspectives on the Criminal Justice System ». Doctoral diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.8846.

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abstract: The vigorous efforts of advocates to help victims of domestic violence have resulted in the criminalization of domestic violence in the United States and in various countries around the world. However, research studies indicate mixed success in the protection of victims through the use of the legal system. This study examines the experiences of 16 victims/survivors and their perspectives on the criminal justice system's (CJS) response to domestic violence through in-depth interviews throughout the state of Arizona. This comparative study analyzes the experiences of U.S. born non-Latinas, U.S. (mainland and island) born Latinas and foreign born (documented and undocumented) Latinas who are victims/survivors of domestic violence. The empirical cases reveal that at the root of the contradictory success of the criminal justice system are a legal culture of rationalization and a lack of recognition of the intersection of systems of power and oppression such as gender, class, race/ethnicity, and of essence to this study, legal status.
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Ph.D. Justice Studies 2011

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Davis, Jeffrey. « The Art of Not Seeing : The Immigration and Naturalization Service’s Failed Search for Nazi Collaborators in the United States, 1945-1979 ». 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/899.

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From 1945 to 1979, the Immigration and Naturalization Service was responsible for identifying and prosecuting Nazi collaborators and potential war criminals in the United States. It failed in this task for a number of reasons. The first of these was that the agency was severely disorganized and mismanaged. Reliance on interagency cooperation, lack of manpower and resources, and lack of institutional support for “Nazi hunters” posed further problems. Morale crises among employees and the legal difficulties of actually prosecuting Nazi collaborators also hampered the agency’s effectiveness. Most importantly, the agency was overwhelmingly focused on policing the southern border and preventing the entry of unauthorized Mexican migrants. This policy focus prevented resources from being devoted to other initiatives, including investigating the presence of Nazi collaborators in the United States. In this paper I analyze the existing historiography on this topic and discuss its shortcomings. These include a focus on the small number of cases prosecuted by the INS, from which historians have tended to make inapplicable generalizations, and a focus on the Cold War and anticommunism as explanations for the INS’s failure. I have also surveyed historical works on denazification in Germany, which I argue provide a better template for historians working on the collaborator presence in the United States.

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