Bibliographies thématiques / Jugoslav Foreign public opinion

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Jugoslav Foreign public opinion »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 25 juillet 2024

Mis à jour le 26 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Jugoslav Foreign public opinion"

Soroka, Stuart N. « Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy ». Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, n^o 1 (janvier 2003) : 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.

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Kapur, Devesh. « Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy ». India Review 8, n^o 3 (6 août 2009) : 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.

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TOMZ, MICHAEL, et JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. « Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention ». American Political Science Review 114, n^o 3 (14 avril 2020) : 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.

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Abenova, A. S. « PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ». BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, n^o 1 (15 mars 2020) : 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.

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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.

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Walter, Aaron T. « Foreign Policy : Public Opinion and Political Legacy ». Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, n^o 3 (1 juillet 2015) : 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0009.

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Abstract To the degree that public opinion, as domestic variable, influences a leaders decision-making in the area of foreign affairs is significant. Political leaders use public opinion polling to support government position or in attempts to mold policy position(s) in the affirmative. The following article investigates how public opinion affects U.S. presidential foreign policy decisions and to the degree those decisions are the base for political legacy. The theoretical argument is that domestic variables and leaders decisions often act in mutual support of each others in complementary interests and when not the case, it is the leader whose agenda setting or creating a frame impacts public opinion.

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Podgórzańska, Renata. « Public Opinion and Foreign Policy of the State. Analysis from the Perspective of Polish Foreign Policy ». Reality of Politics 6, n^o 1 (31 mars 2015) : 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201505.

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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.

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Haks, Donald. « Publieke opinie, buitenlandse politiek en het einde van de Spaanse Successieoorlog ». Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, n^o 4 (1 novembre 2014) : 673–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.haks.

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Abstract Public opinion, foreign policy, and the end of the War of the Spanish SuccessionDid public opinion have an impact on foreign policy in early modern times? States put in much effort publicly to legitimize their foreign policy. But they did not always prevent open discussion. England during the War of the Spanish Succession is a case in point. The revolution of 1688-9, the growing influence of parliament on foreign policy, opportunities for political journalism, and different views about how to end the war made public debate a matter of political importance. Pamphlets and public addresses expressed various opinions. May we call this ‘public opinion’? How should we define this concept? And were public opinion and decision-making in some way related? This case improves our understanding of public opinion and foreign policy: it seems after all that public opinion in England did indeed hasten the end of the War of the Spanish Succession.

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LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA, FELICIANO DE SÁ GUIMARÃES et ADRIANA SCHOR. « Public opinion and foreign policy in João Goulart's Brazil (1961-1964) : Coherence between national and foreign policy perceptions ? » Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, n^o 2 (décembre 2015) : 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500206.

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Abstract This paper analyses public opinion during the João Goulart government in Brazil (1961-1964), focusing on public perceptions on domestic and foreign policies. We employ a recently declassified public opinion survey conducted on behalf of United States Information Agency (USIA) in urban areas. We found that the Brazilian public opinion was somewhat coherent, supporting redistributive reforms domestically and a neutralist approach in foreign affairs.

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Baker, Lucinda. « Sobel, The Impact Of Public Opinion On U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam ». Teaching History : A Journal of Methods 29, n^o 2 (1 septembre 2004) : 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.2.111-112.

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What influence does public opinion have on policymakers in the area of foreign policy? In The Impact of Public Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam, Richard Sobel studies this question. Sobel is a highly respected author of many articles and books on such diverse issues as civil liberties, immigration policy, public opinion, and foreign policy. He has contributed to numerous publications, including Public Opinion Quarterly, the Chicago Tribune, Political Science Quarterly, and the Harvard Journal of Law and Technology.

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Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. « Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland ». Concept : philosophy, religion, culture, n^o 1 (7 juillet 2020) : 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.

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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Jugoslav Foreign public opinion"

Akor, Ambrose. « The media, public opinion and British foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.

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Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.

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Thompson, John Mortimer. « The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.

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Mouron, Fernando. « Public opinion and foreign policy revisited : a Latin American perspective ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.

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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.
Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.

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Yarnell, Caroline Janet. « Is the Australian public ‘rational’ on foreign policy issues ? » Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14427.

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The purpose of this thesis is to test the ‘rational public’ theory first espoused by Page and Shapiro (1988) for the Australian case. I aim to ascertain whether the Australian public, at the aggregate level, has the capacity to form ‘rational’ opinions on foreign policy issues. I do this by testing three major hypotheses using collective opinion data from the Australian Election Study (AES) 1987 – 2010: 1) opinion will be durable, or stable over time, 2) opinion will be coherent, and 3) opinion will respond reasonably, as predicted, to such triggers as changing international situations, elite cues, and particular events or trends. I found considerable support for all three hypotheses. Aggregate Australian opinion was as stable as US, Canadian, German, French, Italian, and Dutch opinion when using comparable measures, and more stable when using methods specific to the AES dataset. Opinion was also coherent, and, in most cases, responded to available directly and indirectly experienced triggers, as posited. I also performed a sub-set of tests for all three of these major hypotheses on the group of respondents who professed to have ‘no interest’ in politics, often referred to as the inattentive public, and found they held slightly less stable and coherent opinions overall, but were more responsive: results which lend further weight to the overall ‘rational public’ hypothesis. These results for the Australian case enable cross-national comparison to determine whether the ‘rational public’ thesis is generalisable, or whether it is dependent on such factors as a state’s position in the international system, its political institutions, or its political culture. I also envisage this thesis as providing a basis for further research into the functioning of Australian democracy as regards the public opinion, media, and policy-making nexus, incorporating further cross-national comparison. PAGE, B. I. & SHAPIRO, R. Y. 1988. Foreign policy and the rational public. Journal of conflict resolution, 32, 211-247.

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Yehia, Hanan. « I don't want to pay for that ! Representation and the public opinion - foreign policy dynamic : public opinion on U.S. foreign aid spending from 1973 to 2005 / ». CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/7001.

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Saksena, Mita. « Framing Infectious Diseases and U.S. Public Opinion ». FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/516.

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The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames. The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion. Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.

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Li, Gao Sheng. « Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.

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Wilkinson, Sarah. « Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.

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LeMaitre, Alfred. « British apologists for Franco, 1936-1939 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63832.

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Odams, Helen Jean Rachel. « British perceptions of the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1908 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e71bd343-edf5-419f-b769-65460065d044.

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The title of this thesis is 'British Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire (1876-1908). The thesis explores the 'cultural dimension1 of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Britain in this period, involving an examination of ideas about and representations of Ottoman society and its peoples. The overall aim is to stress the importance of these representations in in influencing and affecting relations between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Nineteenth-century writings about the Ottoman Empire produce strong images of Ottoman society and steroetypes of the Turkish and Christian populations. These images are reconstructed and their significance examined. The approach is contextual and perceptions are analysed in the historical, material and cultural framework of late Victorian Britain. Descriptions of Ottoman society are treated as representations of that complex reality, with varying degrees of accuracy and inaccuracy, reflecting or distorting conditions in the Empire. In addition the relationship between older ideas and ideas developing at a new historical conjuncture of late nineteenth-century imperialism are considered important factors in determining the overall image of the Ottoman Empire in the late Victorian mind. In these ways the conclusion stresses the importance of, and the relationship between ideas about the Ottoman Empire, and the concrete factors of inter-state relations of which they are part. As such the subject contributes to an understanding of the multi-dimensional nature of nineteenth-century relations between a weak and strong state in the International system, and the degree to which culture and ideas are informed by these relationships of power. The study contributes to a greater understanding of the Eastern question and sheds light on many of the ideas that have come to influence modern historiography about the Ottoman past and the appreciation of Ottoman and European diplomatic history.

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Livres sur le sujet "Jugoslav Foreign public opinion"

Jost, Kenneth. Foreign Policy and Public Opinion. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320 United States : CQ Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/cqrglobal19940715.

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Holsti, Ole R. Public opinion and American foreign policy. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 1996.

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Guadalupe, González González, Minushkin Susan 1963-, Shapiro Robert Y. 1953-, Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas. et Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internacionales., dir. Mexican public opinion and foreign policy. México, D.F : Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas, 2004.

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Chubb, Danielle, et Ian McAllister. Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2.

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Xing zheng yuan da lu wei yuan hui (China), dir. Public opinion polls speak, the 2nd "Chiang-Chen Talks" and Taiwan's public opinion. Taipei : Mainland Affairs Council, the Executive Yuan, 2008.

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Xing zheng yuan da lu wei yuan hui (China), dir. Public opinion polls speak, the 2nd "Chiang-Chen Talks" and Taiwan's public opinion. Taipei : Mainland Affairs Council, the Executive Yuan, 2008.

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Xing zheng yuan da lu wei yuan hui (China), dir. Public opinion polls speak, the 2nd "Chiang-Chen Talks" and Taiwan's public opinion. Taipei : Mainland Affairs Council, the Executive Yuan, 2008.

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Rovner, Mark. Trouble at our doorstep : Public attitudes and public policy on Central America. Washington, D.C : Roosevelt Center for American Policy Studies, 1987.

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Nicklas, Hans. Alte Vorurteile, neue Vorurteile ? : Die Veränderung der Einstellungen junger Deutscher und Franzosen zum Nachbarland. Frankfurt am Main : Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, 1996.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Jugoslav Foreign public opinion"

Casey, Steven. « Public Opinion ». Dans The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 79–89. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-8.

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Kleinberg, Katja B. « Public Opinion Surveys ». Dans Routledge Handbook of Foreign Policy Analysis Methods, 370–84. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003139850-28.

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Lantis, Jeffrey S., et Patrick Homan. « Public Opinion and the Media ». Dans US Foreign Policy in Action, 258–80. 2^e éd. New York : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109570-11.

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Clements, Ben. « Religion and Foreign Policy ». Dans Religion and Public Opinion in Britain, 197–232. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137313591_7.

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Chubb, Danielle, et Ian McAllister. « Defence, Foreign Affairs and Public Opinion ». Dans Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 1–15. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_1.

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Lantis, Jeffrey S., et Patrick Homan. « Public Opinion and the Media in Action ». Dans US Foreign Policy in Action, 281–98. 2^e éd. New York : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109570-12.

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Chubb, Danielle, et Ian McAllister. « Confidence in Defence and Foreign Policy ». Dans Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 17–41. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_2.

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Holsti, Ole R. « American Public Opinion and Foreign Policy after September 11 : The Iraq War ». Dans Public Participation in Foreign Policy, 41–78. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230367180_3.

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Callister, Graeme. « Introduction : Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, 1785–1815 ». Dans War, Public Opinion and Policy in Britain, France and the Netherlands, 1785-1815, 1–40. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49589-7_1.

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Chubb, Danielle, et Ian McAllister. « The Alliance with the United States ». Dans Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 43–76. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_3.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Jugoslav Foreign public opinion"

Li, Chunfang, Mengqi Liu et Ke Li. « The Public Opinion Analysis of Chinese and Foreign Remake Movies ». Dans 2019 IEEE/ACIS 18th International Conference on Computer and Information Science (ICIS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icis46139.2019.8940344.

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Salsabila, Sandrina, et Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. « German Foreign Policy on Russia : Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions ». Dans Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.

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Ramadhony, Farid. « The Jakarta Bandung High-Speed Rail Project 2008-2015, China Investment, Public Opinion and Foreign Policy-Making Process ». Dans Proceedings of the 1st Pedagogika International Conference on Educational Innovation, PICEI 2022, 15 September 2022, Gorontalo, Indonesia. EAI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2022.2335940.

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Apostu, Simona Andreea, Mirela Panait, Iza Gigauri et Valentina Vasile. « Foreign Direct Investment and Competitiveness. Evidences from Romanian Economy ». Dans 3rd International Conference Global Ethics -Key of Sustainability (GEKoS). Lumen Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gekos2022/04.

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The activity of companies with foreign capital is more often in the center of attention of the public opinion, researchers and public authorities considering the positive effects but also the negative externalities that it generates on the economies of the host countries. With the liberalization of capital movements, FDI was consider the panacea that could solve all economic, environmental and social problems in the host less developed countries, but the reality is much more complex. In order to test if foreign direct investment (FDI) is caused by competitiveness in case of Romania, we considered FDI inflows externalities for national economy, net inflows (% of GDP) and Competitiveness index for the time period 2007-2018. The econometric methodology used to model FDI and Competitiveness Index is Granger Causality. The results of the study suggest that there is a unidirectional causality, flowing from Competitiveness Index to foreign direct investment. Thus, in case of Romania, foreign direct investment represents the result of competitiveness, FDI does not influence Competitiveness index.

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LIU, WENQING. « STUDY ON CROSS-CULTURAL COMMUNICATION FUNCTION OF NORTH-CHINA HERALD IN THE 1860S ». Dans 2023 9TH INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM ON SOCIAL SCIENCE. Destech Publications, Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12783/dtssehs/isss2023/36072.

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North China Herald is the first commercial English newspaper founded by British businessmen in Shanghai. Its editorial group is closely related to the British business community. Based on the historical materials of North China Herald's newspapers and magazines, this study discusses the role of public opinion in modern British trade with China and analyzes the basic views of foreign businessmen on China. Focusing on the interpretation of the historical materials of the North China Herald, this paper collates the public opinion of the North China Herald towards China after the Second Opium War, studies the changes in the attitude and position of foreign businessmen towards China at that time, and judges the function realization of North China Herald in cross-cultural communication.

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Ionita, Mirela, et Veronica Pastae. « OBSOLESCENCE AND THE E-LEARNING ELEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF TEACHING AND ACQUIRING FOREIGN LANGUAGES ». Dans eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-081.

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The “lifespan” of a textbooks is dependent on a wide range of factors-of linguistic, social, psychological, technological and even political nature. These factors have implications in the selling process, in the socio-cultural impact, as well as in the erosion of a textbook. The e-learning element is the latest feature added to the process of teaching and acquiring foreign languages. However, it seems to be the subject of high-speed changes and reshaping. These complex phenomena are in connection with the rapid technological progress and evolution of the society itself. Hence some challenging questions arise: how should traditional way of learning blend with these new trends and how could the obsolescence factor affecting both textbooks and e-learning be best estimated and dealt with? 1.1. The lifespan of any textbook is limited to some extent. Both contents and graphics are perishable. Designed for teaching and learning purposes, any textbook is bound to become obsolete in the end. The viability of a textbook is in close connection with its usage - after this it becomes outdated. Quality is a dynamic feature constantly affected by the passage of time. 1.2. Language textbooks tailored for teaching and learning purposes are, in our opinion, a special kind of educational outcome. The market provides at least two types of products: school textbooks and independent methods, which are not restricted in any way by official curricula. Despite the fact that both these products are vulnerable and subject to change, school textbooks are the ones primarily altered by educational policies. 1.2.1. We will focus solely on those textbooks addressed to a public that is willing (not forced) to learn foreign languages. Regardless of the age group it targets (for instance, children, teenagers, adults) or their degree of proficiency (beginner, intermediate, advanced), such a textbook has to be accepted; it cannot be imposed. Consequently, its potential beneficiary can be extrapolated beyond borders, but not beyond time.

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Bularca, Maria Cristina, Claudiu Coman, Luiza Mesesan Schmitz, Doina Draguinea et Radu Tudorica. « THE ROLE OF ONLINE MEDIA CHANNELS IN PORTRAYING THE EFFECTS OF THE COVID-19 VACCINE ». Dans 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s10.100.

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During the COVID -19 pandemic, among other institutions, mass media has played an essential role in disseminating information about the evolution of the pandemic, but also in shaping peoples� opinion about the COVID - 19 vaccine. The purpose of our paper was to identify the way online media channels portrayed the positive and negative effects of the COVID � 19 vaccines in order to raise awareness regarding the importance of analyzing the subject from several perspectives. We considered such an analysis to be both necessary and relevant, because often, exposure to mass � media can determine people to develop certain beliefs and to act in specific ways. We were interested in identifying which types of vaccines were presented in a more positive manner, and in identifying similarities and differences between the approaches of Romanian and foreign online media channels. Content analysis was used as a method, while having as a research instrument a content analysis grid. The sample of the research includes 5 official websites of Romanian media channels and 5 official websites of foreign media channels. The analysis period was: August 2020 - October 2020. The results of our research revealed that online media presented the COVID -19 vaccines both from a positive and negative perspective, the vaccines discussed most being the Russian vaccines, AstraZeneca and the Chinese vaccines. The context in which the vaccines was described most were represented by: effectiveness of vaccines and side effects. Considering the theoretical and practical implications, from a theoretical point of view, the paper contributes to the literature on the effects and influence of mass � media. From a practical point of view, the paper can be used as a frame of reference for further studying the influence of the messages sent through online media about the COVID � 19 vaccines on the public.

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Zhang, Zhenhua, et Li Zhu. « Research on Improving the Science Popularization System of Nuclear-Related Projects in China ». Dans 2022 29th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone29-90546.

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Abstract Nuclear power itself has the characteristics of safety, cleanliness and high efficiency, but due to the professional particularity of nuclear energy and the people’s lack of knowledge about nuclear energy, it leads to the “social amplification of risks” in nuclear-related projects. Some basic data in the discipline of nuclear safety and radiation protection are analyzed, and the effects of the nuclear power chain on health, environment and climate were compared with those of the coal power chain and then the advantages of the nuclear energy industry are given. The article also compares and analyzes the nuclear energy risks and other risks, and analyzes the reasons for the public misunderstanding and fear of nuclear and radiation accidents (events). Now there are many problems existing in the nuclear science popularization work, such as the trend that the risk of nuclear-related projects is easy to be amplified by the society hinders the process of the nuclear energy industry to some extent. Also there are many deficiencies of support and popularization, and many problems in the development of high-quality popular science teaching materials and models and the cultivation and sharing of high-quality resources. Based on the above analysis, it is proposed that nuclear power science popularization should make precise efforts, distinguish groups, take measures according to people, classified implementation and precise communication. Specific suggestions and measures have the following aspects: Multilevel nuclear science education should be carried out and it includes nuclear science for nuclear experts and non-nuclear experts (including educators), nuclear science for government staff and public opinion media, and nuclear science for the public; At the same time, it is necessary to improve the form of nuclear science education, and we will actively and extensively carry out popular science activities that are practical, close to the people, distinctive and effective and establish a long-term nuclear science education mechanism; Drawing on foreign experience to accelerate the formulation of China’s atomic energy law, and clarify the status of public participation in the law. So as to improve the legal and regulatory system, improve the public participation system, and strengthen the capacity building of the information disclosure platform.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Jugoslav Foreign public opinion"

Bourbeau, Elizabeth A. Public Opinion : The Neglected Instrument of U.S. Foreign Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mars 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394013.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.

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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.

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Brown-Grossman, Flor, et Lilia Domínguez-Villalobos. Can Mexico Set Up in the Aerospace and the Software and IT Global Value Chains as a High-Value-Added Player ? Inter-American Development Bank, novembre 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011457.

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This study is an effort to identify the process by which firms venture into GVCs and the obstacles faced by firms once they have been immersed in it. We have focused on two particular GVCs: the aerospace GVC and the software and IT services GVC. Through the case studies, we analyzed the nature of inter-firm linkages and how they affected the potential of scaling up by local suppliers in the value-added chain, the particular role of firms in the value chain in Mexico and the achievements and limitations of governmental policies as tools to facilitate the entrance of MNCs' subsidiaries and to create the conditions for the entrance and scaling up of local firms in the value chain. We found that geopolitical factors were important, in particular NAFTA, but these advantages are only part of explanation for the insertion of Mexican industry in both GVCs. In our opinion, this could not have happened without an effort of public policy at different levels to attain this goal on the part of the Mexican government. Nevertheless, there is a notorious unbalance between efforts to secure investment from foreign firms and certification and long-term financing initiatives. In our view, the latter has not been properly addressed and it is a major problem for the scaling up of local firms in the value chain.

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