Thèses sur le sujet « Jewish women – Social conditions – 20th Century »

The subject of Jews in sports is often times perceived as an oxymoronic research topic given the ethnic stereotypes that Jews are physically weak, unfit, and more focused on intellectual pursuits. However, Jews have had a long history and in-depth interaction with sports that is important to understand, not only to expand our perception of the Jewish people, but also to realize the important role sports play in social historiography. While the Jewish population of East Coast America and their involvement in athletics has been studied to some extent, the West Coast population, in particular, the Northwest, has been sorely neglected. This thesis examines the lives of immigrant Jews on the West Coast, specifically Portland, OR and their interaction with sports compared to the experiences of immigrant Jews on the East Coast from 1900 to 1940. An overall examination and comparison of the Jewish immigrant experience in the West is presented along with an evaluation of the establishment of the Portland Jewish community and their coinciding athletic community. The experiences of the Jews in Western America is compared to the immigrants of the East Coast and how these differing involvements shaped the development of Jewish sporting facilities. The thesis then expands on how the Portland Jews grew their athletic facilities and overall involvement in athletics, related to the experience of East Coast Jews. The growth of the Jewish Zionist movement is examined along with how Jewish involvement fit more seamlessly into certain sports than others. The thesis also takes a closer look at Jewish women and their specific experiences in athletics compared to their East Coast counterparts and the experience of Jewish men in Portland. The role of philanthropic organizations as a means of greater involvement in athletics is assessed, along with how the experiences of Western European versus Eastern European immigrants played into their varying involvements with sports. Finally, the conclusion discusses the importance of scholarly sports inquiry as it plays to the relevance of a greater social history and for immigrants in particular, their assimilation and acculturation into American society.

This purpose of this study is to incorporate women into the history of homelessness. Women's experience is missing from the narrative of industrial era homelessness, which causes researchers to make a distinction between the modem day homeless population and its predecessors. This distinction prevents researchers from examining the long term structural causes of homelessness and analyzing the role homelessness plays in U.S. society. This study explores the population characteristics and living conditions of three groups of women who were considered homeless during the early decades of the twentieth century in Portland. These groups include single working women who lived away from their family, prostitutes, and single mothers. This study also traces the development of charitable institutions and social welfare programs that arose to meet the needs of homeless women during this era and examines the relationships between homeless women and the reformers and charities that took up their cause. The inclusion of women's experience into the history of early twentieth century homelessness necessitates a broadened definition of the homeless phenomenon. Women's homelessness during this era was both defined and determined by their family situation. Women who lived outside of the patriarchal family were considered homeless and suffered economic hardship because of their non-traditional living arrangements. Incorporating an analysis of home back into homelessness will result in non-gendered policy implications. Labor market remedies and affordable housing solutions are still needed, but changes to the structure of the household economy are also called for. The unpaid labor women traditionally perform must be socially and economically valued and the sexual division of labor within the home needs to be challenged.

This study examined the status of women in Texas from 1860 to 1920. Age, family structure and composition, occupation, educational level, places of birth, wealth, and geographical persistence are used as the measurements of status. For purposes of analysis, women are grouped according to whether they were married, widowed, divorced, or single.

Georges Duby and Michelle Perrot’s work, Histoire des femmes en Occident, Antoine Prost and Gérard Vincent’s work A History of Private Life as well as Chantal Antier’s work Les Femmes dans la Grande Guerre and Carol Mann’s work Femmes dans la Guerre, show that women have been largely ignored in the annals written about the twentieth century. This period was one marked by two World Wars, which had an enormous impact on women, especially in terms of their roles in society. These events resulted in women moving from the home to the world of work. These writers acknowledge that women in the twentieth century were mostly excluded from history. In contrast to others who have written about this time, these writers consider women and their roles in society and how these roles have changed as a consequence of the historical events of the time. Marie-Paul Armand was a popular writer of French fiction. At first glance her novels seem to be enjoyable historical, romantic fiction for readers who enjoy sentimental love stories. However on closer examination one can see that she rigorously researched the period in which her novels are set. These novels reconstitute the reality of women’s lives during the twentieth century. In her first award-winning novel La poussière des corons, Armand depicted the life of her main character, Madeleine, through the various stages of a woman’s life from her birth at the turn of the century, early childhood, adolescence during the First World War until old age in the 1960s. This novel mirrors the life of a woman in working class French mining society from the beginning of the twentieth century until the fifties and sixties when Western women underwent an unprecedented metamorphosis of their role. These novels would appeal to a wider readership than works by Historians with the same subject matter.

The purpose of this study is to understand the connections between the public and private worlds of American women as described in their journals and diaries and to show how the interaction between the two realms changed the way women thought about themselves, their roles, and their environment.A total of ninety-four personal narratives were examined for the study and from that number, four were profiled. Two personal narratives were examined that were published following the Suffrage Movement and two personal narratives were chosen that were published following the Liberation Movement. Methods of rhetorical analysis were used to focus on changing levels of women's awareness of self, community, roles available to women, and issues appropriate for women's attention. I examined text divisions and organization, sentence structures, and markers of audience awareness.A pattern emerges demonstrating five metamorphoses: as the twentieth century continues, women's personal narratives are exhibiting greater self-awareness, greater audience-awareness, awareness of responsibility to the community of women, and awareness of expanding opportunities for women as well as generating an ever increasing readership.<br>Department of English

This dissertation is focused on research into and consideration of the relationship between a nascent form of Jewish feminism that arose in the United States in the 1970s and 1980s, and the post-1967 Palestine solidarity movement-both of which took shape in the overlap of feminist and anti-imperialist movements of the late 20th century. While restoring an archive of social movement culture, this study reveals the impact of Zionism and anti-Zionism on US feminisms, with attention to the "Question of Palestine" as a site of division and alliance for feminist movements. Utilizing theories and methods from cultural studies, ethnic studies, feminist studies, and related interdisciplinary formations, I consider ideologies and practices of late 20th century feminist movements as they address gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, and nation through and against identity politics. With focus on the lesbian-led, politically leftist, grassroots sector of U.S. Jewish feminism and related feminist formations, I ask how the discourse of identity has been mobilized in contradictory ways, re-mapping feminist alliances and conflicts about race, nation, and colonialism.

This thesis traces the evolution and emergence of the new-vice regal woman during a high point of the British Empire. The social, political and economic forces of the age, which transformed British society, presented different challenges and responsibilities for all women, not least those of the upper-class. Aristocratic women responded to these challenges in a distinctive manner when accompanying their husbands to the colonies and dominions as vice-regal consorts. In the last years of Queen Victoria’s reign a unique link was established between the monarchy and her female representatives throughout the Empire. The concept of the new vice-regal woman during the period 1884-1914 was explored through three case studies. The imperial stores of Lady Hariot Dufferin (1843-1936), Lady Ishbel Aberdeen (1857-1939), and Lady Rachel Dudley (c.1867-1920), establishes both the existence and importance of a new breed of vice-regal woman, one who was a modern, dynamic and pro-active imperialist. From 1884-1914 these three new vice-regal women pushed established boundaries and broke new ground. As a result, during their vice-regal lives, Ladies Dufferin, Aberdeen and Dudley initiated far reaching organisations in India, Ireland, Canada and<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

It has been widely believed that modernity is a byproduct of a nuclear family system, a highly urbanized society, and a secular way of life. As such, developing countries are characterized as modern insofar as their social and cultural structures are able to correspond to these criteria. To examine the validity of these propositions, data on two randomly-selected generations--daughters and mothers in the United Arab Emirates--were generated.

Les Féministes et le changement social en Belgique (1918-1968). Programmes, stratégies et réseaux. Catherine Jacques. <p>Thèse de doctorat présentée sous la direction de Mme Eliane Gubin (Université libre de Bruxelles)et de Mme Christine Bard (Université d’Angers) en vue d’obtenir le titre de docteure en histoire.<p><p>Alors que l’histoire des femmes est relativement bien implantée en Belgique, il n’existe encore aucune étude qui envisage l’ensemble des mouvements féministes dans leur rapport à la société civile et politique. L’époque choisie s’étend de 1918 à 1968. Si les prémisses du féminisme et ses activités jusqu’en 1914, ainsi que sa reconversion durant les années de guerre, ont fait l’objet d’un certain nombre d’études, en revanche de multiples pans de l’activité féministe de l’entre-deux-guerres aux années 1960 demeurent largement méconnus. Pour les aborder, il convient d’évaluer d’abord l’impact de la guerre 14-18 sur les mouvements féministes et sur la condition des femmes. En effet le conflit les a profondément marquées, et les féministes en particulier qui s’étaient fortement impliquées dans le courant pacifiste de la Belle Epoque. Pendant la guerre, toutes ou presque, se sont engagées dans des activités patriotiques ou caritatives et certaines, au lendemain des hostilités, les prolongent au sein du mouvement féministe, dont elles deviennent d’importantes représentantes. <p>L’armistice conclue, les différentes associations féministes se reconstituent mais elles adaptent leurs revendications au contexte nouveau :la thèse analyse entre autres les relations entre féministes d’avant et d’après guerre, afin d’évaluer dans quelle mesure il y eut transmission (ou non) d’un savoir militant et d’expériences antérieures. En effet, aux côtés des associations féministes existant avant 1914 et reconstituées après 1918, naissent de nouveaux groupes, surtout à partir de la fin des années 1920. Ils se composent de femmes venues d’horizons sociaux relativement différents des militantes précédentes. Souvent universitaires, engagées dans une vie professionnelle, ces féministes formulent des revendications nettement plus radicales :c’est le cas par exemple du Groupement belge de la porte ouverte (1929) qui s’oppose clairement à toute législation protectionniste du travail différenciée selon les sexes, telle qu’elle est prônée par le Bureau international du Travail ;c’est le cas d’Egalité, une association dirigé par l’avocate et future sénatrice cooptée libérale Georgette Ciselet, qui affiche un programme féministe relativement radical en matière d’égalité civile et politique.<p>Le contexte a ici toute son importance :le féminisme d’entre-deux-guerres est en effet confronté à la mise en place de nouveaux processus d’intervention de l’Etat et aux conséquences des politiques natalistes menées par tous les gouvernements. L’idéal féminin que l’on tente d’imposer est marqué par l’assimilation quasi totale de l’identité féminine à la fonction maternelle et à la fécondité. Cette tendance, déjà forte avant guerre, s’accentue encore sous la pression de la grande crise et du chômage, que l’on croit pouvoir résorber en dégageant des postes de travail par le renvoi des femmes au foyer. Or ces tendances sont en totale contradiction avec l’implication des femmes dans l’espace public (elles sont devenues électrices communales), avec leur accès à de nouvelles filières professionnelles (infirmières, assistantes sociales), avec leur arrivée plus nombreuse dans l’enseignement secondaire et même supérieur. <p>De quelle manière et dans quelle mesure les deux générations de militantes ont-elles collaboré ?En d’autres termes, comment et par quels biais s’est assurée la transmission féministe ?Ces questions sont également abordées pour la période qui suit immédiatement la Seconde Guerre Mondiale. Celle-ci reste un domaine pratiquement inexploré, complètement occulté par l’explosion du néo-féminisme des années 1970. Longtemps, on a cru qu’en signalant l’accès des femmes au suffrage en 1948, on avait tout dit ;pour beaucoup, ces années seraient caractérisées par un mouvement féministe affadi, en léthargie en quelque sorte. Cette version, généralement admise, doit être largement nuancée. Les années 1950 et 1960 voient fleurir au contraire des revendications réformistes, même si elles adoptent encore un ton mineur et qu’elles doivent être replacées dans le contexte de l’époque. Elles sont énoncées de manière telle que les contemporains puissent les entendre. Ce féminisme en réalité très vigoureux engrange des succès et mène des combats fondamentaux, tels que l’accès complet à la citoyenneté des femmes, la féminisation des études supérieures, la réforme du code civil et des régimes matrimoniaux. Il balise à bien des égards la voie pour les revendications de la seconde vague féministe, il est donc erroné et réducteur de les présenter en rupture totale. <p>La thèse privilégie une approche thématique des revendications féministes :une partie traite des avancés dans la sphère publique (pour l’essentiel la question du droit à la citoyenneté économique et politique) et l’autre dans l’espace privé (réforme du code civil, droits des mères et réflexions sur la sexualité). <p>Ce type d’analyse permet de mieux contextualiser les revendications en les mettant en rapport avec les enjeux contemporains. A terme les éléments dégagés éclairent les processus de construction des citoyennetés civile, politique et sociale des femmes.<p>Les stratégies élaborées par les féministes sont au cœur de notre réflexion. Une attention particulière est accordée aux personnes qui conçoivent et portent ces revendications, de manière à réintégrer dans le processus d’émancipation des femmes des réseaux et des relais insérés dans des courants autres que féministes (partis politiques, syndicats, associations féminines). La mise en évidence de ces relais montre comment certaines idées, nées au sein des mouvements féministes, ont pénétré dans des groupes qui réfutaient toute adhésion à la cause féministe mais qui, à terme, en ont adopté les demandes et les ont diffusées dans un public plus large. La manière dont ces revendications féministes parviennent à “ remonter ”, à la fois au sein de structures politiques et associatives, et atteindre ainsi un grand nombre de femmes (et d’hommes) est central dans l’analyse proposée.<p>Mais faire l’étude des mouvements ou des associations sans tenir compte des personnes qui les composent, laisse subsister des zones d’ombre. La sociabilité des militantes est interrogée. Celle-ci est, sans doute, un élément d’explication à la constance de certains engagements. <p>Notre étude si elle se situe sur le plan national, envisage conjointement l’impact de l’international sur l’évolution du féminisme belge. Au plan international, l’ensemble des organisations faîtières dont dépendent de nombreuses associations nationales trouvent leur place dans notre étude :le Conseil international des Femmes qui chapeaute le Conseil national des Femmes belges, l’Open Door pour le Groupement belge de la Porte Ouverte, etc. L’angle d’approche n’est pas l’organisation faîtière en tant que telle mais bien les rapports entretenus avec l’association nationale. Sans oublier les instances internationales (SDN puis ONU, OIT, BIT,etc.) auprès desquelles les associations internationales féministes exercent depuis leur création un lobbying serré en faveur des intérêts féminins qui, mesuré aux nombres des conventions et des accords en tout genre indiquent que leur influence est réelle et attestent de l’existence de véritables stratégies féministes dans l’entourage des organismes internationaux. <p>Au terme, la thèse permet de mieux comprendre le processus d’inclusion des femmes dans la société belge et éclaire sur les mécanismes de démocratisation de celle-ci par l’intégration de ses citoyennes./Feminists and social change in Belgium<p>(1918-1968)<p>Program, strategy and networks<p><p><p>Although women history is rather well established in Belgium, no survey has been made on all the women movements in the frame of their relationship with civil and political society. The studied area spans from 1918 till 1968.<p>The context is important :feminism for the inter bellum period and after the second world war must face the increasing impediment of the State in public life, generating new discriminations. This thesis uses predominantly a thematic approach of the different feminist demands :one part will deal with the progress made in the public domain (mainly the issue of the right to economic and political citizenship) and another one in the private domain (civil code reform, mothers’ rights and considerations on sexuality).<p>In the long run, the points brought forward bring to light the building process of civil, political and social citizenship of women.<p>The strategies elaborated by the feminists lie at the heart of our thought. A special point of attention is made for the people conceiving and bringing forward these demands, in order to integrate in the emancipation process of women the networks and relays used outside the women sphere (political parties, unions, women societies).<p>Even if this survey is made at the national level, it also involves the impact of what is happening at the international level on Belgian feminism.<p>Eventually, the purpose of this thesis is to better understand the inclusion process of women in Belgian society and to bring to light the impact the integration of women had on the democratization mechanism of the same Belgian society.<p><p><p><p><p><br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

At the end of the nineteenth century, St. Lawrence Boulevard, popularly known as 'the Main', attained mythical status in Montreal. Due to its particular location in the social and cultural geography of Montreal, the Main, which symbolically divides the working-class Francophone east and the Anglophone bourgeois west, has developed as a mixed-use commercial artery, an eclectic border zone of a bilingual, multi-ethnic city. The heterogeneous character of the Main is reflected in its material landscape---with its old and now largely re-used garment sweat-shops and labour halls, theatres of the red-light district, cafes, and the shops and restaurants of the mid-twentieth century immigrant shopping corridor. Shaped by the diversity of the populations that came to live, work, protest, shop or be entertained in these sites, it is an example of the social and cultural diversity of the metropolis. Such heterogeneous sites have often been interpreted as liminal spaces, but this research demonstrates that the construction and experience of the Main as a border zone have rarely been gender neutral. While physical, social and cultural heterogeneity are components of this landscape, these sites also attest to the importance of gender relations in the experience of the Main as a place of work and social life and, ultimately, as a space of representation. Its border status has often been represented through discourses and images of 'marginal' womanhood, articulated in terms of social, occupational, political, sexual and/or ethnic identity. Many of its locales, moreover, have been sites where women entered urban public life in contentious and distinctive ways.<br>As a place that highlights the social and cultural heterogeneity of a supposedly 'divided' city, the Main is an ideal site from which to explore how ethnicity, language, class, occupation and sexual identity intersect with gender in the experience and representation of urban life. This thesis examines how a multiplicity of female gender identities have been defined and contested along the Main over the past century. It contributes to a broad literature on geographies of gender, difference and urban public cultures through an analysis of the relationships between feminist spatial metaphors and the material production of urban space. Through a series of events that move through time and sections of St. Lawrence, I examine how portions of the landscape of this boulevard have been marked by the enactment of specific sets of gender relations and forms of representation that became central to civic debates regarding gender. I argue that the construction and experience of the Main as a border zone has involved the production of specific relations of gender, alterity and space.<br>A variety of qualitative methods and archival sources are used to illustrate the importance of representations of gender to the production of this place and to illustrate how women have experienced and made use of material sites to express their specific occupational, cultural, religious, social or sexual identities. This thesis demonstrates the crucial role played by the border zones of urban public cultures in the construction of female identities that depart from dominant gender norms in the expression of social, cultural and sexual differences.

This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

My research seeks to understand ways in which English-educated Chinese women in cosmopolitan Singapore bolstered their identity while living under the influences of Confucian values, patriarchal nation-building and racial concerns. My thesis examines women who have themselves been lost in translation when they were co-opted into the creation of a viable state after 1965. Often women are treated as adjuncts in the patriarchal state, particularly since issues of gender are not treated with the equality they deserve in the neo-Confucian discourse. This thesis takes an unconventional approach to how women have been viewed by utilizing primary sources including Her World and Female magazines from the 1960s and 1990s, and subsequent material from the blogosphere. I analyze images of women in these magazines to gain an understanding of how notions of gender and communitarianism/race intersect. By looking at government-sponsored advertising, my work also investigates the kind of messages the state was sending out to these women readers. My examination of government-sponsored advertisements, in tandem with the existing mainstream consumer advertising directed at women provides therefore a unique historical perspective in understanding the kinds of pressures Singaporean women have faced. Blogging itself is used as a counterpoint to show how new spaces have opened up for those who have felt constricted in certain ways by the authorities, women included. It would be fair to say that women?s magazines and blogging have served as ways for women to bolster their self worth, despite the counter-argument that some highly idealized and unhealthy images of women are purveyed. The main target group of glossy women?s magazines is English-educated women readers who are, by virtue of the Singapore?s demographics, mostly Chinese.

"The Book and the Veil" is an experimental ethnographic study that presents a feminist critique of Orientalist discourse as it relates to Istanbul at the turn of the twentieth century.<br>The Preface reviews relevant anthropological literature in order to construct the theoretical context of the thesis. The Introduction then elaborates on the various voices embodied in the text, each of which expresses different types of cultural and critical information.<br>Part 1 (Chapters 1-4), comments on Grace Ellison's stay in Istanbul harems in 1914, as described in An Englishwoman in a Turkish Harem. Part 2 (Chapters 5-7), engages in a dialogue with Pierre Loti as a representative of Orientalist discourse and comments on Zeyneb Hanoum's A Turkish Woman's European Impressions. Zeyneb Hanoum's experiences in Europe are then compared with Grace Ellison's stay in Turkey.<br>The Conclusion offers a discussion and critique of feminism and representative writing.

In the years following the end of the Second World War, the Federal Republic of Germany experienced a "golden age" of economic upturn. Due to the labor shortage in the aftermath of war and the division of Germany, West Germany initially looked to its eastern counterpart, the German Democratic Republic, to meet its labor needs in the immediate postwar years. Once East Germany tightened its border control, the Federal Republic of Germany extended bilateral agreements to Southern Mediterranean countries to meet the nation's labor needs. Italy was the first official nation to have a bilateral work agreement with West Germany in 1955, yet by the end of the labor program, the greatest population of "guest workers" in West Germany were Turkish nationals. The West German public initially heralded the arrival of guest workers as a boon, but by the program's end in November of 1973, the West German press reviled the Turkish migrant worker as they gradually moved out of isolated company employee barracks into single apartments, often with families or spouses joining them from Turkey. In spite of a lack of rights on West German soil, the year of 1973 was witness to a swell in migrant political activity, in the form of unsanctioned labor strikes. Utilizing two of these strikes, this thesis will compare the strategies, support, opposition, and success of the Ford Cologne (Ford Köln-Niehl) Factory strike and the Pierburg factory strike in Neuss. In both instances, the degree of support by ethnic German coworkers and factory management influenced the success of the strike. Additionally, this analysis will demonstrate that gender, in concert with nationality, negatively affected the results of the Ford Cologne Strike by way of public reception, while the negotiation of the Pierburg strike through a gendered lens aided woman migrant workers in the cooperation of factory management, the worker's council, union, and the West German public. Regardless of the strikes' outcomes, the significance of the labor strikes of 1973 is emblematic of both the lack of human rights afforded migrant workers in West Germany at the time and the persistent determination of blue-collar migrant workers to claim space for themselves and their families.

This thesis argues that through bringing together two branches of inquiry???the literary work of Katharine Susannah Prichard and Eleanor Dark and socio-feminist theory on health, contagion and the female body???the discursive body of the mother-figure in their novels serves as a trope through which otherwise unspoken tensions???between the personal and the political, between family and nation and between identity and race in Australian cultural formation???are explored. The methodology I use is to analyse the literary mother-figure through a ???discourse on health??? from a soma-political, socio-cultural and historical perspective which sought to categorise, regulate and discipline women???s lives to ensure that white women conformed to their designated roles as mothers and that they did so within the confines of marriage. The literary mother-figure, as represented in Prichard???s and Dark???s novels, is frequently at odds with the culturally constructed mother-figure as represented in political and religious discourses, and in popular forms of culture such as advertising, film and women???s magazines. This culturally constructed ???ideal??? mother-figure is intimately linked to nationalist discourses of racial hygiene, of Christian morality, and of civic and social order controlled by such patriarchal institutions as the state, the church, the law and the medical professions during the period under review. This is reflected in Prichard???s and Dark???s inter-war novels which embody unresolved tensions in a way that challenges representations of the mother-figure by mainstream culture. However, their post-war novels show a greater compliance with nationalist ideologies of the good and healthy mother-figure who conforms more closely with an idealised notion of motherhood, leading up to the 1950s. Through a detailed analysis of the two writers??? changing representations of the mother-figure, I argue that the mother-figure is a key trope through which unspoken tensions and forces that have shaped (and continue to shape) Australian culture and society can be understood.

This dissertation clarifies ethnoarchaeology's role in post-positivist epistemology through both a critical re-examination of ethnoarchaeology's position within archaeology and a study of household vessel exchange and consumption in the Inland Niger Delta of Mali. I argue that ethnoarchaeology meets its epistemic raison d'etre by achieving theoretical independence from archaeology's general theories. Independence is "built-in" to ethnoarchaeological study by focusing explicitly on the way material culture is used in daily practice; in particular, by re-embedding material culture in the "modern" contexts where it is used. Ceramic exchange in the Inland Niger Delta can not be understood apart from either the exchange and consumption of other industrial household vessels or the political economies women experience within patrilineal households. Household vessels are distinctly women's tools in the Delta and their consumption is an intimate part of the way women resist exploitation and the appropriation of their wealth within household political economies. The different roles vessels play are manifest in the distances these objects travel during consumption and are also materialized by their location within house compounds. Enamel vessels are used in displays of social and economic capital related to marriage that insulate women from exploitation; aluminum vessels are expensive items bought as part of marriage trousseaus; and plastics are relatively low value items given as small gifts or bought in local markets to insulate small amounts of wealth from appropriation. Pottery is relatively marginal within household economies; yet, potters rely on the income ceramic production creates. Thus, potters use extensive marketing strategies to sell their wares to a relatively disinterested clientele in order to meet their own obligations within patrilineal households and to buy the other types of household vessels that they desire. The findings of thi

The images of Japanese women in the Japanese contemporary literature (1935-1975) — Short-stories crowned with the Akutagawa Prize<p><p>\<br>Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Introduction: I find myself in the pantry, cleaning shelves, in the laundry, water slopping around my elbows, at the washing line, pegging clothes. I watch myself clean shelves, wash, peg clothes. These are the rhythms that comfort. That postpone. (The Painted Woman, Sue Woolfe, p. 170) As a marginalised group in Australian art history and society, women artists possess a valuable and vital craft tradition which inevitably influences all aspects of their arts practice. Installation art, which has its origins in the craft tradition, has only been acknowledged in the art mainstream this decade; yet evolved in the home of the 1950s. The social policies of this era are well documented for their insistence on women remaining in the home in order to achieve personal success in their lives. This cultural oppressiveness paradoxically resulted in a revolution in women's art in the environment to which they were confined. Women's creative energies were diverted and sublimated into the home, resulting in aesthetic statements of individuality in home decoration. As an art movement, women's installation art in the home provided the similar structures to formally recognised art schools in the mainstream, and include: informal networks and training (schools); matriarchs within the community who were knowledgable in craft traditions and techniques and shared these with younger women (mentorships); visiting other homes and providing constructive advice (critiques); and women's magazines and glory boxes (art journals and sketch books). A re-examination of this vital period in women's art history will reveal the social policies and cultural influences which insidiously undermined women's art, which was based on craft traditions.

Orientador: Jefferson Cano<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T17:51:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mancilha_VirginiaMariaNetto_M.pdf: 12816314 bytes, checksum: 4ca34523cf1e8fb391877c84d57ace75 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012<br>Resumo: Na primeira metade do século XX, proliferou no Brasil uma série de periódicos, folhetins e jornais que se dedicaram a refletir sobre o papel da mulher na sociedade. A Revista Feminina era uma das mais publicações mais representativas da imprensa feminina durante as primeiras décadas republicanas, particularmente entre 1920 e 1930. Durante esse período, a revista teve um importante papel na formação de um espaço público e literário relacionado às demandas sociais das mulheres, em curso desde meados do século XIX. O foco principal deste estudo consiste em analisar como a revista se articulou e abordou a luta pelo direito ao voto, ao trabalho e à instrução, temas que ocupavam um lugar significativo em suas páginas, ao contrário do que pressupunham muitos trabalhos sobre o tema<br>Abstract: In the first half of the twentieth century, a whole series of newspapers, journals and daily literary essays, mainly dedicated to discuss women?s role in society, appeared in Brazil. The Revista Feminina was one of the most representative women?s press publications during the first republican decades, particularly between the 1920?s and 1930?s. During this period, the magazine had an important role in the making of a public and literary room related to women?s social demands that have been ongoing since the mid of the nineteenth century. The main focus of this study consists in analyse how the magazine dealt and related itself with franchise, labour and schooling struggles, themes that, unlike many specialized researches presupposed before, did occupy a significant space in its pages<br>Mestrado

Entre 1880 et 1940, la Belgique francophone voit un accroissement significatif du nombre de femmes de lettres. À la croisée de l’histoire des femmes et de l’histoire des lettres belges, ce phénomène enregistre les nouvelles modalités d’inscription des femmes dans l’espace public, et en particulier leur accès progressif aux professions intellectuelles. Partant des acquis des études de genre (gender studies) et de la sociologie de la littérature, la thèse se propose d’étudier le rapport collectif et individuel que les femmes de lettres entretiennent vis-à-vis du littéraire.<br>Doctorat en Langues et lettres<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Lorsqu’on s’interroge sur l’essor du mouvement féministe dans les pays musulmans, d’autres questions, lancinantes, se font jour. Car l’enjeu culturel, sur fond religieux, d’un islam souvent imbriqué dans la vie politique elle-même, interpelle les féministes et les penseurs de tout l’Occident. En effet, contrairement à ce qui se passe au sein de la civilisation occidentale où généralement s’est transmise une idée de la laïcité bien précise, il n’en ira guère de même dans les pays à prédominance musulmane. Dans ces contrées, la problématique féministe différera sensiblement de celle en vigueur dans les pays occidentaux. Pour les nations soumises à la loi de la charia, le champ d’action du mouvement féministe visera avant tout à libérer les femmes d’une emprise patriarcale qui se réfèrera le plus souvent à de libres interprétations des textes sacrés pour exiger de leur part une soumission absolue. <p>Dans les études sur le féminisme et le genre, l’Arabie Saoudite, il est vrai, constitue « une énigme ». Et c’est précisément ce qui nous a incité à explorer cet univers « voilé » dont nous allons, au gré de notre étude, tenter de « dévoiler » un tant soit peu le mystère.<p>Nous avons entrepris dans ce but une recherche approfondie à propos de l’écriture-femmes saoudienne romanesque depuis son essor en 1958 jusqu’à 2008. Ce sont donc cinquante années d’écriture-femmes saoudienne sur lesquelles nous nous pencherons au cours de notre étude. Le lecteur l’aura compris :le fil conducteur de notre recherche reposera sur l’écriture en tant que vecteur de prise de conscience féministe. <p>En définitive, ce travail se composera donc de trois grandes parties, chacune subdivisée en chapitres. Dans la première partie, nous développerons la question du féminisme en rapport avec l’islam. Le premier chapitre exposera le féminisme et le genre en tant qu’approche méthodologique des discours et des arguments féministes. Le deuxième chapitre traitera de la question de l’islam et de la laïcité. En effet, pour la plupart des pays musulmans, l’islam est une religion d’Etat. La charia est la source principale du droit, voire exclusive dans certains pays, comme en Arabie Saoudite où elle est considérée comme complète, suprême, supérieure à toute loi. Logiquement, une autre question surgira, celle qui sous-tend le troisième chapitre de cette première partie, au cours duquel nous nous demanderons si un « féminisme musulman » représente une réalité vraiment envisageable. La deuxième partie sera censée investiguer le contexte idéologique en vigueur en Arabie Saoudite. Ensuite, nous évoquerons une esquisse de la littérature en Arabie Saoudite et les orientations des écrivains saoudiens et saoudiennes. La troisième partie se centrera sur une analyse thématique de l’écriture-femmes romanesque saoudienne s’étalant sur une période allant de 1958 à 2008. Nous nous étendrons d’abord sur un panorama de cette écriture dans les contrées en général, avant d’aborder les thématiques les plus spécifiques de cette écriture, approuvant qu’il s’agisse d’un pays encore très mystérieux aux yeux des étrangers: l’Arabie Saoudite.<p>Il apparaîtra qu’une parenté certaine entre « écriture » et « militantisme féministe » sous-tend, à l’évidence, l’univers romanesque des femmes saoudiennes. En clair, l’apport de l’écriture-femmes saoudienne a été considérable :elle nous a offert une peinture vivante de l’Arabie Saoudite et de la condition féminine. Elle contribue à l’émergence d’un style de militantisme marqué par son berceau saoudien et, de ce fait, elle participe à l’avènement d’un féminisme proprement saoudien. <p><p><p><br>Doctorat en Langues et lettres<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Defence date: 26 February 1993<br>Examining board: Gisela Bock (supervisor) ; Francesco Margiotta Broglio ; Simonetta Soldani ; Mario Toscano ; Stuart Woolf<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

李淨昉.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 205-219)<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>Li Jingfang.

許艷霞.<br>"2004年7月".<br>論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004.<br>參考文獻 (leaves 108-119).<br>附中英文摘要.<br>"2004 nian 7 yue".<br>Xu Yanxia.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004.<br>Can kao wen xian (leaves 108-119).<br>Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.<br>鳴謝 --- p.i<br>提要 --- p.ii-iii<br>Chapter (一） --- 引言：「延安模式」的性別觀<br>Chapter 1.1 --- 硏究成果回顧 --- p.1-12<br>Chapter 1.2 --- 硏究目的、方法及預期貢獻 --- p.12-16<br>Chapter (二） --- 中共的婦女運動及其政策<br>Chapter 2.1 --- 上海時期（1921 年-1927 年） --- p.17-18<br>Chapter 2.2 --- 瑞金時期（1928 年-1935 年） --- p.18-20<br>Chapter 2.3 --- 延安時期（1936年-1947年） --- p.20<br>Chapter 2.4 --- 內戰時期（1946 年-1949 年） --- p.20-21<br>Chapter (三） --- 延安時期的婦女運動<br>Chapter 3.1 --- 陝北地區的政治、經濟和社會風俗 --- p.22-24<br>Chapter 3.2 --- 延安時期婦女運動的理論基礎 --- p.24-26<br>Chapter 3.3 --- 延安時期婦女運動的發展階段及政策內容 --- p.26-39<br>Chapter (四） --- 延安時期婦女政策的推行情況<br>Chapter 4.1 --- 推行方法 --- p.40-45<br>Chapter 4.2 --- 成果 --- p.46-58<br>Chapter 4.3 --- 困難和局限 --- p.58-78<br>Chapter (五） --- 基層社會的反應<br>Chapter 5.1 --- 支前工作 --- p.79-82<br>Chapter 5.2 --- 生產 --- p.82-84<br>Chapter 5.3 --- 婚姻 --- p.84-89<br>Chapter 5.4 --- 文化及衛生教育等 --- p.89-95<br>Chapter (六） --- 結論：婦女與革命的「延安模式」<br>Chapter 6.1 --- 中國婦女與中共領導的民族革命 --- p.96-98<br>Chapter 6.2 --- 中國婦女與中共的社會革命 --- p.99-104<br>Chapter 6.3 --- 硏究的新方向 --- p.104-107<br>參考書目 --- p.108-119<br>附表<br>Chapter 1. --- 邊區一級機關學校在職女幹部統計(1949年1月） --- p.47-48<br>Chapter 2. --- 邊區十五縣縣級女參議員統計表(1941年11月9日） --- p.49<br>Chapter 3. --- 邊區一級各機關在職女幹部小孩處理情況(1949年1月） --- p.50-51<br>Chapter 4. --- 1938年及1939年生產成績統計表(1940年5月10日） --- p.53<br>Chapter 5. --- 吳旗縣五區一ˇёإ婦女纏足、天足狀況表(1948年6月） --- p.56<br>Chapter 6. --- 1938-1943年間各縣判決的離婚案件數目（1948年9月10日） --- p.56-57<br>Chapter 7. --- 由高等法院直接判決的離婚案件數目（1948年9月10日） --- p.57<br>Chapter 8. --- 圪衚坬村婦女結婚年齡統計（1948年） --- p.58<br>Chapter 9. --- 1942年綏德分區解除婚約案件的原因及數目（1945年12月） --- p.85-86<br>Chapter 10. --- 1944年至1945年綏德分區請求離婚當事人成份統計(1945年12月） --- p.86<br>Chapter 11. --- 1944年綏德分區各縣離婚案件提出原因及數目（1945年12月） --- p.86-87<br>附圓<br>Chapter 1. --- 陝甘寧邊區地圖 --- p.120<br>Chapter 2. --- 陝甘寧邊區婦女參加參議員選舉(30、40年代） --- p.121<br>Chapter 3. --- 邊區農村選舉情況（40年代） --- p.121<br>Chapter 4. --- 中共中央婦女委員會招待陝甘寧邊區參議會女參議員（1939年9月） --- p.122<br>Chapter 5. --- 婦女自衛隊（1939年） --- p.122<br>Chapter 6. --- 延安婦女紡織合作社（40年代） --- p.123<br>Chapter 7. --- 中共359旅的家屬組織起來編織毛衣（40年代） --- p.123<br>Chapter 8. --- 農民變工隊（40年代） --- p.124<br>Chapter 9. --- 中國女子大學學生（1939年） --- p.124<br>Chapter 10. --- 中國女子大學學生上軍事課(1939年） --- p.125<br>Chapter 11. --- 延安醫科生在窰洞前溫習(1945年） --- p.125<br>Chapter 12. --- 陝甘寧邊區第二次婦女代表大會部分代表(1948年） --- p.126<br>Chapter 13. --- 陳琮英、蔡暢、夏明、劉英長征到達陝北（1935年） --- p.126<br>Chapter 14. --- 擁軍（40年代)(夏風刻） --- p.127<br>Chapter 15. --- 宣傳衛生（1943年）（王流秋刻） --- p.127<br>Chapter 16. --- 怎樣養娃（40年代)(郭鈞刻） --- p.128<br>Chapter 17. --- 婚姻登記（1945年)(木刻作品） --- p.128<br>Chapter 18. --- 學習文化（1944年)(戚單刻） --- p.129<br>Chapter 19. --- 女生開荒隊（1939年)(江豐刻） --- p.129

This dissertation focuses in the phenomenon of partner violence in Mexico. It examines the causes of partner violence at multiple levels of analysis. At the micro level it examines characteristics of individual victims, the family and the relationship. At the macro level the focus is on the legal and social structures that define domestic violence and the State's response. Throughout the analysis, the State plays a central role as the set of institutional arrangements that define the rules of the game and that determine the possibilities for change and the potential roles and effectiveness of key players including the feminist movement. Throughout the analysis I examine the confluence of forces that influence the State's attempts to reduce individual women's risk of partner violence through its legislative, judicial and police powers in a historically defined situation characterized by pervasive structural patriarchy. A major objective is to asses the influence of the pervasive patriarchy in the system on individual women's risk of partner violence. The approach adopted in this dissertation is based on the assumption that patriarchy is a social system that permeates social institutions and that becomes internalized and part of the normative everyday reality that structures individual's interpretations and motivations. This research demonstrates that, on average, the structural gender inequality between Mexican men and women is high. This inequality is revealed through qualitative and quantitative analyses that demonstrate empirically the influence of the patriarchal system both on individual experiences of partner violence, and on the State's response. Adopting a feminist post-structuralist approach to the analysis of the State's role, the research reveals inconsistencies between the discourses and practices of the Mexican State regarding partner violence. By analyzing administrative family violence legislation, I determine whether the Mexican State has in fact made substantively meaningful attempts to challenge patriarchy and to end violence against women in the family realm. The family violence legislation has two often inherently contradictory purposes. On the one hand the objective is to protect the family as a core social institution. The second, which is often in conflict with the first objective, is to protect women from abuse by their partners. This dissertation demonstrates that these conflicting objectives and the embededness of patriarchy throughout the social help explain why certain branches of the Mexican State tend to strengthen patriarchy and reify women's subordinate position in the family. The way in which the State interprets and implements family violence legislation reveals the inability and/or unwillingness of the State to protect women's rights and highlights the patriarchal assumptions pervading the State's actions. Finally, this research looks at feminist and women's movements and NGOs to determine whether they have been effective in influencing the State to adopt measures to guarantee women a life free of violence. I looked not only for their influence on the legislative level, but also surveyed the role they continue to play in implementing antiviolence laws.<br>text

Defence date: 16 October 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Dirk Moses, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Laura Lee Downs, European University Institute (Second reader); Professor Padma Anagol, Cardiff University (External Advisor); Professor Margrit Pernau, Max Planck Institute for Human Development.<br>The dissertation focuses on a group of women married into the Nehru family who, from the very first years of the 1900s, engaged in public social and political work for the cause of their sex, becoming important figures within the North Indian female movement. History has not granted much room to the feminist work they undertook in these decades, preferring to concentrate on their engagement in Gandhian nationalist mobilisations, from the late 1920s. This research instead concentrates on the previous years. It investigates, on the one hand, the means Nehru women utilised to enter the public sphere (writing, publishing a Hindi women's journal, starting local female organisations, joining all-India ones), and the networks within which they situated themselves, on the national and international level. On the other hand, this work analyses the complex relations between the feminist and nationalist movements at whose intersection the Nehru women found themselves. The vicissitudes of the Nehru family and of its female members in particular work as a lens through which a different light is shed on the political and social realms of early-twentieth century India. As the story unfolds, it becomes clear that its protagonists were all but the passive recipients of others' choices and priorities: their stances resulting from time to time in resistance, negotiation, acquiescence, or critique were actually dictated by strategic considerations of political or social expediency, and bespoke an emerging feminist agency.

This thesis traces the evolution and emergence of the new-vice regal woman during a high point of the British Empire. The social, political and economic forces of the age, which transformed British society, presented different challenges and responsibilities for all women, not least those of the upper-class. Aristocratic women responded to these challenges in a distinctive manner when accompanying their husbands to the colonies and dominions as vice-regal consorts. In the last years of Queen Victoria’s reign a unique link was established between the monarchy and her female representatives throughout the Empire. The concept of the new vice-regal woman during the period 1884-1914 was explored through three case studies. The imperial stores of Lady Hariot Dufferin (1843-1936), Lady Ishbel Aberdeen (1857-1939), and Lady Rachel Dudley (c.1867-1920), establishes both the existence and importance of a new breed of vice-regal woman, one who was a modern, dynamic and pro-active imperialist. From 1884-1914 these three new vice-regal women pushed established boundaries and broke new ground. As a result, during their vice-regal lives, Ladies Dufferin, Aberdeen and Dudley initiated far reaching organisations in India, Ireland, Canada and

This thesis moves beyond patriarchal accounts of Chinese Australian settlement and experience in the White Australia Policy era (1901-1973) by providing an analysis of the presence and lived experiences of Chinese Australian women in this historical period. Through a historical geography approach that is deeply rooted in postcolonial feminist epistomologies, this research aimed to understand the lived experiences of Chinese Australian women as remembered and told from their own perspectives, while also providing a revised account of their demographic characteristics as officially recorded in government records. Qualitative data for this research were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with nineteen Chinese Australian women who lived throughout the White Australia Policy era, while quantitative demographic data were collected from historical census records for the period between 1911 and 1966. This research makes substantive contributions to Chinese Australian research as well as feminist historical geography in Australia more broadly. By illustrating the presence of Chinese Australian women throughout the period, this research challenges androcentric accounts of the ‘bachelor society’ of Chinese Australian men, patriarchal understandings of Chinese migration, and ethnocentric understandings of national identity and belonging in the White Australia Policy era. By presenting an examination of Chinese Australian women’s lived experiences across a range of spaces and social contexts (e.g. home, school, work, and neighbourhood) and with acknowledgement of their various subject positions as gendered, classed, and racialised individuals, this research also brings to light the diversity and complexity of Chinese Australian women’s lives in regards to identity, maintenance of ‘traditional’ Chinese culture, and experiences of belonging and exclusion. The postcolonial feminist approach utilised therefore provides an alternative lens through which to examine Australia’s Chinese past and move towards a more inclusive understanding of Chinese Australian communities and experiences in White Australia. This research also highlights one way in which postcolonial and feminist research can be conducted when research ‘subjects’ lie outside the researcher’s own class, racial and privileged position.

"November 2004"<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-263)<br>xi, 263 leaves ; 30 cm.<br>A comparative study of the impact of international catalysts on women's entry into the national parliaments of Kenya and Australia and whether they have similar impacts on women's parliamentary recruitment in countries that have different terms of incorporation into the international system.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, Discipline of Gender Studies, 2005

Grounded in the geographies of Chiapas, Mexico, the dissertation maps a cartography of Zapatista indigenous resistance practices and charts the production of decolonial political subjectivities in an era of neoliberal governance and low intensity conflict. It analyzes the relationship between local cultural political expressions of indigenous autonomy, global capitalist interests and neoliberal rationalities of government after more than decade of Zapatista struggle. Since 1996, Zapatista indigenous Mayan communities have engaged in the creation of alternative education, health, agricultural production, justice, and governing bodies as part of the daily practices of autonomy. The dissertation demonstrates that the practices of Zapatista indigenous autonomy reflect current shifts in neoliberal state governing logics, yet it is in this very terrain where key ruptures and destabilizing practices emerge. The dissertation focuses on the recolonization aspects of neoliberal rationalities of government in their particular Latin American post Cold War, post populist manifestations. I argue that in Mexico's indigenous regions, the shift towards the privatization of state social services, the decentralization of state governing techniques and the transformation of state social programs towards an emphasis on greater self-management occurs in a complex relationship to mechanisms of low intensity conflict. Their multiple articulations effect the reproduction of social and biological life in sites, which are themselves terrains of bio-political contention: racialized women's bodies and feminized domestic reproductive and care taking roles; the relationship between governing bodies and that governed; land reform as linked to governability and democracy; and the production of the indigenous subject in a multicultural era. In each of these arenas, the dissertation charts a decolonial cartography drawn by the following cultural political practices: the construction of genealogies of social memories of struggle, a governing relationship established through mandar obedeciendo, land redistribution through zapatista agrarian reform, pedagogical collective selfreflection in women’s collective work, and the formation of political identities of transformation. Finally, the dissertation discusses the possibilities and challenges for engaging in feminist decolonizing dialogic research, specifically by analyzing how Zapatista members critiqued the politics of fieldwork and adopted the genres of the testimony and the popular education inspired workshop as potential decolonizing methodologies.<br>text

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)<br>From 1851 to 1954, under various names, the Indiana Cotton Mills was the dominant industry in the small town of Cannelton, Indiana, mostly employing women and children. The female industrial laborers who worked in this mill during the middle and end of the nineteenth century represent an important and overlooked component of midwestern workers. Women in Cannelton played an essential role in Indiana’s transition from small scale manufacturing in the 1850s to large scale industrialization at the turn of the century. In particular, this work will provide an in-depth exploration of female operatives’ primary place in Cannelton society, their essential economic contributions to their families, and the unique tactics they used in attempts to achieve better working conditions in the mill. It will also explain the small changes in women’s work experiences from 1854 to 1884, and how ultimately marriage, not industrial work, determined the course of their later lives.