Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Japan – Foreign economic relations – European Union countries »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Japan – Foreign economic relations – European Union countries"
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Drzymała, Agnieszka. « Economic Cooperation Between The European Union And Japan ». Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 20, no 2 (30 juin 2017) : 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2017-0016.
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The aim of the paper is to show the history of economic relations between the European Union and Japan. This economy is very important to the EU and the countries of the EU are interested in further deepening areas of cooperation. Therefore it seems important to indicate the political will to continue mutual economic relations through the signing of contracts and bilateral agreements, as well as meetings at various levels, including SPA and EPA negotiations and summits. The course of the current economic cooperation will be shown through trade volume and foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to Japan.
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Bjelic, Predrag. « Model spoljnotrgovinske politike Evropske unije ». Ekonomski anali 44, no 156 (2003) : 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0356131b.
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When the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the European Union was formed in 1958, it was agreed that the new integration would be a tariff union with common tariffs toward third countries, but also that it would have a common foreign trade policy. As the Union's executive body, the European Commission is responsible for proposing and implementing foreign trade policies. However, the main subject in creating foreign trade policies still remains the Council of Ministers as the EU's main decision-making and legislative body. The Commission negotiates trade agreements with outside countries on behalf of the Union. However, on foreign trade issues the Commission must report to a committee (the "133 Committee"), which assists the Commission in the course of the negotiations and before becoming valid all agreements must be ratified by the Council of Ministers. The Commission ensures that the European Parliament is kept quickly and fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements, in such a way as to enable the Commission to take account of the European Parliament's view, but its role is purely consultative. The EU is trying to establish closer partnership relations with the USA through establishing transatlantic marketplace. However, as the EU is becoming a respectable economic power, an increasing number of trade disputes arise between the EU and the USA. The EU is trying to establish a closer relationship with the European countries since they are candidate countries for EU membership. However, some of them are closer to the membership than others. Therefore the agreements that the EU conclude with certain groups of countries differ among themselves. The EU has special relations with the countries in Africa the Caribbean and the Pacific, former European colonies, that have been granted a preferential treatment allowing preferential trade with the EU. Close relations have been established with countries and regional groups in Latin America as well. The EU has become a significant factor in international economic organizations. However, in order to become an economic power as respectable as the USA and Japan and to give strategic support to its companies in global competition, the EU must integrate politically as well.
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Podoba, Z., et V. Gorshkov. « “Path-Dependency” Effect in Japan-U.S. Trade ». World Economy and International Relations 65, no 11 (2021) : 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-31-39.
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The paper addresses current issues in Japan-U.S. foreign trade following the signing of the Japan-U.S. Trade Agreement and the Japan-U.S. Agreement on Digital Trade in October 2019. By providing an overview of Japan-U.S. trade relations, analyzing current trends in bilateral foreign trade and outlining basic terms of new bilateral agreements, the authors conclude that “path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. contemporary foreign trade persists and trade relations between the two countries are to a greater extent influenced by the U.S. trade policy which aims to assure a broader access of American companies to Japanese markets – the situation that was typical for bilateral trade relations since the 1980s. “Path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. trade relations, conventionally categorized by the existence of numerous trade contradictions, is pronounced in the unchanged goals, strategy and tactics of foreign trade negotiations. The United States maintains its “attacking” role and dominates in the bilateral trade negotiations, while Japan, despite its enhancing influence in the multilateral trading system and regional trade agreements, is forced to “self-defend” and make concessions to a more dominant partner in order to maintain its automobile exports to the United States at the expense of its national interests in other industries, particularly in the agricultural sector. Thus, new trade agreements are unlikely to cause significant structural changes in Japan-U.S. bilateral trade in the shortterm as the problem of persistent trade deficits remains. In order to break the vicious circle of “path-dependency” Japan is to actively cooperate with the economies of the European Union which have large amounts of trade deficits with the U.S., can serve as a mediator in the U.S. – China trade conflicts, as well with other Asian countries via mega-FTAs which possess potential risks to the United States. Further development of foreign trade cooperation will depend on the initiatives of new governments in both countries.
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Khandekar, Gauri. « The Changing Landscape of EU-Asia Relations ». Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no 1 (1 octobre 2012) : 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.31.
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European Union-Asia relations have been progressively developing over the years. The European Union (EU) today is the leading trade partner of many Asian nations and the spectrum of issues falling under the EU’s bilateral relations with countries in Asia spans far and wide. The EU has been a development partner in Asia for decades and is one of Asia’s largest sources of foreign direct investment (FDI), aid and humanitarian assistance. The EU and Asia interact closely on regional and multilateral issues and within multilateral forums. The EU has even constructed developed deeper relationships with some key Asian countries through strategic partnerships: with China, India, Japan, South Korea and Russia. But potential of overall EU-Asia relations remains far from optimum. The EU has been rather late in recognising the rise of Asia and in gearing itself towards this important development. It has ambitions to play a greater political role in complement to its status as a global trading giant, but efforts fall short. In particular, the EU lacks visibility in Asia commensurate to its actual weight. The ongoing financial and economic crisis has further weakened the EU as an actor in Asia. The changing landscape of EU-Asia relations now depends on two important considerations – a dynamically ascendant and economically integrated Asia, and the US’ renewed focus to Asia. This paper examines the EU’s relations with Asia focussing on the Asian partners of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).
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Goswami, Gour Gobinda, et Farzana Alamgir. « Does Economic Growth Spillover More from the Eastern than the Western Countries ? Evidence from Bangladesh’s Four Decades of Growth Experience ». South Asian Survey 25, no 1-2 (mars 2018) : 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523119835620.
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Bangladesh is an important member of the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea (BoBAS) rim countries. The partners of growth in this region include traditional partners like eth USA, the UK and some newly emerging partners such as the European Union (EU), Germany, India and China. This article examines the pattern of growth dependence of Bangladesh vis-à-vis its 11 major trade, remittance, foreign aid and FDI partner countries by using vector autoregressive process (VAR) and annual data ranging from 1972 till 2015. Out of 11 partners selected in this study only three of them named the USA, India and Japan have significant growth spillover effect on the economy of Bangladesh. Most of the newly added countries in the list of partnership with Bangladesh are yet to offer any significant growth spillover effect. Only four and a half decade of exploration in economic interaction is not enough to yield sustained relationship be it trade, aid, remittance, foreign aid or FDI. A robustness check by using high frequency monthly data keeps the result intact. In all the three tests, we find that only Japan has two-way growth relationship with Bangladesh, which is trade and concessional loan-driven channel. Variance decomposition analysis identifies the USA, India (a member of BoBAS) and Japan as the prime driver of our growth counting around 32 per cent of the contribution whereas remaining 68 per cent originates from Bangladesh’s own soil.
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Gordon, Joy. « Introduction ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 33, no 3 (2019) : 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.
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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
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ALEKSANYAN, Larisa. « FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SOUTH CAUCASIAN COUNTRIES : RESULTS AND NEW CHALLENGES ». CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no 4 (17 décembre 2021) : 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.06.
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The newly independent states (South Caucasian countries being no exception), the products of the Soviet Union’s traumatic disintegration, needed independent foreign policies. Throughout the three decades of their independence they formulated their priorities and defined approaches and principles under strong pressure of certain factors. This process has been unfolding amid the complicated social and political processes and geopolitical transformations in the region shaken by the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. As could be expected, the newly independent South Caucasian states opted for different routes in their economic and statehood development, while their ruling elites took into account the external and internal contexts when shaping their foreign policies. Different approaches and different foreign policy priorities opened the doors to non-regional geopolitical actors: the United States, the European Union, Iran and Turkey have joined Russia, whose presence is rooted in its past. Recently, China, Israel and Japan have become interested in the region. Thus, today the regional countries are orientated to the interests of non-regional states. This has not benefited the situation in the region or cooperation among the regional states. Foreign policy of the South Caucasian countries is inseparable from the regional security problems, which means that it should become an object of meticulous studies. In the latter half of 2020, the war in Nagorno-Karabakh changed the region’s geopolitical setting and shattered its stability. The article sums up the results of the policies pursued by the South Caucasian countries and identifies the challenges and possible developments in the region after the Karabakh war of 2020.
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Chuprii, Leonid. « China's Geopolitical Role in the Modern Globalized World ». Ukrainian Studies, no 2(83) (24 juillet 2022) : 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.2(83).2022.261062.
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The article examines the strengthening of China’s foreign policy activity in the conditions of the activation of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic, and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased by 5 times, and the growth of imports - by 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, the founders of which, believe that China has a negative impact on the Asian security system because of its increased economic growth and its desire to play a dominant role in the region, while not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that, as before, serious attention is paid to relations with the great states. Thus, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union, and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India, and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Countries of the Caribbean. Particular attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back several issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.
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Chupriy, Leonid. « STRENGTHENING CHINA'S GEOPOLITICAL POTENTIAL IN THE CONDITIONS OF CURRENT CHALLENGES ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no 6 (2022) : 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/6-10/13.
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The article highlights the peculiarities of the development of China's geopolitical potential in the face of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased 5 times, and the growth of imports – 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and in some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that serious attention is still paid to relations with the great powers. Yes, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Caribbean. Much attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back a number of issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.
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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. « Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 10, no 4 (28 novembre 2017) : 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.
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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.
Thèses sur le sujet "Japan – Foreign economic relations – European Union countries"
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Peng, Dan Ni. « The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
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Yang, Zi Wei. « Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.
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Bai, Xue. « Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
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Zhong, Xiao Fei. « China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.
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Etienne, Anne. « Towards European Integration : Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles ? » Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
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Wang, Jia. « Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. « In or Out : Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
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Tan, Bo. « Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
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Mavura, Mike Tigere. « The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest ? » Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.
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This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
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Tian, Han Bo. « The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Japan – Foreign economic relations – European Union countries"
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Japan and the European union : Domestic politics and transnational relations. New Brunswick, NJ : Athlone Press, 1999.
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Gilson, Julie. Japan and the European Union : A partnership for the twenty-first century ? New York : St. Martin's Press, 2000.
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Yoo, Tae Hwan. A brief appraisal of India's economic and political relations with China, Japan, ASEAN, the EU and the U.S. Seoul, Korea : Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, 2005.
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1950-, Mason T. David, et Turay Abdul M, dir. Japan, NAFTA, and Europe : Trilateral cooperation or confrontation ? New York, N.Y : St. Martin's Press, 1994.
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Zoellick, Robert B. 21st century strategies of the trilateral countries : in concert or conflict ? : A report to the Trilateral Commission. New York : Trilateral Commission, 1999.
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1955-, Lister Marjorie, et Europe and the Developing Countries Conference (1996 : London, England), dir. European Union development policy. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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The European Union and Asian countries. London : Sheffield Academic Press, 2002.
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1934-, Wood David Michael, dir. Emerging European union. 5e éd. Upper Saddle River, N.J : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2010.
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Nathalie, Tocci, dir. Turkey and the European Union. London : Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.
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Robert, Taylor. China, Japan, and the European Community. London : Athlone Press, 1990.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Japan – Foreign economic relations – European Union countries"
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Martenczuk, Bernd. « Cooperation with Developing and Other Third Countries : Elements of a Community Foreign Policy ». Dans External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 385–417. Vienna : Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_12.
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Smith, Michael E. « 8. Implementation ». Dans International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.
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Erlbacher, Friedrich. « Article 215 TFEU ». Dans The EU Treaties and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759393.003.344.
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Article 301 EC Where a decision, adopted in accordance with Chapter 2 of Title V of the Treaty on European Union, provides for the interruption or reduction, in part or completely, of economic and financial relations with one or more third countries, the Council, acting by a qualified majority on a joint proposal from the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Commission, shall adopt the necessary measures. It shall inform the European Parliament thereof.
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Stanzel, Volker. « A Quarter Century of German Relations with the Indo-Pacific ». Dans The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 639–56. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.36.
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Abstract For a continental European power traditionally not much involved in Asian affairs, the rise of Germany to the most successful European economic actor in Asia is remarkable. So far, this has been exceedingly profitable for all sides. That includes non-German European companies teaming up with German ones in their Asian endeavours. Economic relations are most advanced with China. Yet, it is also China which today casts a dark shadow over the future of that landscape. The reason is China’s ambition to translate its newly evolving status as a global great power into that of a hegemon able to reset the liberal international order to one that benefits China at the expense of its partners. That attitude has already had a negative economic, political, and societal impact on Germany’s relations with other European countries. It is likely that this will also be increasingly the case in the future. As a way out, Germany hopes to put its policy in the region on a new foundation. Berlin has begun to focus more on other partners in Asia with whom it already enjoys close relations, such as Japan, India, and Korea. In 2020 Germany promulgated a new framework named ‘Policy Guidelines for the Indo-Pacific’. The European Union (EU) is developing a similar new strategic concept for Asia.
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Patey, Luke. « What Is Best for Europe ? » Dans How China Loses, 158–95. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061081.003.0007.
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Across European and Western liberal market democracies, China’s rise exposes friction between economic interests and political values and challenge common foreign and security policy in the European Union. From positions of economic weakness, Greece, Hungary, and Portugal have blocked or watered down common security, human rights, and economic positions in the regional body. Beijing’s formation of a formal group with Central and Eastern European countries, the so-called 17+1, is similarly seen in Brussels as a “divide and rule” tactic. Yet while European governments receive ample criticism for neglecting their political values in order to advance economic relations with China, the economic importance of China to the EU is rarely scrutinized. For large member states like Germany and France, and smaller ones such as Denmark and Norway, trade and investment with China does not produce a relationship of economic dependency for the EU as commonly perceived, particularly as China’s state capitalist system produces new competition for European companies. Beijing’s infringements on European democratic values and competitive economic pressures are changing the public discourse on China, but without a collective response, economic relations with China will only become more asymmetric than they are today.
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Klymchuk, Iryna. « FEATURES OF THE SCANDINAVIAN MODEL OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN ». Dans Development of scientific, technological and innovation space in Ukraine and EU countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-151-0-28.
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The article is devoted to the studying of the functioning of features of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The author covered the evolution of Swedish public diplomacy as a bright example of «niche» public diplomacy. It has been proved that the initial goal of county’s public diplomacy was to get rid of the negative consequences of the neutrality policy during World War II, and during the 1950s and 1980s – to make the Sweden more visible in the international arena by promoting its national features and interests. The institutional and legal principles and tools for the implementation of public diplomacy are also revealed. In particular, it has been established that the main country’s public diplomacy institutions are: the Swedish Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Arts Council, Natioanal Heritage Fund, Team Sweden, Nordic Council of Ministers. Today, Sweden successfully implements its public diplomacy through cooperation with Eastern European countries, among which special attention is paid to the development of relations with European Union, as well as countries in South Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Asia. The priority areas of country’s public diplomacy are environmental protection, gender equality, education, combating sexual violence and others. Also, a set of theoretical and empirical methods have been used during the study of the topic. Thanks to the use of the historical method, it was possible to investigate the origins, causes and preconditions of the public diplomacy’s institution development. Due to the systematic method, public diplomacy was considered as a set of appropriate tools and mechanisms responsible for improving the image, visibility and attractiveness of the Scandinavian state in the eyes of the world community. With the help of swat analyze it was possible to summarize the advantages and disadvantages, as well as challenges and potential threats of the Swedish public diplomacy. The study object is the public diplomacy as an element of Swedish foreign policy. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the functioning of public diplomacy in the Kingdom of Sweden. The aim of the study is to analyze the features and prospects of the public diplomacy model of the Kingdom of Sweden. During the research it has been founded that the strengths of Swedish public diplomacy are: convenient geographical location, membership in international organizations (UN, Nordic Council, EU), democratic style in decision making, international corporations that promote products and services associated with Swedish quality and standards (IKEA, Flippa K, H&M, Spotify, Ericsson, COS); great cultural heritage (music, cinema, literature, design, fashion, cuisine); active academic mobility and cooperation, intensive implementation of Internet technologies Web 2.0; attractive tourist infrastructure. Instead, one of the shortcomings are: the weak migration policy, which has led to the large influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, that affects the economic and social climate in the country and further more the blurring of national identity; lack of clear long-term strategy for the development of foreign affairs.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Japan – Foreign economic relations – European Union countries"
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Ganiev, Junus, et Damira Baigonushova. « Prospects for Exchange Rate Cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02266.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign exchange risk is one of the main factors affecting foreign trade and foreign investment activities. The exchange rate instability in the Eurasian Economic Union members and in Turkey, which is one of the Union’s major economic partners, constitutes one of the major economic problems. This situation inevitably affects the foreign economic relations of the countries. Therefore, the leaders of most countries such Turkey and Russia are encouraging to use national currencies in economic relations to reduce the dependence on the dollar, to provide stability in the foreign exchange market and to reduce the risk of exchange rate. One of the basic conditions for the success of these initiatives is the stability of exchange rates between national currencies. This study examines the fluctuations of exchange rates among national currencies of EAEU members and Turkey. The ERM implementation of the European Union and its applicability will be discussed as a solution.
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Nagy, Péter Artúr. « Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4 ». Dans The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged : Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad et Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. « MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY” ». Dans Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Akbulut, Gizem. « The Role of Extensive and Intensive Margins in Export Growth of Turkey to Central and Eastern European Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01643.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the recent years, Central and Eastern Europe Countries-10 (CEEC-10) countries are implementing policies for developing in international trade relations and these countries are relatively small and open economies. On the other hand, they increase both provide a dynamic increase in exports and export market share, to facilitate the European Union (EU) and their activities to integrate into world trade.
The purpose of this study, with CEEC-10 of Turkey’s sectoral export growth rates decomposes into extensive and intensive margins. Also intensive margin decomposes into price and quantity components. By building on the methodology pioneered by Feenstra (1994) and Hummels and Klenow (2005) and then “the decomposition of export growth rates” method developed by Bingzhan (2011). Intensive margin is the growth in products that were exported in both periods. Extensive margin is the growth in product variety or new trade partners. In the empirical part of the study were used the BACI international trade database from CEPII. The database provides the export values and quantities for Turkey to CEEC-10 at the Harmonized System’s (HS96) six-digit level over period 2006 to 2013.
Foreign trade activities of countries is an important channel both to gain of international qualification and to the realization of economic growths and/ or in terms of sustainability of the current growth rates. According to results of a study, with CEEC-10 Turkey’s export is mainly explained generally by the quantity growth rather than price growth. In other words, export growth carries with the low added value product.