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1
Marshall, Alex. « Die uralte moderne Lösung : nation, space and modernity in Austro-German Zionism before 1917 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bfafc7d6-4f9c-4a0e-823f-d087d0dae43e.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Zionism represents a turning point in the rise of the nation-state to its present near-ubiquity, a national movement which did not construct an identity concurrently with its embrace of nationalism, but reconstructed a diaspora to fit it. I explore how early Political Zionists, particularly Theodor Herzl, perceived both the push and pull of nationalism, and why they were drawn to adopt an ideology and political structure whose basic principles, I argue, were intrinsically hostile to Jews. I begin by examining the socialist Moses Hess as a forerunner and microcosm of later Zionism, arguing his work is underpinned by anxiety about social heterogeneity. The second chapter focuses on portrayals of diaspora, its contradictions and the ambivalence they caused towards less assimilated Jews, nonetheless used as models for national identity. I continue by investigating the countries Herzl looked to as partners on the world stage and models of nationhood, arguing his vision of nationhood was far broader than that of most nationalists and involved a recognised role among other nations. The fourth chapter concerns understandings of 'homeland' and the relationship between people and territory, concluding Zionism's effect is achieved, not just by inhabiting Palestine, but by public desire and effort to do so. I devote my final chapter to concepts of modernity, its perception as both paradoxical and inescapable, and how national historical narratives arrange history into a rational, linear structure. While Zionists left many presumptions of nationalism and modernity unchallenged, most importantly that both nation and state transcend political divides, my conclusion stresses those presumptions they accepted, those aspects they saw as inescapable, and those they pragmatically performed belief in, to achieve Gentile acceptance of Jewish nationhood. I surmise that it was this sense of inevitability, along with the difficulties of diaspora, which gave Jews reason to make displays of accepting the nation-state.
2
De, Villiers Shirley. « Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
3
Willingham, Robert Allen. « Jews in Leipzig nationality and community in the 20th century / ». Thesis, Austin, Tex. : University of Texas Libraries, 2005. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2005/willinghamr73843/willinghamr73843.pdf#page=2.
Texte intégral
4
Berger, Anna M. « MUNKÁCS : A Jewish World That Was ». University of Sydney, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6336.
Texte intégralRésumé :
MA (Research)Prior to World War II an estimated 11 million Jews lived in hundreds of communities throughout Europe. The rural Subcarpathian city of Munkács was one such place with a strong and vibrant Jewish presence - a Jewish community which constituted some 40% of its population. Munkács had experienced a long history of ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. These different ethno-religious groups managed to live, if not in close friendships, but certainly for the most part, in reasonable harmony until the Hungarian occupation in 1938. The city was well known as a major centre of Jewish life in all its varieties, from the ultra-Orthodox Hasidim to the completely secular Zionists, communists and assimilationists. It was also well known for the internal frictions between some of these factions. In Munkács the ethnic cleansing of the Holocaust happened within a few short weeks in May 1944. The entire community was destroyed, mostly deported to Auschwitz, where some 85% of them were murdered. My aim in this thesis is to contribute to the historiography of The Jewish World That Was by reconstructing a picture of daily Jewish life in Munkács in the period between the two World Wars. My perspective was a grassroots one - a bottom up view of daily life, utilising archival and scholarly secondary sources as a backdrop for the memories of some of those who lived it. I have, through their authentic voices, drawn a word picture of how they lived, learned, worked, prayed and played. In doing this, my contention has been that, to understand the full devastation of the Holocaust, it is imperative to reconstruct the rich, dynamic and colourful fabric of daily life of pre-Holocaust Jewish Europe. It is also my view that it is urgent to do this while there are still those who can help us do so.
5
Berger, Anna M. « MUNKÁCS : A Jewish World That Was ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6336.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Prior to World War II an estimated 11 million Jews lived in hundreds of communities throughout Europe. The rural Subcarpathian city of Munkács was one such place with a strong and vibrant Jewish presence - a Jewish community which constituted some 40% of its population. Munkács had experienced a long history of ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. These different ethno-religious groups managed to live, if not in close friendships, but certainly for the most part, in reasonable harmony until the Hungarian occupation in 1938. The city was well known as a major centre of Jewish life in all its varieties, from the ultra-Orthodox Hasidim to the completely secular Zionists, communists and assimilationists. It was also well known for the internal frictions between some of these factions. In Munkács the ethnic cleansing of the Holocaust happened within a few short weeks in May 1944. The entire community was destroyed, mostly deported to Auschwitz, where some 85% of them were murdered. My aim in this thesis is to contribute to the historiography of The Jewish World That Was by reconstructing a picture of daily Jewish life in Munkács in the period between the two World Wars. My perspective was a grassroots one - a bottom up view of daily life, utilising archival and scholarly secondary sources as a backdrop for the memories of some of those who lived it. I have, through their authentic voices, drawn a word picture of how they lived, learned, worked, prayed and played. In doing this, my contention has been that, to understand the full devastation of the Holocaust, it is imperative to reconstruct the rich, dynamic and colourful fabric of daily life of pre-Holocaust Jewish Europe. It is also my view that it is urgent to do this while there are still those who can help us do so.
6
Jacobs, Stephen. « Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683176.
Texte intégral
7
Lin, Syaru Shirley, et 林夏如. « National identity, economic interest and Taiwan's cross-strait economic policy 1994-2009 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43761896.
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8
Albers, Andrew D. « Ethno-nationalism and the Spanish state : a comparison of three regions in Spain / ». Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12042009-020026/.
Texte intégral
9
Kennedy, James 1968. « Empire, federalism and civil society : liberal nationalists in Scotland and Québec ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36967.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to relate the forms of liberal nationalism, which emerged in Scotland and Quebec between 1899 and 1914, to the character of the institutions which governed. The substantive focus is on two liberal nationalist groupings: the Young Scots' Society and the more loosely grouped Ligue nationaliste canadienne. Their emergence is examined at three levels: imperial, federal and local civil society.The British Empire exerted an overarching influence on both Scotland and Quebec. Yet each enjoyed a very different relationship to the empire. Liberal nationalists responded differently to the same policies---the South African War, Tariff Reform and the Naval Question. The Young Scots invoked Liberal principles: freedom of speech, free trade and disarmament. The Nationalistes' response was nationalist: these were encroachments on Canadian sovereignty. Yet both groupings shared a liberal conception of empire, characterised by autonomy and decentralisation.
Scotland and Quebec enjoyed a 'federal' relationship to their states (Britain/Canada). Deficiencies in these systems prompted different responses. The Young Scots campaigned in support of a Scottish Home Rule Parliament. The Nationalistes favoured a Canadian federation which was avowedly consociational, one which recognised Canadian duality. These were liberal measures of accommodating difference.
Finally, Scotland and Quebec possessed distinctive civil societies. Yet they differed in the degree to which they were governed by liberal norms. In Scotland a liberal ethos was sustained by both the dominant Liberalism and Presbyterianism. However in Quebec the dominant Catholic church sought to preserve its hegemony over francophone society against Liberal challenges. Liberal nationalists not only reflected the distinct national character of their civil societies but also the degree to which those societies were governed by liberal norms.
It was these configurations of institutions and norms which ensured that the nationalisms which emerged in Scotland and Quebec were liberal in character. Yet there were important differences: greater emphasis was placed on Liberalism in Scotland ("Liberal nationalists") while the emphasis was on Nationalism in Quebec ("liberal Nationalists"). The character of empire, federalism and civil society in Scotland and Quebec shaped the nationalisms that emerged between the Boer War and the First World War.
10
Kaufman, David B. « Polish-Jewish relations during the rebirth of Poland, November 1918-June 28, 1919 ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/199.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines Polish-Jewish relations during the pivotal eight months between the declaration of Polish Independence on November 11, 1918 and the formal re-establishment of the Polish state by its recognition by the Allied and Associated Powers at the Paris Peace Conference on June 28, 1919. The thesis explores the background to Polish-Jewish relations in the years immediately preceding the period under investigation in order to place the events in their political and socio-economic context. The key to the present study is a detailed examination of the controversial anti-Jewish outrages that occurred in the disputed Russo-Polish-Ukrainian borderlands, namely in Lwów in November 1918, and at Pińsk in April 1919. It is important not only to scrutinise these events in detail, but furthermore to place them in their full international perspective. The direct result was the imposition of a Minorities Treaty upon Poland, which was largely drafted during the final months of the Peace Conference. Polish anti-Jewish violence was not the only factor that influenced the Allies gathered at Versailles, yet the peacemakers felt compelled to treat Poland as a special case. The Treaty further strained the interdependent links between Poles and Jews, both in Poland and the west, as the dominant group saw it as an unfair limitation on its sovereignty. Polish resentment at the perceived influence of ‘international Jewry’ further heightened tensions between the two, yet the drafting of the Minorities Treaty was emphatically not as a result of the ‘Jewish lobby’ (which was in fact divided) that had gathered in the French capital in an attempt to further Jewish demands in both Eastern Europe and Palestine. The damage done to Polish-Jewish relationships during the crucial period of 1918-1919 not only strained interaction between those groups in the months covered by the thesis, but also exacerbated the Jewish ‘problem’ during the course of the Second Polish Republic and beyond.
11
Hellman, Michel. « Art, identité et Expo 67 : l'expression du nationalisme dans les oeuvres des artistes québécois du Pavillon de la Jeunesse à l'Exposition universelle de Montréal ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98928.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis will examine the relationship between art, nationalism and identity as it appears in the context of the 1967 Montreal Universal Exposition. "Expo 67" saw a confrontation between Canadian and Quebecois expressions of nationalism, and we will concentrate on this aspect as it appears through the artistic representations in the different national pavilions.We will also look into the artworks presented by young Quebecois artists in the more marginal "Youth Pavilion" situated on Ile Sainte-Helene, and will explain how this new generation of artists was able to take advantage of the particular context of the Universal Exhibition in order to implement its own concept of national identity, an identity closely related to popular culture, and thus very different from the image projected by the Quebecois elite of the time.
12
Porter, Catherine Lee. « Nationalism, authority and political identity in the secession of Katanga, 1908-1963 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709432.
Texte intégral
13
Herman, Dana. « Hashavat Avedah : a history of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99925.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an institutional history of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc. (JCR), an organization mandated by the Office of Military Government, United States (OMGUS) to assume trusteeship over heirless Jewish cultural property that had been plundered by the Nazis and later centralized in depots in the American Zone of Germany in the wake of the Second World War. Formally established in 1947, until 1951 JCR functioned as the cultural arm of the Jewish Restitution Successor Organization (JRSO) and distributed hundreds of thousands of books, thousands of ceremonial objects, and Torah scrolls to Jewish communities around the world including the United States, Israel, West Germany, Britain, and Canada. Looking beyond its mandated mission, JCR was also involved in searching for caches of Jewish property in the Allied zones, microfilming manuscripts and archives in German public institutions, and negotiating the enactment of West German legislation to safeguard future discoveries of Jewish property.Salo Baron, professor of Jewish history at Columbia University, was JCR's founder and president; many of the foremost Jewish intellectuals of the day, including Hannah Arendt, Gershom Scholem, and Leo Baeck were associated with it. This study of JCR sheds light on numerous topics, not the least of which is the political activities of Jewish academics in the aftermath of the Holocaust. Further, the internecine struggles among Jewish organizations over which group best represented world Jewry as trustee of this property is highlighted along with the development of JCR from a research commission to a U.S.-recognized supervisory body. JCR's interactions with the State and War departments as well as with the American military government in Germany add to the discussion of Jewish influence during this period. The examination of JCR's activities in the American zone between 1948 and 1951 serves to underscore the diligent work that was carried out, but also the less than ideal conditions in which this work was done. The distribution process undertaken by JCR and its member organizations emphasizes the debate surrounding what it meant to culturally reconstruct the Jewish world after the Holocaust. Finally, a discussion of JCR's very limited activities, from 1952 to 1977 when it was finally dissolved, underscores the difficulties inherent in maintaining a relevant rationale and function in an ever-changing political landscape.Cette these presente l'histoire institutionnelle de la Jewish CulturalReconstruction, Inc. (JCR), une organisation mandatee par le bureau dugouvernement militaire des Etats Unis (OMGUS) pour assumer la tutelle desbiens juifs culturels sans heritier, qui ont ete pilles par les nazis et plus tardcentralises dans les depots de la zone americaine en Allemagne apres la DeuxiemeGuerre mondiale. De sa creation officielle en 1947 a 1951, la JCR a fonctionnecomme l'antenne culturelle de la Jewish Restitution Successor Organization(JRSO). Elle a distribue des centaines de milliers de livres, des milliers d'objetsrituels et des rouleaux de Torah aux communautes juives dans le monde,notamment aux Etats-Unis, en Israel, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, en Grande-Bretagne et au Canada. Outre sa mission originelle, la JCR a egalement participea la recherche des caches de biens juifs dans les zones alliees, a enregistre surmicrofilms des archives et des manuscrits appartenant aux institutions publiquesallemandes et est egalement intervenue pour encourager une legislation ouestallemandeafin de sauvegarder les decouvertes a venir des biens juifs.
14
O'Brien, Carolyn 1957. « Immigrant integration, European integration : the Front national and the manipulation of French nationhood ». Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8548.
Texte intégral
15
Zaini, Achmad. « Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim : his contribution to Muslim educational reform and to Indonesian nationalism during the twentieth century ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0007/MQ43975.pdf.
Texte intégral
16
Bayar, Yesim. « Turkish nation-building process : an analysis of language, education, and citizenship policies during the early Republic (1920-1938) ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=115601.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study seeks to analyze the Turkish nation-building process during the early Republican period (1920-1938). In doing this, the substantive focus will be on three main dimensions --language, education, and citizenship -- with particular emphasis on the rhetoric and actions of the political elite.By looking at language, education, and citizenship policies, and their formulations, the present analysis will make three main propositions: First, and in contrast to the existing literature on nations and nation-building, it will be demonstrated that the process of Turkish nation-building was neither a smooth nor an automatic process. Moreover, during the period under analysis, there were competing definitions of nationhood which were taken up, and discussed by the political elite. The final conceptualization of nationhood --which took an assimilationist form with an ethnic understanding attached to it -- was formed over time. At times, the process was wrought with tensions as illustrated by the heated debates among the political elite.
Second, the present analysis will seek to bring together two different ways of looking at nation formation. More specifically, the analysis will attempt to bridge the gap between those works which only underline the role of ideas in the formation of nations, and those which emphasize the role of structural forces. By paying attention to the "voices" (and actions) of the political elite, this study will demonstrate that it is not only ideas, nor is it only structural forces that matter. Rather, the crystallization of the contents of Turkish nationhood illustrates the interplay of ideological as well as geopolitical and political forces.
Third, a detailed analysis of the trajectory of Turkish nation-building and the formulation of Turkish nationhood reveals the complexity of this process. The existing literature on Turkey tends to treat the Kemalist era as an undifferentiated whole. The present work will remain critical to such an outlook. Instead, and by looking at the shifting conceptualizations of nationhood, it will seek to demonstrate the complexity and contingent nature of the Turkish nation-building process.
17
Bennett, Andrew Peter Wallace. « 20th century Bannockburn : Scottish nationalism and the challenge posed to British identity, 1970-1980 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ29481.pdf.
Texte intégral
18
Lim, Jason. « Nationalism, tea leaves and a common voice : the Fujian-Singapore tea trade and the political and trading concerns of the Singapore Chinese tea merchants, 1920-1960 ». University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0088.
Texte intégralRésumé :
[Truncated abstract] Conventional historical research on the tea trade focussed on the trade between the United Kingdom and China up to 1937. Very little has been done on the tea trade between China and other regions such as colonial Singapore. In addition, the focus on the overseas Chinese community in Singapore has concentrated on two opposite ends of the social ladder the rich traders or merchants who came to dominate the political, economic and social life of the community, and the coolies or those in the working class and how the harsh reality of life in colonial Singapore often quashed any dreams they had of a better life. The key focus of this dissertation is a study of the trading links between a group of Chinese traders in Singapore and commodity producers in China. To date, research into Chinese traders in Singapore has focussed on their trade in products from British Malaya such as rubber and tin. This dissertation aims to steer away from this approach, and study the relationship between Fujian tea production and trade and the Chinese tea traders in Singapore . . . This dissertation, therefore, takes a two-pronged approach. First, it examines the conditions in Fujian tea production and trade since they were the key trading concerns of the Chinese tea traders in Singapore. Secondly, the dissertation examines the political beliefs and sense of patriotism among the Chinese tea traders in Singapore and their response to major events in their lives such as the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), the Japanese Occupation of Singapore (1942-1945), the Chinese Civil War (1945-1949) and self-government for Singapore from June 1959.
19
Di, Lillo Ivano. « Opera and nationalism in Fascist Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283883.
Texte intégral
20
Tusow, Kelli Ann. « Jews, Sports, Gender, and the Rose City : An Analysis of Jewish Involvement with Athletics in Portland, Oregon, 1900-1940 ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2350.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of Jews in sports is often times perceived as an oxymoronic research topic given the ethnic stereotypes that Jews are physically weak, unfit, and more focused on intellectual pursuits. However, Jews have had a long history and in-depth interaction with sports that is important to understand, not only to expand our perception of the Jewish people, but also to realize the important role sports play in social historiography. While the Jewish population of East Coast America and their involvement in athletics has been studied to some extent, the West Coast population, in particular, the Northwest, has been sorely neglected.
This thesis examines the lives of immigrant Jews on the West Coast, specifically Portland, OR and their interaction with sports compared to the experiences of immigrant Jews on the East Coast from 1900 to 1940. An overall examination and comparison of the Jewish immigrant experience in the West is presented along with an evaluation of the establishment of the Portland Jewish community and their coinciding athletic community. The experiences of the Jews in Western America is compared to the immigrants of the East Coast and how these differing involvements shaped the development of Jewish sporting facilities. The thesis then expands on how the Portland Jews grew their athletic facilities and overall involvement in athletics, related to the experience of East Coast Jews. The growth of the Jewish Zionist movement is examined along with how Jewish involvement fit more seamlessly into certain sports than others. The thesis also takes a closer look at Jewish women and their specific experiences in athletics compared to their East Coast counterparts and the experience of Jewish men in Portland. The role of philanthropic organizations as a means of greater involvement in athletics is assessed, along with how the experiences of Western European versus Eastern European immigrants played into their varying involvements with sports. Finally, the conclusion discusses the importance of scholarly sports inquiry as it plays to the relevance of a greater social history and for immigrants in particular, their assimilation and acculturation into American society.
21
Menguc, Murat Cem. « Historiography and nationalism : a study regarding the proceedings of the First Turkish History Congress ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79796.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis attempts to establish the First Turkish History Congress (July 2--11, 1932) as an exemplary moment that can help us understand the relationship between nationalism and historiography. The thesis first examines the roots of nationalist historiography in the West and in Ottoman Empire, and then paraphrases the proceedings of the congress in detail. It arrives at the view that during the formation of a nation state in alignment with European standards, Turkish nationalists within the Ottoman Empire often found it necessary to review the methodology and the content of history books. The break with Ottoman historiography was a result of the uniform Western approach to the past, promoted by Western schools of thought. Thus, to become a nationalist meant to re-write history in Western fashion.Available sources on the First Turkish History Congress and the role of religion and language for the Turkish nationalist endeavors are referred throughout the thesis. In its conclusion, this study raises questions about the close relationship between nationalism and historiography, and the influence of nationalism on our view of history today.
22
Martyn, Elizabeth 1968. « Gender and nation in a new democracy : Indonesian women's organisations in the 1950s ». Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9112.
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23
Karrar, Hasan Haider. « National consciousness and the Communist Revolution in China, 1921-1928 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ43891.pdf.
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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. « The ideology of nation and race : the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
25
Kong, Yuk Chui. « Jewish merchants' community in Shanghai : a study of the Kadoorie Enterprise, 1890-1950 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/417.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the footsteps of British merchants, Jewish merchants began migrating to China's coastal ports starting from the 1840s. Small in their number, they exerted great influence on Shanghai's economic development. The community of Jews from Baghdad, for instance, wielded enormous clout in coastal China's economic and financial markets. To fill the gap of the economic and financial activities of the Jewish merchants' community in the existing literature, this dissertation considers Jewish economic activities in Shanghai using the Kadoorie enterprise as a case study. It examines the emergence, development and retreat of the Jewish merchants' community and argues that the Jewish merchants' community seized the opportunity of the changing political and economic environment in China to engage in the capital market in Shanghai and to enlarge their influence in the Chinese economy. Through the case study of the Kadoories, this dissertation focuses on the financial side of their operations and suggests that the Jewish merchants' community in Shanghai had established their identity and status in the Far East through expanding their economic influences. This dissertation starts by analyzing how the Kadoories knocked over the obstacles on the problem of nationality and started their business in Shanghai with the British legal tools. It further investigates their methods of raising capital and highlights their economic contributions. This dissertation examines the business strategies of the Jewish merchants, as a migration diaspora given the vagaries of the global economy and the changing political situation in coastal China. It then explores the interactions and power struggles between the Kadoories and their business partners to explain the business network of the Jewish merchants and account for the building up of the economic influence of the Jewish merchants' community in China. Furthermore, the case study examines how the Jewish merchants adapted their business strategies in response to political and economic changes. Examining the economic activities of these Jewish merchants provides insight into China's economic history. The case study of the Kadoories also reveals the fluctuations in Shanghai's economy and the characteristics of economic changes in contemporary China. Finally, this dissertation highlights the retreat of the Kadoories from Shanghai after 1945. At present, the Kadoories are still conducting business in China.
26
Vidović, Ferderbar Dragica. « In limine : writers, culture and modernity in interwar Japan ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27985.
Texte intégralRésumé :
‘Everybody who writes history has a bone to pick with the past’ said George
Wilson. Perhaps not so much with the past itself as with the images of the past created
by other historians. The images and concepts are created, moulded not only by the
practical needs and expectations of the time and place that produced them, but also
coloured by the theory fashionable at the time. They seem to be useful for a period of
time, but at a certain stage they become a hindrance rather than a help, as they tend to
limit rather than expand our knowledge of the past. One such concept is that of
nationalism.
Although it is far from clear what exactly constitutes nationalism, the immediate
association is that of some sort of selfish claim by a group which calls itself a nation or
aspires to become one. If it is for the self, it must necessarily be against somebody else,
so goes our reasoning. Anything that excludes has a particularly bad press right now and
this is reflected in the amount of scholarship on nationalism. This renewed interest in the
subject is due to the break-up of the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries
in the last decade or so, because of the scale and viciousness of nationalist struggles
between various ethnic groups. However, in Western studies of Japanese history the
subject of nationalism never went out of fashion, so to speak. While most of modern
Japan’s history is viewed, judged and understood, or misunderstood, through the prism of
nationalism, this is particularly true of the interwar period. Not only are the military
adventures on the continent seen as an example of nationalism, but most, if not all,
intellectual discourse of the period is labelled ‘cultural nationalism’.
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O'Mahony, Geraldine Maria. « Islam in Sudan : identity, citizenship and conflict ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99738.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis will examine the role of Islamist political parties and what effect their interpretation of national identity has played in dividing the people of Sudan, resulting in two civil wars. It will examine the manifestations and interpretations of Islam and pan-Arabism among the various Islamist parties of Northern Sudan, exploring the ethnic and religious factors which influence Islamist political groups, as well as their social bases which are tied to economics, language, and the conception of a distinctly "Arab" or "African" culture. This thesis will argue that the predominance of these Islamist political parties in the Sudanese government combined with the lack of a Sudanese identity and historical factors have combined to prevent the consolidation of state power, leading to situations of protracted conflict. The imposition, or attempted imposition, of an Islamic identity on the state as a whole prevents unity as it necessarily excludes certain parts of the population as well as disenfranchising those who, whilst they might be Muslim, do not subscribe to the same interpretation of Islamic identity.
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Wood, Michael John. « The historical past as a tool for nation-building in new order Indonesia / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84684.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz
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Hendrickson, Kendra Beth. « "Vitalité" : Race Science and Jews in France 1850-1914 ». PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1948.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Race science is built on ideas of division and categorization. In the historian's quest to tell the story of race science, certain frameworks have been used that can greatly inhibit our understanding of this fraught topic. The impulse to study race science in the framework of the nation-state has led to certain misconceptions and lends itself to a historical narrative wherein racist concepts stop at artificially imposed borders. In addition, the national framework detracts from the individual's contributions and instead lumps these contributions together on the level of the nation-state, thus opening the door for judgments about whole nations being more or less responsible for race science.
In this work, I explore contributions to race science pertaining to the "Jewish race" (which I have simplified to the phrase "Jewish race science") made by individual French writers and scholars. These contributions have been overlooked at times by historians who look to more notorious examples, such as those made by German race science theorists; in failing comprehensively to examine all significant contributions to race science, historians have often inhibited their own ability to understand Jewish race science fully. If such a historical field is to be understood, one must be aware of the full range of development of Jewish race science, both in terms of geographical scope and scholarly focus. By bringing attention to Jewish race science contributions made in nineteenth-century France, it is my intention to broaden the understanding of this field and to help bring about a new approach to the field that is less reliant on the nationalist framework in its evaluation of the nature and impact of race science.
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Kahfi, Erni Haryanti. « Haji Agus Salim : his role in nationalist movements in Indonesia during the early twentieth century ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ44090.pdf.
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Wong, Swee Fong Languages & Linguistics Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. « Memoir-writing and the post-colonial Southeast Asian subject and across three languages, two lands : a life narrative ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Languages & ; Linguistics, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40752.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation consists of a critical component, 'Memoir-Writing and the Post-Colonial Southeast Asian Subject' and a creative piece titled Across Three Languages, Two Lands: A Life Narrative. Critical Component: Stuart Hall's definition of the individual as a subject underpins the critical component of my dissertation. Hall, working with Foucault's concept of subjectivity, states that 'the subject is produced within discourse ... It must submit to its rules and conventions, to its dispositions of power/knowledge' (Hall, 1997a, p. 55). For the purpose of this dissertation, I focus on cultural and social influences that impact on the post-colonial subject of Southeast Asia during the time period covered in the life narrative. In terms of cultural discourse, I investigate the adoption of English over the individual's native language, and by inference culture, as one's first language. In the area of social discourse, I look into the influence of nationalism in the context of Malaysia and Singapore. My investigation is carried out through an analysis of Maxine Hong Kingston's Woman Warrior. The Return by K.S. Maniam and Among the White Moonfaces by Shirley Lim. Through the creative component, I strive to do two things: narrate a personal story and in it, portray aspects of social history. The critical essay provides explanations for a more cogent reading of the life story. In addition the essay brings another facet of understanding to the postcolonial experience, one from the Southeast Asian point of view. Creative Component: Across Three Languages, Two Lands: A Life Narrative is the life story of the protagonist, Leong Kah Yan. Yan was born into a traditional Cantonese/Chinese family and grew up in newly independent, post-colonial Malaysia, in the 1960s and 1970s. Being Chinese and educated in English resulted in her subsequent marginalisation when Malaysia switched to privileging the Malays in the country's version of nationalism. Her migration to Singapore in the late 1970s coincided with the country plunging into vigorous nation-building and brought questions of delineation between nation and self. In addition, there was also the personal struggle between the role of English and her native language and culture in her life. Coming to terms with all these factors brought resolution to a certain degree. With awareness that each factor had left an indelible mark on her identity, Van's reconciliation is a middle ground where the individual is comfortable amidst communal and nationalistic demands. Reference Hall, S. (1997a) The Work of Representation. IN HALL, S. (Ed.) Representation: Cultural Representations & Signifying Practices. London, Sage Publications.
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Hortlund, Cecilia. « Tillsammans med våra bröder på andra sidan Bottenviken : En studie av maskulinitet, nationalism och medborgarskap inom Vasa Skyddskår och Västerbottens Skytteförbund 1918-1944 ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-159477.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper deals with the subject of expressions of masculinity in relation to nationalism and citi-zenship, focusing on how these expressions played a role in the shaping of the masculine ideal in the Civil Guard in Vaasa and Västerbotten's Shooting Association during the period of 1918 to 1944. The focus of the study lies on how masculinity, nationalism, and citizenship were connected in the two movements and how they contributed to an idea of an ideal masculinity and a male role as defender and protector of the nation. To accomplish this George L. Mosses’ theory of the evolu-tion of a modern masculine stereotype has been applied, in connection with theoretical concepts of nationalism and citizenship. The material has been subjected to a qualitative analysis with a herme-neutic approach, to be able to interpret and understand it in relation to the above mentioned theoreti-cal concepts. A comparative method has also been applied to the material, to enable placing these two local groups in a larger context by comparing them to one another. This paper argues that these two groups were based on an ideal of the masculine protector and citizen of the nation. A strong sense of duty to the nation followed closely the idea of a male citizen, whose task of maintaining skills of shooting and bodily fitness played a role in creating the ideal man of the nation. The three concepts of masculinity, nationalism, and citizenship played a crucial role in this process and there-fore they were interrelated. This study shows that shooting was viewed as preparation for war in a politically unstable environment during the examined time period. In both movements, the fear of conflict and/or war was present in varying degrees and the general political situation in Europe gave rise to a strong sense of vigilance. Class conflict was present in both countries and affected the two groups as well, though the situation in Finland was more on edge and culminated in the Finnish Civil War of 1918. Shooting was a way of creating strong, able, and well-adjusted citizens. It was also important that young boys and men were introduced to shooting in particular and sports in gen-eral. The Swedes and the Finns in their respective groups arranged shooting competitions together and established a close contact with one another in some form of mutual exchange. Efforts were made in shaping the male body both on the inside and outside, especially in the Finnish group where bodily strength and appearance was of great importance.
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Rowlands, David T. (David Thomas). « Democracy, American nationalism and Woodrow Wilson's search for identity ». Thesis, Department of History, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5790.
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Seljak, David 1958. « The Catholic Church's reaction to the secularization of nationalism in Quebec, 1960-1980 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39996.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The political modernization of Quebec in the 1960s meant that the close identification of French Canadian identity with the Roman Catholic faith was replaced by a new secular nationalism. Using David Martin's A General Theory of Secularization, I examine the reaction of the Catholic Church to its own loss of power and to the rise of this new secular nationalism. Conservative Catholics first condemned the new nationalism; by 1969 some conservative accepted the new society and even supported its state interventionism. Most important Catholic groups, including the hierarchy, the most dynamic organizations, and largest publications came to accept the new society. Inspired by the religious reforms of the Second Vatican Council and new papal social teaching, they affirmed the right of Quebeckers to self-determination and social justice. The Church created a sustained ethical critique of nationalism as a means of redefining its public presence in Quebec society. The consensus around this ethical critique and redefinitions of the Church role is evident in the participation of Catholic groups in the 1980 referendum on sovereignty-association.
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Poirier, Christine. « La Shoah dans la littérature québécoise de langue française / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83139.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyzes the representation of the Shoah in French-language Quebec literature. It first presents the numerous difficulties involved in the fictional representation of this genocide, which relate primarily to writers' authority: lacking the legitimacy of "true" witnesses, writers who address the topic run the risk of betraying the memory of those who were persecuted. The thesis then demonstrates that, despite theoretical obstacles, many novels and poems from Quebec touch upon the Shoah and express a feeling of guilt towards the victims as early as the 1950's. The last chapter postulates that since the 1980's, fiction has acquired a greater legitimacy and narrative forms used to represent the Shoah have diversified, due to the gradual disappearance of direct witnesses as well as the interval of time separating writers from the tragedy.
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Safronovas, VASILIJUS. « The Competition of Identity Ideologies in a City of South-Eastern Baltic Sea Region : The Case-Study of Klaipėda in the 20th Century ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20120123_153541-35073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dissertation deals with theoretical problem: it seeks to resolve the issues of what determines the competition of identity ideologies, what its manifestations are and what variations of demonstration of belonging and separateness of the population in a particular city of the South-Eastern Baltic Sea region can be created by this competition. The city of Klaipėda and the 20th century are taken as spatial and temporal boundaries of the study, thereby realising that the processes of the competition of identity ideologies which took place in Klaipėda were more general and incidental to many cities of particular South-Eastern Baltic Sea region. This is regarded as the case analysis in a comparative context, which aims at producing generalizations, limited by one case empirical data, of phenomena generic to many cities of the South-Eastern Baltic Sea region, and thereby to contribute to generalization of competition of identity ideologies incidental to multiple cases on the basis of a single case. The objective of the doctoral dissertation is to disclose the influence of the competition of the main consolidating identity ideologies in the public communication space of the city of Klaipėda on the identity of inhabitants of this city in the 20th century and formulate the pattern of the competition of such identity ideologies in the city of the South-Eastern Baltic Sea region on the ground of empirical data. In attaining this objective, the dissertation: 1) analyses the semantics... [to full text]Disertacijoje sprendžiama teorinė problema: ja siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, nuo ko priklauso, kaip reiškiasi ir kokias gyventojų prisiskyrimo ir atskirumo demonstravimo variacijas konkrečiame Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono mieste gali sukurti tapatybės ideologijų konkurencija. Tyrimo erdvinė ir chronologinė apimtis yra apribota Klaipėdos miestu XX amžiuje, sykiu suvokiant, kad Klaipėdoje vykę tapatybių ideologijos konkurencijos procesai buvo bendresni, pasireiškę ir kituose Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono miestuose. Tai yra atvejo analizė lyginamajame kontekste, kuria siekiama pateikti vieno atvejo empirine medžiaga apribotus apibendrinimus apie reiškinius, būdingus daugeliui Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono miestų, ir šitaip vieno atvejo pagrindu prisidėti prie tapatybės ideologijos konkurencijos, būdingos daugybei atvejų, apibendrinimo. Disertacijos tikslas yra atskleisti pagrindinių konsoliduojančių tapatybės ideologijų konkurencijos Klaipėdos miesto viešojoje bendravimo erdvėje įtaką šio miesto gyventojų tapatybei XX amžiuje ir empirinės medžiagos pagrindu suformuluoti tokių tapatybės ideologijų konkurencijos Pietryčių Baltijos jūros regiono mieste modelį. Joje nagrinėjamas Klaipėdoje aktualizuotas nacionalistinių tapatybės ideologijų reikšminis turinys ir šių ideologijų simbolinio ir ritualinio palaikymo viešojo bendravimo erdvėje būdai 1918–1939 m., 1945–1988 m. ir po 1988 m.; yra nustatomi tapatybės ideologijų, kurios buvo palaikomos Klaipėdoje, konkurencijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
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Murphy, Oliver Michael. « Race, violence, and nation : African nationalism and popular politics in South Africa's Eastern Cape, 1948-1970 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711668.
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Anderson, Zoe Melantha Helen. « At the borders of belonging : representing cultural citizenship in Australia, 1973-1984 ». University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0176.
Texte intégralRésumé :
[Truncated abstract] This thesis offers a re-contextualisation of multiculturalism and immigration in Australia in the 1970s and 80s in relation to crucial and progressive shifts in gender and sexuality. It provides new ways of examining issues of belonging and cultural citizenship in this field of inquiry, within an Australian context. The thesis explores the role sexuality played in creating a framework through which anxieties about immigration and multiculturalism manifested. It considers how debates about gender and sexuality provided fuel to concerns about ethnic diversity and breaches of the 'cultural' borders of Australia. I have chosen three significant historical moments in which anxieties around events relating to immigration/multiculturalism were most heightened: these are the beginning of the 'official' policy of multiculturalism in Australia in 1973; the arrival of large numbers of Vietnamese refugees as a consequence of the Vietnam War in 1979; and 1984, a year in which the furore over the alleged 'Asianisation' of Australia reached a peak. In these years, multiple and recurring representations served to recreate norms as applicable to the white heterosexual family, not only as a commentary and prescriptive device for migrants, but as a means of reinforcing 'Australianness' itself. A focus on the body as a border/site of belonging and in turn, crucially, its relationship to the heterosexual nuclear family as a marker of 'cultural citizenship', lies at the heart of this exploration. Normative ideas of gender and sexuality, I demonstrate, were integral in informing the ambivalence about multiculturalism and ethnic diversity in Australia. Indeed, for each of these years I examine how the discourses of gender and sexuality, evident for example in parliamentary debates such as that relating to the Sex Discrimination Act 1984, were intricately tied to ongoing concerns regarding growing non-white ethnicity in Australia, and indeed, enabled it. ... In pursuing this contribution, the work draws critically upon recent innovative interdisciplinary scholarship in the field of sexuality and immigration, and draws upon a broad range of sources to inform a comprehensive and complex examination of these issues. Sources employed include the major newspapers and periodicals of the time, Parliamentary debates from the Commonwealth House of Representatives, Parliamentary Committee findings and publications, speeches and polemics, and relevant legislation. This inquiry is an interrogation of a key methodological question: can sexuality, in its workings through ethnicity and 'race', be used as a primary tool of analysis in discussing how whiteness and 'Australianness' reconfigured itself through normative heteropatriarchy in an era that claimed to champion and celebrate difference? How and why did ambiguities concerning 'Australianness' prevail, concurrent with progressive and generally politically benign periods of Australian multiculturalism? The thesis argues that sexuality through the construction of the 'good white hetero-patriarchal family' both informed, and enabled, the endurance of anxieties around non-white ethnicity in Australia.
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Tollardo, Elisabetta. « Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
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Bozzini, Arnaud. « Engagement politique et reconstruction identitaire : les Juifs communistes à Bruxelles au lendemain de la Seconde guerre mondiale, 1944-1963 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209730.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Alors que le silence s’était fait grand au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le judéocide a été depuis trois décennies investi par la recherche historique. Le constat est toutefois bien différent pour la période de la reconstruction des collectivités juives après 1945 qui demeure en grande partie absente de l’historiographie contemporaine. Or, le séisme que constitue le judéocide incite à analyser les divers processus qui se mettent en place et qui visent à terme à la reconstruction de la collectivité juive de Belgique. Cette thèse doctorale cherche donc à éclairer ce processus de retour à la normale. L’objectif est plus spécifiquement d’interroger la période de la reconstruction sous l'angle de l'engagement politique. C’est une histoire socio-politique et une histoire culturelle du politique de la reconstruction de la collectivité juive à Bruxelles que cette analyse propose. L'approche ainsi adoptée identifie tant les enjeux majeurs auxquels la collectivité juive fait face après la Libération que les réponses spécifiques qu'apporte l'activisme politique durant une décennie-charnière dans l'histoire des Juifs de Belgique. Dans cette réflexion sur l'investissement politique comme moteur de reconstruction, l’analyse se porte plus spécifiquement sur la participation à ce processus du milieu juif progressiste et communiste bruxellois. En appréhendant la présence et l’action spécifique des Juifs communiste dans la reconstruction à Bruxelles, cette recherche met en lumière la manière dont l'engagement politique dans ses applications concrètes peut être un facteur de revalorisation et de reconstruction de soi et de sa collectivité. A cette fin, cette étude s’articule principalement autour des archives du mouvement des Juifs communistes bruxellois, Solidarité Juive (documents administratifs et presse yiddish), de celles ses animateurs ainsi que des archives d'un certains nombres d'instances du PCB. Ces sources ainsi revisitées situent cette recherche au confluent de quatre pôles historiographiques que cette étude aliment :l’histoire des Juifs en Belgique et le judéocide, le parcours des militants juifs communistes en Belgique, l’histoire du communisme en Belgique et enfin celui des processus mémoriels.Après une introduction et un aperçu chronologique, cette thèse s’articule autour de six chapitres. Le premier, intitulé "Une collectivité en reconstruction", esquisse une typologie socio-politique qui cerne les débats qui animent la "rue juive" au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre. Ce chapitre offre donc un tableau circonstancié des lignes de force du processus de réinsertion qui constituent le fil rouge de notre propos. Les chapitres suivants étudient plus en détail l'engagement social, mémoriel, culturel et politique des Juifs communistes à Bruxelles et leur impact effectif sur le processus de reconstruction. Le deuxième chapitre, "L'ancrage social de la mouvance judéo-communiste", illustre et analyse l'action sociale et l’implication des militants juifs communistes au sein du maillage institutionnel juif bruxellois. L'intérêt pour le devenir de la jeunesse juive est central dans ce processus. "Entre nécessité et enjeu politique :l’avenir de l’enfance juive", le chapitre 3 s'intéresse autant à la politique menée et ses applications concrètes qu'à la pédagogie qui sous-tend de manière éclairante cette démarche. L’'inscription de ces militants dans la reconstruction à travers son implication dans la promotion d'une culture yiddish populaire et sécularisée d'une part et la valorisation de la mémoire de la Résistance juive et du combat antifasciste d'autre part, deux objets (et agents) implicites mais fondamentaux de la reconstruction constituent les chapitres 4 et 5. A travers ces deux volets, cette recherche met également en lumière le processus de constitution d'une image de soi à revaloriser après les années de persécution. Le chapitre 6, "L'idéologie à l'épreuve de la reconstruction", analyse l'évolution des rapports et des tensions entre les militants juifs et le PCB. Ce portrait collectif du militantisme juif communiste à Bruxelles après 1945 met en évidence la nature même de cet engagement. Ce chapitre s'attache à décrire l'impact de cette relation et de sa détérioration sur le processus de reconstruction. Le propos illustre la tentative des militants juifs de réaliser la synthèse entre une allégeance indéfectible à une utopie politique et aux structures qui l’incarnent, et un attachement revendiqué à une identité spécifique.
Enfin, avant de conclure, cette recherche s’intéresse à l'investissement de ce militantisme juif et communiste dans une phase avancée du processus de reconstruction et de redéploiement de la collectivité juive bruxelloise autour des centres communautaires. A travers la redéfinition du paysage juif à la fin des années 1950, l'épilogue propose une réflexion sur la nature de l'identité juive et communiste d'après-guerre. Ce groupe élabore une réponse évolutive qui tente la conciliation entre des aspirations diverses. Cette dynamique centrale de la réintégration sociétale met en exergue l’impact d’un engagement politique radical, égalitaire, universaliste. Agissant comme un révélateur des tensions socio-politiques de la Belgique d'après-guerre, cet engagement politique – ce qui est propre à tout groupe minoritaire – s'avère un vecteur de reconstruction mais également d'émancipation. Il crée les conditions d'une certaine audace et offre un marchepied idéal au processus d'intégration. Créant les conditions de l'émancipation, il engendre l'explosion des possibles. Le paradoxe est néanmoins que, ce faisant, le PCB favorise la dissonance entre un cadre politique rigidement inadapté aux utopies et aux rêves qu'il avait pu susciter, et le processus d'émancipation qu’il alimente et qui libère, enfin, les "enfants du ghetto".
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Börjegren, Per. « Vilka var vi som grävde guld i USA ? : Om banal nationalism under fotbolls-VM 1994 ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-45420.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Uppsatsens syfte har varit att studera uttryck för banal nationalism i svenska dagstidningar under världsmästerskapen i fotboll för herrar i USA 1994. Dels för att vidga begreppet nationalism, dels bidra med exempel på hur den kan synliggöras i vardagliga sammanhang och därigenom riskerar reproducera nationella föreställningar. Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk har varit Michael Billigs diskursteori banal nationalism med understöd av Marianne Winther Jørgensens och Louise Phillips begreppsmetaforer för nationella diskurser. För att kunna genomföra en fördjupad analys har uppsatsen haft kompletterande forskningsfrågor om hur Sveriges spelare och tränare samt hur Sveriges motståndarspelare och motståndartränare framställs i materialet. Empirin har bestått utav 157 publiceringar inklusive tidningarnas omslag fördelat över 26 utgåvor av Aftonbladet (9), Expressen (9) samt Dagens Nyheter (8). Analysen visar att banal nationalism i hög utsträckning, på ett till synes omedvetet sätt, varit del i utgåvornas publiceringar kring världsmästerskapen. De uttryck för banal nationalism som förekommer kan ses som försök till att skapa engagemang och intresse hos läsare, men dessa språkliga val bidrar likväl till att producera och reproducera en närmast självklar nationell gemenskap. Därtill är skildringar av Sveriges spelare och tränare likartad mellan tidningar och utgåvor, samt står i kontrast till skildringar av motståndare. De förstnämnda ges egenskaper såsom ödmjuka och lojala, kloka och beslutsamma. Motståndare porträtteras inte sällan som irrationella och oberäkneliga. Styrdokument och historiedidaktisk forskning föreskriver att en elevcentrerad undervisning bör bedrivas, vilket ställer krav på historielärare att vara förtrogen med begrepp som nationalism. Uppsatsen visar att nationella föreställningar på ett oreflekterat sätt kan produceras och reproduceras i till synes vardagliga sammanhang. Resultatet kan således anses bidra med ett angeläget perspektiv för blivande historielärare att reflektera över.The purpose of this essay has been to study expressions of banal nationalism in Swedish media during the World Cup in the United States 1994. It is meant to expand the knowledge of nationalism in day-to-day life, and how nationalistic ideas might be reproduced and reinforced. The theoretic framework of this essay relies on Michael Billigs discourse theory of banal nationalism, supplemented by Marianne Winther Jørgensens and Louise Phillips theories on metaphors in relation to national discourse. The investigated material consists of 157 different kinds of publications including first pages spread over 26 issues of Aftonbladet (9), Expressen (9) and Dagens Nyheter (8). The analysis shows that banal nationalism is prominent in the issue’s printed materials during the World Cup. The portrayals of Swedish’s players and coach are similar between newspapers and issues and stand in stark contrast to portrayals of the opponents. First mentioned are characterized as humble, loyal, wise and determined. Opponents are often characterized as unpredictable and inconstant. These expressions can be seen as attempts to create engagement and involvement, but nevertheless they´re also a part of producing and reproducing an almost self-explanatory national community. Ruling school documents and history didactic research shows that student-centered learning is preferrable, which demands a history teacher who is confidant with terms like nationalism. This essay shows that national conceptions can be produced and reproduced in ordinary life situations, in a seemingly unreflected way. The results can therefore be considered a meaningful perspective for soon-to-be history teachers to reflect upon.
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Harty, Siobhán. « Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.
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Molkou, Elizabeth. « Contributions d'ecrivains juifs a la problematique de l'autofiction ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37784.
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The present literary production in France indicates the return of the subject, which has been proclaimed dead since the New Novel. With the proliferation of autobiographical texts in the nineteen-eighties, a generalized movement towards an aesthetic genre valuing this particularity was noticed. This proliferation renders the scope of this literary form immense. It covers a range from strictly historical texts, including autobiographies, memoirs and intimate journals to semi-referential texts, qualified as autobiographical fictions, "autofictions" or again "factual fictions". Midway between the autobiography and the novel, autofiction, this little studied literary practice, inaugurates a new writing form which we believe constitutes one of the boldest modern incarnations of the writing of the self. This thesis considers the possibility of a correlation existing in the problematics of autofiction and those of Jewishness in writing. Already off-centered, the Jewish writer, can be seen as the emblematic figure of the writer himself. Drawing on a corpus of four writers (Serge Doubrovsky, Marcel Benabou, Regine Robin and Patrick Modiano), we examine the structure, as well as its functionning rules, woven through texts sharing Jewish authorship. These writers pose, each from his own specific perspective, the problem of Jewishness in writing. This correlation brings to light the exemplary nature of these texts with regards to the more generalized and thus far unprecedented strategy that is autofiction. The intersection of these historically marked problems, autofiction and Jewishness in writing, leads us inevitably to further reflection upon the tragedy of modernity, the Shoah and its omnipresent shadow in the works of our corpus.
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Mcavoy, Meghan. « Critical nationalism : Scottish literary culture since 1989 ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/23242.
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This thesis is a critical study of Scottish literary culture since 1989. It examines and interrogates critical work in Scottish literary studies through a ‘critical nationalist’ approach. This approach aims to provide a refinement of cultural nationalist literary criticism by prioritising the oppositional politics of recent Scottish writing, its criticism of institutional and state processes, and its refusal to exempt Scotland from this critique. In the introduction I identify two fundamental tropes in recent Scottish literary criticism: opposition to a cultural nationalist critical narrative which is overly concerned with ‘Scottishness’ and critical centralising of marginalised identity in the establishment of a national canon. Chapter one interrogates a tendency in Scottish literary studies which reads Scottish literature in terms of parliamentary devolution, and demonstrates how a critical nationalist approach avoids the pitfalls of this reading. Chapter two is a study of two novels by the critically neglected and politically Unionist author Andrew O’Hagan, arguing that these novels criticise an insular and regressive Scotland in order to reveal an ambivalent, ‘Janus-faced’ nationalism. Chapter three examines representations of Scottish traditional and folk music in texts by A. L. Kennedy and Alan Bissett, engaging with the Scottish folk tradition since the 1950s revival in order to demonstrate literature and music’s ambivalent responses to aspects of literary and cultural nationalism. Chapter four examines texts by Janice Galloway, Alasdair Gray and James Kelman, analysing the relationships they construct between gender, nation and class. Chapter five examines three contemporary Scottish texts and elucidates an ethical turn in Scottish literary studies, which reads contemporary writing in terms of appropriation and exploitation.
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Syaroni, Mizan. « The Majlisul Islamil Ala Indonesia (MIAI) : its socio-religious and political activities (1937-1943) ». Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21270.
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This thesis investigates the activities of the Majlisul Islamil A`la Indonesia (MIAI), an Islamic federative organization of pre-independent Indonesia, elaborating in particular on the federation's socio-religious and political stance. Operating for only six years (1937--1943), the MIAI represented Muslim groups, as a counterpart to the "secularists," within the nationalist movement during both the final years of Dutch rule and the early stages of the Japanese occupation. The MIAI was established for the specific purpose of unifying the Islamic organizations---political and non-political, traditionalist and modernist alike---while at the same time reviving Muslim political and socio-religious strength after the decline of the Sarekat Islam, which had for almost fifteen years dominated the nationalist scene.The mission of the MIAI was seen by Muslims as a response to the threat posed by external forces. It reacted in particular against Dutch policies considered discriminatory by Muslims concerning matters involving Islamic belief and practice, such as marriage and education. The federation also took a strong stand regarding Christian polemic aimed at Islam and took part in Indonesian Muslim response. That the establishment of the MIAI was favored by most Islamic organizations attested to the strong sentiment among Indonesian Muslims for a common front, regardless of their differences on socio-religious and political issues. Together with the GAPI (Gabungan Partai Politik Indonesia or the Federation of Indonesian Political Parties) and the PVPN (Persatuan Vakbonden Pegawai Negeri, or the Association of Government Employees), the MIAI took part in demanding political reform on behalf of Muslim groups. Indeed, notwithstanding its short life span, the MIAI was a pioneer for national unity in general and Indonesian Muslim unity in particular.
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Pienaar, Ashwin Mark. « Israel and Palestine : some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030.
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This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
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Scott, Phoebe. « Forming and reforming the artist : modernity, agency and the discourse of art in North Vietnam, 1925-1954 ». Thesis, Department of Art History and Theory, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/12348.
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Teeple, Samuel. « The New Reform Temple of Berlin : Christian Music and Jewish Identity During the Haskalah ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1525882116113423.
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Finn, Sarah. « 'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945 ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Kenrick, David William. « Pioneers and progress : white Rhodesian nation-building, c.1964-1979 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e3ff0d-dfca-4e19-8adc-788c3e7faf9f.
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The thesis explores the white Rhodesian nationalist project led by the Rhodesian Front (RF) government in the UDI-period of 1965 to 1979. It seeks to examine the character and content of RF nation-building, arguing that it is important to consider the context of wider global and regional trends of nationalism at the time. Thus, it places the white Rhodesia within wider 'British World' studies of settler societies within the British Empire, but also compares it to other African nationalist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. It studies white Rhodesian nationalism on its own terms as a sincere, albeit unrealistic, alternative to majority-rule independence, and considers how the RF adapted over the period in its continuing attempts to justify minority-rule in an era of global decolonisation. Two thematic sections examine the RF's nation-building project in systematic detail. The first section, on symbolism, considers Rhodesia's processes of 'symbolic decolonisation'. This involved white Rhodesians creating new national symbols not associated with Britain or the British Empire. Processes by which new national symbols were chosen are used as a lens to explore white Rhodesian debates about their 'new' nation after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was taken in 1965. They reveal the ambiguities and complexities at the heart of the RF's nation-building project; a project that was frequently exclusionary and hotly contested at every opportunity. The second section explores how history was used to help create and defend the nation, adding to studies of the use of history in nationalist projects. It considers a range of non-professional sites of history-making, demonstrating the complicated relationships between these different sites and the state's wider nationalist agenda. It also explores how history was invoked to justify and defend minority-rule independence both before and after UDI.