Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Jews – Galicia (Poland and Ukraine) – Economic conditions »

In recent years, the interest of both the general public and the scientific community to get better acquainted with the culture of national minorities in Ukraine has been growing. Therefore, intelligence becomes relevant, which covers the processes of development of cultures of these minorities and actualizes the directions of further research in this area. One such minority is the Jewish minority. Jews belong to one of the oldest ethnic minorities in Ukraine, known since ancient times. The number of Jews declined sharply in Ukraine in the middle of the last century, due to the policy of extermination by the German Nazis during World War II, and continued to decline during the independence of Ukraine due to the departure of a large number of Jews to their ancient homeland. territory of the State of Israel. However, in the new post-Soviet conditions of an independent Ukrainian state, the Jewish community has better opportunities to develop its national culture. The purpose of the article and our task was to review the personal fund of the economist and researcher of the history of the Jewish community of eastern Poland and western Ukraine, which makes up the historical and biographical background. Archival research methods were used in compiling the descriptions of J. Honigsman’s fund, and a biographical method was used in compiling the biographical information about the scientist. Autobiographies, personal documents, memoirs, articles about the scientist, as well as correspondence were used for the analysis. General historical research methods and the historical source method were useful. The described archive of J. Honigsman can be useful first of all to economists who study the economy of Western Ukraine in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries. There are some values of his work on the life and death (Holocaust) of Jews during the German occupation of Galicia, as well as documents relating to the life of the Jewish community in Lviv after Ukraine gained independence in 1991. Keywords: Honigsman, Jewish literature, old prints, manuscripts, B’nai Brith International, reviews, ghetto, Ukrainian-Jewish relations, correspondence.

The aim of the article is to analyze V. Kuchabsky's historical views on the process of creation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic of 1918-1921. In his works of the first half of the 1930s the scientist highlighted the internal situation of Ukraine, in particular its political and military conditions, and at the same time revealed international relations that had a determinative influence on the future of Ukrainian statehood: Poland and Russia, the Bolsheviks and counterrevolution, the tendency for a new revival of the Russian Empire and the tendency for its collapse, the situation in Central Europe, the Paris Peace Conference and the Eastern European policy of the Western powers. The most significant work of V. Kuchabskyi, "Western Ukraine in the struggle against Poland and Bolshevism in 1918–1923," is a historical study, which objectively reflects the national history without a shadow of tenderness and political inspiration. More than eighty years have passed since its writing, but it still influences on the development of historical science in Ukraine, remains critical for the study of problems associated with the topic. V. Kuchabskyi tried to find out the reason for Ukrainians to lose their own statehood. For the first time in the 14th century, when the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia was conquered by Poland. And then in the 18th century when the Cossack state was annexed by Russia. The desire of Ukrainians to restore the united and independent state failed due to unjustified orientations to Moscow, then to Poland and Turkey. A similar situation, according to the historian, occurred in 1918–1921: while the Ukrainians fought against the Bolsheviks and the White Army, the Poles struck them back, capturing Galicia and Volyn. By signing the Treaty of Riga in 1921, they wanted to restore the division of Ukraine of 1667. The scientist called on the Galician to leave the inter-party controversy and unite for positive creativity and self-organization, to make a lasting peace between themselves, because external factors are often non-reliable and have their own aims, directly opposite to Ukrainian. V. Kuchabskyi warned not to rely on the rapid fall of Bolshevism, relying on the intervention of the capitalist world. On his thought, the damage of this view was disorienting citizens, turning their attention away from what actually was a question of life and death for Ukraine. Estimating the Ukrainian Galician Army, V. Kuchabskyi believed that it could be organized and turned into regular combat power only through significant victories in an actively waged war. But the Ukrainians did not have such commanders, which would turn the mechanically assembled army into a single military organism by their inspiration. According to V. Kuchabskyi, the political experience of the Ukrainian state of 1918–1921 remained undervalued, although it would have been enough to educate a new generation of state-oriented thinkers, creative people. That is why he put the realization of the state idea in direct dependence on the level of the political culture of the masses. This meant that the Galician intellectuals had to get rid of the conservative passivity, which manifested itself in a narrow worldview, the weakness of the will, and spiritual laziness. Only in this case, the national elite will build a democratic state, which will provide conditions for the cultural development of the people, will guarantee equal political and economic rights. Keywords Western Ukraine, Eastern Galicia, Lviv, National Revolution, November Action, ZUNR, UHA, Stanislav, Ukrainian National Council.

This article analyzes the charitable and missionary activities of St. Volodymyr’s Brotherhood. These areas were of primary importance in the Brotherhood’s activities and reflected the intentions of the Russian authorities to consolidate the Orthodox religion on the territory of Right-Bank Ukraine and Galicia during World War I. The methodology of the paper is based on the principles of historicism alongside the general scientific and special-historical methods: critical, analytical, synthesis, and generalization. Scientific novelty. On the basis of the little-known archival documents, the missionary activity of the Brotherhood among the Jews was analyzed, the quantitative indicators of the so-called “christenings” were introduced into scientific circulation. The main aspects of philanthropic activities of the Brotherhood during World War I were revealed. Conclusions. The new economic conditions associated with the results of the reform in the Russian Empire and the rapid pace of modernization demanded additional investments and the presence of the most loyal population in rather troublesome “neighborhoods”, which included Kyiv as part of Right-Bank Ukraine, from the authorities. The revival of religious institutions, perceived as “foreign” in the first half of the century, was part of the imperial plan to build a new model of loyalty and identity in the “Russian world” in which Orthodoxy had a prominent place. The desire of some Jews to go beyond the traditional constraints associating with Judaism and turning them into “foreigners” proved to be in tune with the tasks assigned to the brotherhoods in the context of their missionary activities. The charity of the brotherhoods during World War I had a completely pragmatic basis. In this way, the Russian authorities relied on the loyalty of Galician Greek Catholics (with far-reaching prospects for their conversion to the Orthodox faith).

The purpose of the study: to identify information arrays, that reconstructed and interpreted the historical past of Ukrainians, based on the source analysis of the content of German occupation periodicals, thus forming an appropriate model of historical memory, in fact, turning the Ukrainian people into a historical process. The methodology and methodology of research involves a combination of the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency, as well as historical criticism of the selected basic reconstructions of the past of Ukrainians widely promoted in the occupation period. The study systematizes various publications in the occupation periodicals, highlighting their thematic blocks, specific content, forms of presentation of the standard information materials, which, contrary to the strategic visions of the Third Reich leadership, were directed at the formation of the historical memory of Ukrainians. The author, on a systemic and comprehensive level, investigated the information potential of the main periodicals that were published in all occupation zones of Ukraine, namely: the District «Galicia», the Reichskommissariat «Ukraine» and the Military Zone of Occupation. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the first in modern domestic historiography complex selection of the model of historical memory of Ukrainians, which was formed during the establishment of the German occupation regime. A detailed analysis of the information potential of the content of occupation periodicals indicates that the historical past of Ukrainians was interpreted in terms of the gravity of state tradition and the constant struggle against external enemies. The basic information and thematic blocks that were used in all the occupation zones of Ukraine were the reproduction of the history of Kievan Rus’, Khmelnytsky region and liberation movements of the Cossack era. At the same time, an exclusively negative image of neighboring Moscow and Poland was formed. The internal enemy of Ukraine was declared to be the Jews, against whom the Ukrainians fought in the same way as they fought the Poles and Russians. The events of 1917–1920, when the Ukrainian state perished and was torn apart by neighboring Poland and Bolshevik Russia, were voiced in the context of betrayal by the democratic countries of Europe. The construction of a new national identity for Ukrainians in the context of their spiritual, psychological, historical, cultural, economic, and territorial unity, as well as the reinterpretation of the historical past, consolidated society at that time. This important process for Ukrainians was carried out in unison with the history of the people’s unceasing struggle for their own statehood and their desire to achieve synodality. By successfully manipulating historical facts, German propagandists actually reformatted the historical memory of Ukrainians, programming for the future, constructing and correcting national identity markers that even the following Soviet occupation of the country was unable to erase. However, the historical narrative widely promoted in periodicals downplayed regional differences and social contradictions of Ukrainian society, represented its internal national unity, and was presented equally in all German occupation zones of Ukraine.

In the second half of the XIX century Western Ukrainian lands suitable for agricultural development could not provide their inhabitants with adequate well-being. Moreover, famine often prevailed in the region, and poverty raged. Ukrainians, who made up the majority of the rural population of the region, were particularly affected: almost 80% [7, p. 4]. Government statistics at the time tried to prove that all conditions were created for Western Ukrainian peasants to ensure their well-being. At the same time, for example, the following figures were used: peasants owned 62.2% of the land area, while large landowners, mostly Austrians, Poles, Germans, Jews and other peoples, only 37.8% of agricultural land. It would seem that Ukrainian peasant farms, which had the majority of arable land in their use, could prosper. However, the other side of this statistic was not mentioned: first of all, it was hidden that the best lands belonged to the owners of large farms. In addition, there were 3,734 communities in the areas used by the majority of peasants. Therefore, if we compare the size of the area of a large landowner and the average peasant economy, the peasant economy was 320 times smaller than the agricultural land of a large landowner. At the end of the 40s of the XIX century in almost all European countries the economic crisis deepened, mass strikes began. Governments became increasingly helpless, unable to control the situation. Political demands began to be put forward more and more often to the economic demands of the workers and peasants. The spirit of revolution hovered in the air. And soon it began. The revolutionary events that swept Europe in the spring of 1948 brought the peoples of Europe hope for a better future. The consequence of this revolutionary upsurge was the abolition of serfdom in the Austrian Empire, which also ruled Western Ukraine. First of all, the Ukrainian intelligentsia, which was based on priests, teachers, and lawyers, began active social and political work. However, the majority of the population still stayed away from politics: neither its general education nor their financial situation contributed to participation in the national movement. That is, the «Spring of Nations» still did not contribute to the «mass, widespread awakening of the national consciousness of the Ukrainian people of Galicia, Bukovina, Transcarpathia» [17, p. 15]. This required a lot of effort, first of all to inform the nation competently and politically about what educated people had to do [22].

The interaction of the family, school and extracurricular educational institutions is one of the pedagogical prerequisites for the development of health education and the effectiveness of educating schoolchildren about a healthy lifestyle. The solution to this problem is carried out at the intersection of social and human sciences. The purpose of the article is to define the role of factors in the development of health education in the Western Ukrainian lands (1918-1939). In the research, we used the following methods: systematization and analysis of scientific and pedagogical literature on the research problem, search-bibliographic, interpretive-analytical and theoretical for formulating research conclusions. It should be noted that considerations regarding the decisive role of the school in the formation of the young generation's sense of responsibility for their own health are not new for pedagogical thought in the western Ukrainian lands. They became especially relevant in the 1920s and 1930s, when the region was part of the newly formed Polish state, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This was caused, on the one hand, by the satisfactory state of health care of the population in the western Ukrainian lands at the state level, and on the other hand, by low hygienic conditions at the household level. This, in turn, caused almost the highest mortality rate among children in Poland, which in some places reached 30%, as well as an increase in the incidence of tuberculosis and other infectious diseases. The result of the study showed that the state of schooling in the western Ukrainian lands was determined by the previous course of the region's historical development, its political and economic situation. We determined that the management of education was carried out mainly in the interests of the Poles, which had a negative impact on the development of school education of Ukrainians and Jews. In many villages of the region there were no primary schools, and the percentage of students not covered by compulsory education remained high. As a result, the western Ukrainian lands lagged behind other provinces of Ukraine in the level of educational development.

Defence date: 2 May 1995
Examining board: Prof. Richard Griffiths, European University Institute (supervisor) ; Prof. Victor Karady, Centre De Sociologie De L'Éducation et de la Culture ; Prof. Rene Leboutte, European University Institute ; Prof. Michael Müller, European University Institute (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Jerzy Topolski, University of Poznań
First made available online: 2 September 2016

This chapter examines the summer 1941 pogroms in western Ukraine, in what had been the voivodships of Volhynia, Stanisławów, Lwów, and Tarnopol in pre-1939 Poland. Ukrainians constituted a majority of all inhabitants in the four voivodships, but were politically mobilized differently in Volhynia and the remaining Galician provinces. Similar to chapter 4, a robust predictor of pogroms in Galicia is strong support for Jewish national rights in Poland, except in Galicia the perpetrators were typically Ukrainian rather than Polish. We also find evidence that pogroms were likely to occur in small market towns, where economic inequalities between Jews and non-Jews would have been more apparent. For Volhynia we find that pogroms were rare where there was popular support for communism.