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1
Finn, Sarah. « 'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945 ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
2
Middleton, Alexander James. « British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
Texte intégral
3
Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. « The French army and the plebiscite of 1870 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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4
Jauch, Linda. « Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
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5
Thompson, Stephen John. « Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
6
Shoemaker, Fred C. « Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party ». Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.
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7
Jones, Scott Lee. « Servants of the Republic : patrician lawyers in Quattrocento Venice ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42517.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Lawyers have widely been recognized as playing a role in the transition from the medieval to the modem state. Their presence in Renaissance Venetian politics, however, remains largely unexplored. Relying primarily on a prosopographical analysis, the thesis explores the various roles played by lawyers, dividing those roles into three main categories: diplomats, territorial governors, and domestic legislators. What emerges is a clear pattern of significant involvement by legally trained patricians in the Venetian political system. Noble lawyers were most often ambassadors, serving in many of the principal courts inside and outside of Italy as Venice was extending her influence on the Italian peninsula. They also served as administrators of Venetian rule throughout the Venetian terraferma (mainland) state. Lastly, their domestic political officeholding further confirms their continuing participation, as they held many of the most important domestic offices throughout the Quattrocento. The thesis ends with short biographies of each of the nearly three-dozen lawyers who make up this study, as well as chronologies of the offices they held. These chronologies include archival references for each office.
8
Smith, Bruce H., et n/a. « Without motion there cannot be any life : the rise & ; fall of the 1889 Railway Commissioners : railway management & ; colonial politics in nineteenth century New Zealand ». University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070619.154352.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government.
While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.
9
Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline. « Badagry 1784-1863 : the political and commercial history of a pre-colonial lagoonside community in south west Nigeria ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2641.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By tracing the history of Badagry, from its reconstruction after 1784 until its annexation in 1863, it is possible to trace a number of themes which have implications for the history of the whole 'Slave Coast' and beyond. The enormous impact of the environment in shaping this community and indeed its relations with other communities, plays a vital part in any understanding of the Badagry story. As a place of refuge, Badagry's foundation and subsequent history was shaped by a series of immigrant groups and individuals from Africa and Europe. Its position as an Atlantic and lagoonside port enabled this community to emerge as an important commercial and political force in coastal affairs. However, its very attractions also made it a desirable prize for African and European groups. Badagry's internal situation was equally paradoxical. The fragmented, competitive nature of its population resulted in a weakness of political authority, but also a remarkable flexibility which enabled the town to function politically and commercially in the face of intense internal and external pressures. It was ultimately the erosion of this tenuous balance which caused Badagry to fall into civil war. Conversely, a study of Badagry is vital for any understanding of these influential groups and states. The town's role as host to political refugees such as Adele, an exiled King of Lagos, and commercial refugees, such as the Dutch trader Hendrik Hertogh, had enormous repercussions for the whole area. Badagry's role as an initial point of contact for both the Sierra Leone community and Christianity in Nigeria has, until now, been almost wholly neglected. Furthermore, the port's relations with its latterly more famous neighbours, Lagos, Porto-Novo, Oyo, Dahomey and Abeokuta, sheds further light on the nature of these powers, notably the interdependence of these communities both politically and economically. Badagry's long-standing relationship with Europe and ultimate annexation by Britain is also an area which has been submerged within the Lagos story. But it is evident that the, annexation of Badagry in 1863 was a separate development, which provides further evidence on the nature of nineteenth century British imperialism on the West Coast of Africa.
10
Jones, Thomas Chewning. « French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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11
Hogan, Marina. « The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
12
Palmowski, Jan. « Liberalism and the city : the case of Frankfurt am Main, 1866-1914 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1e1b5618-6038-42d2-98b7-ecec90ea7805.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although in the German Empire the cities were major strongholds of political liberalism, this fact has until very recently attracted little attention from scholars preoccupied with the history of 'high politics' leading up to the two World Wars. This thesis is one of the first analyses of German liberalism at city level, and proceeds from the assumption that in a country with such a regionally and locally diverse political culture as Germany, this type of 'history from below' is a necessary precondition for any satisfactory understanding of the nature of German liberalism in general. Following the introduction, chapter two demonstrates that in Frankfurt, local government became politicised as early as the 1870s. Indeed, chapter three shows how the early experience of Frankfurt liberals in municipal politics was crucial as they defended themselves against emerging political groups during the following decades, particularly the Mittelstand and the SPD. The fourth chapter analyses the development of liberal attitudes towards municipal finance as a background to chapter five which uses the example of Frankfurt to demonstrate how crucial the issue of municipal finance was to the viability of local liberalism not just in theory, but also in practice. Chapter six considers the importance of education to local liberalism as it touched on a number of themes which were central to urban liberals' understanding of themselves, in particular the issues of local self-government and religion. The final chapter looks at the crucial area of social policy, to see to what extent local liberals were merely reactive, and to what extent they were innovative as they faced the new problems of urbanisation and industrialisation. The sophistication of liberal politics in local government, the only level of government where liberals were in the position of carrying out their policies, underlines the gravity of the problem which the lack of parliamentary government posed for liberals at the state and national level. Furthermore, the thesis points to a central dilemma, because, to be successful in Frankfurt and other regions, liberals had to respond to the particular culture at the local level, a requirement that was in direct contrast to the necessity of finding a coherent political consensus at the level of national and state politics. Even though at the local level the liberal capacity of responding to the social and political challenges of their rapidly changing environment has been proved beyond doubt, their policies, their rhetoric and their organisational lead could have only a very limited effect on German liberalism in general. The urban liberals' ideal of creating a more liberal society from 'the bottom up', through the cities, was undermined by the fact that the political future of German liberalism at the state and national level came to rest increasingly on its electoral appeal in the countryside, just at a time when urban liberal self-consciousness reached its peak.
13
Ali, Shara. « The 'pronunciamiento' in Yucatán : from independence to independence (1821-1840) ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1693.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of “chaos”, and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.
14
Song, Lin Feng. « The neutral policies of the Portuguese government of Macao during the Opium Wars ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2000. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636592.
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15
Beaton, Belinda. « The cult of the First Duke of Wellington ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491583.
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16
Woodrow, Ross. « Monte Scott and the graphic construction of an Australian identity ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2005. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The basis for this investigation is an archive of several thousand images, mostly reproduced in the nineteenth-century Australian popular press. It is notjust the scope of this archive, spanning a fifty-year period, that makes this output of a single Australian artist unique but also the fact that the artist, Eugene Montagu Scott (I 835 -1909), left almost no other documentary evidence of his thoughts, attitudes or intentions. Apart from a small nwnber of his paintings and photographs along with the massive nwnber of published illustrations and cartoons, no notebooks, letters or other personal papers by Scott can be located and virtually no original drawings have survived.1 What is more, although Scott was indisputably one of the most prominent artists working in Sydney in the 1870s, there is little reference to him in the secondary literature on Australian art or history. Much of the biograpnical material that exists is incomplete or incorrect.
This thesis proposes that the body of published graphic work by Montagu Scott maps the prevailing socio-cultural domain in the second half of the nineteenth century in Eastern Australia.2 Through an exhaustive survey of this archive and concentrated analysis of selected images using a range of established methodologies that include a close reading of their material properties, iconographic, ideological and semiotic analysis, the thesis charts the formation of a characteristically Australian identity in the last half of the nineteenth century.3 More specifically, the profiling of typically Australian attitudes and sentiments in this study constructs the identity of an artist, born in England, who self-consciously made himself an Australian through the expression or articulation of particular characteristics that he believed defined such a fictive type.
While this is not a conventional art historical study of Montagu Scott or an attempt to retrieve his historical identity or personality, one outcome is inevitably the construction of a convincing fictional character to give agency to the images discussed. The Australian identity that emerges from this fifty-year survey of changing beliefs, developing nationalistic attitudes, prejudices and eccentricities is ineluctably Monte Scott.4 What makes this particular hermeneutic recreation possible is the particular nature of the majority of the images used as evidence in the analysis.5 These images are mostly cartoons or caricatural illustrations from the popular press and therefore escape the usual polysemy associated with reading images as signs to map the cultural domain in which they were produced.
17
Wasserman, Justin. « Democracy and disorder : Electoral violence and political modernisation in England and Wales, 1857-1880 ». Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2002. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1642.
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The thesis analyses mid-nineteenth century electoral violence in England and Wales in order to contribute to our understanding of the character of Victorian electoral politics, and to assess the pace of political modernization as it has recently been defined. Historians have long acknowledged the presence of physical violence, rioting and intimidation during British elections from at least the Middle Ages to the turn of the twentieth-century, and yet the precise nature, frequency and scale of this phenomenon has remained somewhat obscured by a lack of statistical data on the subject. Therefore, by compiling a numerical sample of violence, based on strict definitional parameters, this research corrects the quantitative void in which discussions of English and Welsh election violence have largely been conducted.
18
Hathcock, James A. « The Role of Violence in Hunt County, Texas, during Reconstruction ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4659/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The post Civil War period known as Reconstruction remains a topic of interest for historians. Having avoided the experience of invasion by Northern troops during the Civil War, the people living in the interior of the state of Texas accepted Confederate defeat at first. However, with the instituting of Northern efforts at Reconstruction, such as the installation of Republican interim government officials, the arrival of Freedmen's Bureau agents, and in some parts the stationing of federal troops, conservative whites throughout the state became defiant toward the federal government and its policies. Some white southerners even went so far as to take up arms and become embroiled in open conflict with the federal government and its local institutions. As a result, Unionist whites and freedmen found themselves to be the targets of groups of desperados committed to upholding the Southern Cause and ensuring the return of the conservative Democratic party to power in Texas politics. This study focuses on Hunt County from the years 1860 - 1873 to determine to what extent violence played a role in the era of Reconstruction. An analysis of data primarily from county, state, and federal records forms the basis of this study. The information obtained through research suggests that violence played a major role in Hunt County during Reconstruction as a political weapon used to eradicate Republican institutions and efforts.
19
Cook, Christopher Joseph. « Agency, Consolidation, and Consequence : Evaluating Social and Political Change in New Orleans, 1868-1900 ». PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/535.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the last twenty years, recent scholarship has opened up fresh inquiry into several aspects of New Orleans society during the late nineteenth century. Much work has been done to reassess the political and cultural involvement, as well as perspective of, the black Creoles of the city; the successful reordering of society under the direction of the Anglo-Protestant elite; and the evolution of New Orleans's social conditions and cultural institutions during the period initiating Jim Crow segregation. Further exploration, however, is necessary to make connections between each of these avenues of study. This thesis relies on a variety of secondary sources, primary legal documents, and contemporary newspaper articles and publications, to provide connections between the above topics, giving each greater context and allowing for the exploration of several themes. These include the direction of black Creole public ambition after the end of that community's last civil rights crusade, the effects of Democratic Party strategy and the Lost Cause of the Confederacy movement on younger generations of white residents, and the effects of changing social expectations and increasing segregation on the city's diverse ethnic immigrant community. In doing so, this thesis will contribute to enhancing the current understanding of New Orleans's complex and changing social order, as well as provide future researchers with a broad based work which will effectively introduce the exploration of a variety of key topics and serve as a bridge to connect them with specific lines of inquiry while highlighting the above themes in order to make new connections between various facets of the city's troubled racial history.
20
McDonald, Kerry. « The experience of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí, 1821-1849 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1965.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Hispanic phenomenon of the pronunciamiento, particularly prominent in nineteenth-century Mexico, is just one example of an insurrectionary political act that has contributed to the traditional portrait of chaos and disorder that has tainted much of our interpretation of the country‟s socio-political history. Once considered to be a violent, non-ideological, praetorian military act, recent studies reveal that the pronunciamiento was primarily a written petition that sought to further political proposals or address particular grievances through negotiation (albeit often backed by the threat of force). Although the military were largely the most visible leaders of the pronunciamiento, a plethora of political and civilian actors and interest groups partook in the practice with the intention of having their grievances/demands attended to by the national government. As well as being viewed as one of the causes of chronic instability, the pronunciamiento was also the primary mechanism employed to bring about tangible political changes throughout the country. At the local level of San Luis Potosí, the pronunciamiento seed also germinated and was used by all political groups and factions in their negotiations with local and national authorities alike. Local interests were often at the heart of these negotiations and so dictated the nature of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí. This dissertation will explore and analyse the pronunciamiento practice, its origins, dynamics and nature, from the regional perspective of San Luis Potosí. Bearing in mind that the pronunciamiento was borne out of, and operated in a specific socio-political-economic context of constitutional disarray and transition, its analysis will also further our understanding of the broader socio-political culture not only of San Luis Potosí, but of Mexico in general. This in turn will contribute to the acknowledged need for reinterpretation and revaluation of the tumultuous period of early nineteenth-century Mexico. It will expose the period as an age of democratic revolutions; of intense political debate between emergent political groups and factions, who increasingly used the pronunciamiento to further an ideological stance, represent a spectrum of interests and force some kind of political change both at a national and regional level when all other constitutional options had been exhausted.
21
Bédard, Éric. « Le moment réformiste : la pensée d'une élite canadienne-française au milieu du XIXe siècle ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85126.
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Between 1840 and the end of the 1850s, the French-Canadian elite dominating the political landscape was calling for "reformism". Besides belonging to the same generation, the members of this elite shared several features: they had accepted the Union, campaigned for responsible government and opposed annexation to the United States. This thesis aims to put forward some of the main ideas of this elite, and thereby of the reformist period. In the historiography of Canada and Quebec, the reformists are generally portrayed as founders, be it of a nation, a political regime or a bourgeois social order. To avoid teleological pitfalls, this thesis attempts to bring back, in context, the flavour of the thought of a particular time.Reformist thinking was reconstituted from three kinds of sources: the reconstruction of debates in the legislative assembly, the French-Canadian "ministerial press" of the mid-nineteenth century, and the many reformist writings left by the figures under study, including government reports, personal diaries, public discussions and two novels. Attentive study of these sources reveals five main axes of thought, revolving around the time, politics, the economy, the social fabric and religious concerns. A chapter is devoted to each of these themes.
I argue that reformist thought has its own consistency, that is to say that it is distinct from the reactionary ultramontanism of Mgr Bourget and from the doctrinaire liberalism of "les rouges" and the "Institut canadien". It seeks to show that the reformists believed in the virtues of progress, of responsible government and of the free market, but that at the same time they were anxious about the future of their nationality. Their constant concern for the unity of their nationality and their will to establish, with the clergy, a more rigorous morality, able to "make people better", bears witness to this uneasiness about the future and a concern for preservation which typifies the conservative.
22
Dunn, Nicholas Roger. « The castle, the custom house and the cabinet : administration and policy in famine Ireland, 1845-1849 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2df9d8d-27b3-4785-afce-453ec8984d21.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is the contention of this thesis that the activities of, and the influences on, the senior administrators based in the Castle and the Custom House in Dublin during the Great Irish Famine are an essential element to understanding the formulation and execution of Irish Famine relief policy. The principal aim of the study is to articulate the role played by these administrators in the formulation of relief policy. Emphasis is also given to the debates in the Cabinet over Irish relief policy and the influence of the administrators on those debates. The subject of the first chapter is the Science Commission. It examines in turn Peel's motivations for establishing the Science Commission, the chronology of events leading up to its establishment and the activities of the Commissioners both in England and Ireland. The second chapter concerns the Scarcity Commission established by Peel and Graham. It explores the motivations behind the selection of individual Commissioners and the relationships between the Commissioners. It also considers and contrasts the tasks that were officially assigned to the Commissioners and the limited use to which their conclusions were put by the Government. Chapters three and four deal with the Board of Works and in particular its influence on the formulation and administration of relief policy of Richard Griffith, Thomas Larcom, and Harry Jones. The activities of the Commissioners after the reconfiguration of the Board of Works by Act of Parliament in 1846 are examined and the fourth chapter seeks to establish in detail the political context surrounding-the decision to abandon relief by public employment as revealed in the Cabinet discussions at the time. The final chapter examines the actions of Edward Twisleton in Ireland during the Famine and his influence, or lack of it, on the formulation of relief policy. A detailed account is offered of the political context of the Poor Law Extension Act. Twisleton's relationships with both the Treasury and Clarendon, and the motives underlying his resignation in March 1849, are investigated.
23
DE, WAARD Jacob Marinus. « John Morley and the liberal imagination : the uses of history in English liberal culture, 1867-1914 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6997.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 June 2007Examining Board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen, (EUI) ; Prof. Ann Rigney, (Utrecht University) ; Prof. Arfon Rees, (EUI) ; Prof. Norman Vance, (University of Sussex)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of the present study is to offer a new understanding of the ‘uses of history’ in English liberal culture between the passing of the Second Reform Act of 1867 and Britain’s entrance in the First World War in August 1914. Culturally as well as politically, this period is commonly recognised as having a distinctive character for which the epithet ‘liberal’ offers an apposite shorthand. Although the period saw long spells of conservative administration (under Derby, Disraeli, Salisbury, and Balfour) as well as the liberal ministries of Gladstone, Rosebery, Campbell-Bannerman, and Asquith, it is often called a liberal age, or construed as the heyday of English liberal politics, because liberal values and the memory of an exceptional liberal heritage pervaded political life and the organisation of society. Just to sum up: the years from 1867 to 1914 saw the extension of the franchise to almost all the male population (in the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884), diminishing property qualifications, disestablishment of the Church in Ireland and Wales, political consensus in regard to free trade up until the late 1890s, and the last days and slow demise of the Gladstonian minimal state with its reliance on subsidiarity, voluntarism, self-help, and a spirit of civic duty. In comparison to the heavily centralised states of the European continent, England continued to have a ‘minimally centralised system of governance’ until the end of the nineteenth century, a system in which citizens saw a source of national pride and proof of England’s superior, vanguard role in the world as the cradle of parliamentary government and civic liberties.
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Romero-Valderrama, Ana. « La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828) ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.
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Leahy, Christopher J. « Rockbridge County unionism and the secession crisis ». Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-063203/.
Texte intégral
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Moran, Arik. « Permutations of Rajput identity in the West Himalayas, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a5436935-3a87-4702-8b0a-471643633c46.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The sustained interaction of local elites and British administrators in the West Himalayas over the decades that surrounded the early colonial encounter (c. 1790-1840) saw the emergence of a distinctly new understanding of communal identity among the leaders of the region. This eventful period saw the mountain ('Pahari') kingdoms transform from fragmented, autonomous polities on the fringes of the Indian subcontinent to subjects of indigenous (Nepali, Sikh) and, ultimately, foreign (British) empires, and dramatically altered the ways Pahari leaders chose to remember and represent themselves. Using a wide array of sources from different locales in the hills (e.g., oral epics, archival records and local histories), this thesis traces the Pahari elite's transition from a nebulous group of lineage-based leaders to a cohesive unitary milieu modelled after contemporary interpretations of Hindu kingship. This nascent ideal of kingship is shown to have fed into concurrent understandings of Rajput society in the West Himalayas and ultimately to have sustained the alliance between indigenous rulers and British administrators.
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Pitts, Stanley Thomas. « An unjust legacy : A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In a time of laissez-faire government, monopolistic businesses and political debauchery, William Andrews Clark played a significant role in the developing West, achieving financial success rivaling Jay Gould, George Hearst, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan. Clark built railroads, ranches, factories, utilities, and developed timber and water resources, and was internationally known as a capitalist, philanthropist and art collector. Nonetheless, Clark is unjustly remembered for his bitter twelve-year political battle with copper baron Marcus Daly that culminated in a scandalous senatorial election in January 1899. The subsequent investigation was a judicial travesty based on personal hatred and illicit tactics. Clark's political career had national implications and lasting consequences. His enemies shaped his legacy, and for one hundred years historians have unquestioningly accepted it.
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Madsen, Michael. « The Mormon Influence on the Political Geography of the West ». Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1999. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,33224.
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Larbi, Kninah. « L'évolution des structures économiques, sociales et politiques de la ville de Fès au XIXe siècle "1820-1912" : l'ouverture au marché mondial et ses conséquences ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212107.
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Orr, Kirsten School of Architecture UNSW. « A force for Federation : international exhibitions and the formation of Australian ethos (1851-1901) ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Architecture, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/23987.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1879 the British Colony of New South Wales hosted the first international exhibition in the Southern Hemisphere. This was immediately followed by the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880 in the colony of Victoria and the success of these exhibitions inspired the Melbourne Centennial Exhibition, which was held in 1888 to celebrate the centenary of white settlement in Australia. My thesis is that these international exhibitions had a profound impact on the development of our cities, the evolution of an Australian ethos and the gaining of nationhood. The immense popularity and comprehensive nature of the exhibitions made them the only major events in late nineteenth-century Australia that brought the people together in an almost universally shared experience. The exhibitions conveyed official ideologies from the organising elites to ordinary people and encouraged the dissemination of new cultural sentiments, political aspirations, and moral and educational ideals. Many exhibition commissioners, official observers and ideologues were also predominantly involved in the Federation movement and the wider cultural sphere. The international exhibitions assisted the development of an Australian urban ethos, which to a large extent replaced the older pastoral / frontier image. Many of the more enduring ideas emanating from the exhibitions were physically expressed in the consequent development of our cities ??? particularly Sydney and Melbourne, both of which had achieved metropolitan status and global significance by the end of the nineteenth century. The new urban ethos, dramatically triggered by Sydney 1879, combined with and strengthened the national aspirations and sentiments of the Federation movement. Thus the exhibitions created an immediate connection between colonial pride in urban development and European and American ideals of nation building. They also created an increasing cultural sophistication and a growing involvement in social movements and political associations at the national level. The international exhibitions, more than any other single event, convinced the colonials that they were all Australians together and that their destiny was to be united as one nation. At that time, Australians began to think about national objectives. The exhibitions not only promulgated national sentiment and a new ethos, but also provided opportunities for independent colonial initiatives, inter-colonial cooperation and a more equal position in the imperial alliance. Thus they became a powerful impetus, hitherto unrecognised, for the complex of social, political and economic developments that made Federation possible.
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Caernarven-Smith, Patricia. « Gladstone and the Bank of England : A Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-1866 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3696/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The topic of this thesis is the confrontations between William Gladstone and the Bank of England. These confrontations have remained a mystery to authors who noted them, but have generally been ignored by others. This thesis demonstrates that Gladstone's measures taken against the Bank were reasonable, intelligent, and important for the development of nineteenth-century British government finance. To accomplish this task, this thesis refutes the opinions of three twentieth-century authors who have claimed that many of Gladstone's measures, as well as his reading, were irrational, ridiculous, and impolitic. My primary sources include the Gladstone Diaries, with special attention to a little-used source, Volume 14, the indexes to the Diaries. The day-to-day Diaries and the indexes show how much Gladstone read about financial matters, and suggest that his actions were based to a large extent upon his reading. In addition, I have used Hansard's Parliamentary Debates and nineteenth-century periodicals and books on banking and finance to understand the political and economic debates of the time.
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Montgomery, Alison Skye. « Imagined families : Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern identity, 1830-1890 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bbfb161e-513d-4c2c-9325-4e60d17b4fba.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Anglo-American kinship, as a set of historical continuities linking the United States to Great Britain and as a reckoning of relatedness, constituted a valuable cultural resource for Southerners as they contemplated their place within the American nation and outside in the nineteenth century. Like the more conventional calculations of consanguinity and familial belonging it referenced, the Anglo-American kinship was contingent, convoluted, and, not infrequently, contested. Articulated at various times by masters and former slaves, ministers and merchants, plantation mistresses and politicians, this sense of belonging to an imagined transatlantic family transcended the boundaries of gender, race, and class as readily as it traversed national borders. Though grounded in biogenetic factors, the language of Anglo-American kinship encompassed claims of belonging predicated on confessional faith, language, and institutions as well as blood. This thesis considers the interaction between conceptions of Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern national identity, both unionist and separatist, between 1830 and 1890 by examining institutions and social rituals that both inculcated filiopietism and constructed Southerness in the Civil War era and beyond. The subjects under consideration in this study include the role of European travel in forging Southern distinctiveness before the war, ring tournaments and the ethos of medieval chivalry they promoted, the Protestant Episcopal Church and its role in managing the sectional crisis, postbellum immigration societies and their vision of the plantation South remade in the image of British manors, and the role that state historical associations played in reunion and the entrenchment of the Lost Cause mythology as the predominant historical framework for interpreting the American Civil War.
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Marshall, Daniel Patrick. « Claiming the land : Indians, goldseekers, and the rush to British Columbia ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48669.pdf.
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Valligny, Anne-Claire. « Le discours politique et ses sources doctrinales dans les chroniques florentines du XIVe siècle ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette étude porte sur un corpus de chroniques du XIVe siècle qui comprend les trois principaux textes historiographiques florentins en langue vulgaire de cette période – Cronica delle cose occorrenti ne’ tempi suoi de Dino Compagni, Nuova Cronica de Giovanni Villani et Cronaca fiorentina de Marchionne di Coppo Stefani – et se fixe pour objet l’analyse des principaux concepts employés pour décrire le fonctionnement de la cité et ses enjeux, ainsi que l’identification des sources présentes dans les chroniques. L’analyse prend en compte à la fois l’écriture du fait politique et la valeur de celui-ci dans l’élaboration du discours de la cité.Pour mettre en évidence ce qui transparaît des principaux rouages politiques de la cité, les textes du corpus sont abordés selon les trois axes suivants : les rapports entre cité et citoyens dans le contexte de l’affirmation de la souveraineté du Comune et en regard des notions d’unité et de division ; la question de la liberté à Florence, ses principes fondamentaux, ses formes et ses représentations, par opposition à la tyrannie ; les liens entre cité céleste et cité des hommes à partir de l’analyse de la réception des signes célestes et des notions de providence, fortune et libre arbitre. L’approche retenue s’arrête sur les enjeux et les représentations propres à chacun de ces axes.De cette analyse conceptuelle il ressort que les trois sources principales du discours de la cité sont les auteurs de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine, la théologie chrétienne et le droit. On trouve également des sources contemporaines des chroniqueurs : textes officiels et documents produits par la cité, auteurs de référence pour la période comme Dante AlighieriThis study focuses on a corpus of chronicles of the Fourteenth century consisting in three main historiographical Florentine texts written in vernacular in this period, namely Cronica delle cose occorrenti ne’ tempi suoi by Dino Compagni, Nuova Cronica by Giovanni Villani and Cronaca fiorentina by Marchionne di Coppo Stefani. It aims at analyzing the principal concepts describing the running of the city and its stakes, as well as identifying the sources present in these chronicles. The analysis takes in account both the operation of writing the political experience and its value in elaborating the discourse on the city.To highlight what can be seen from the main aspects of political machinery in the city, the approach to the texts is threefold : the connections between city and citizens both in the context of the Comune’s increasing sovereignty and in the light of the concepts of unity and division ; the question of freedom in Florence, its fundamental principles, its forms and representations, in opposition to tyranny ; the links between the celestial city and the city of men based on the analysis of the reading of celestial omens and the concepts of Providence, Fortune and Free Will. The approach chosen concentrates on the stakes and representations peculiar to each of those subjects.From this conceptual analysis it emerges that the three main sources to the discourse on the city are the authors of Classical Antiquity, Christian Theology and Law. Contemporary sources of the chroniclers also can be found : official texts and documents produced by the city, noted authors in the period as, for instance, Dante Alighieri
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KUCK, Gerhard. « Italienische Wege zum Sozialismus : Sozialismus- und Kommunismuskonzepte im Risorgimento (1765-1857) ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5865.
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BIGARAN, Mariapia. « Il governo municipale a Trento tra '800 e '900 :ordinamenti, gruppi sociali, politiche ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5722.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 1 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Christof Dipper (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. Peter Hertner, supervisor (Universitaet Halle-Wittenberg) ; Prof. Brigitte Mazchl-Walling (Universitaet Innsbruck) ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, co-supervisor (IUE, Firenze) ; Prof. Fabio Rugge (Università di Pavia)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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ALAIMO, Aurelio. « Amministrazione comunale e organizzazione della citta a Bologna dopo l'Unita (1859-1889) ». Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5702.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 2 February 1988Examining board: Prof. Peter Hertner, I.U.E., Firenze (supervisor) ; Prof. Paolo Macry, Università di Napoli ; Prof. Carlo Poni, Università di Bologna ; Prof. Marcel Roncayolo, E.H.E.S.S., Parigi ; Prof. Ettore Rotelli, I.S.A.P., Milano; Università di Bologna
First made available online 26 August 2015
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Jones, Benjamin Thomas. « Commonwealth of republics : the lost republican history of Australia and Canada ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150428.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a history of ideas and seeks to provide the first study of civic republican ideas and their impact on Britain's Australian and Canadian colonies in the mid-nineteenth century. In particular, the way in which civic republican ideas manifested themselves during the debates over responsible government is explored. The period between 1837 and 1855 is the primary focus of the thesis. Beginning with the Canadian rebellions and finishing with the Eureka rebellion, those eighteen years saw a fundamental shift in British policy towards the colonies and the birth of Lord Durham's second empire.
The principle argument here is that civic republican ideas made a significant impact on the reform leaders who petitioned for greater democracy. Australian and Canadian historiography has tended to view the granting of responsible government as a triumph of liberal politics. This thesis examines the language of reform leaders and contends that the calls to end the corruption of the ruling tory cabals and to encourage widespread political participation by virtuous citizens are reflective of the civic republican tradition which can be traced back to Sidney, Harrington, Milton, Cromwell and ultimately, Machiavelli, Cicero and Aristotle. While acknowledging the place of Lockean liberalism, this thesis concludes that for many reform leaders and papers, the emphasis was on collectivism and communalism not the advancement of personal rights and individualism. Although not a contemporary word, this thesis contends that civic republicanism was a major political ideology and one which has been missing from the historical orthodoxies of Australia and Canada.
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Taylor, Holly Zumwalt. « Neither North nor South : sectionalism, St. Louis politics, and the coming of the Civil War, 1846-1861 ». Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2220.
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Wise, Leonard Harry. « The responsibility of a constitutional country : the politics of Australian defence during the 1880s ». Master's thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150768.
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CATASTINI, Francesco. « Antifascismo, resistenza e scelta in due comunità toscane : Roccastrada e Calenzano, 1922-1944 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14696.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 20 September 2010Examining Board: Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt (EUI) – Supervisor; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI); Prof. Philippe Buton (Université de Reims); Prof. Simone Neri Serneri (Università di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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DALMAU, PALET Pol. « Clientelism, politics and the press in modern Spain : the case of the Godó family and the founding of 'La Vanguardia' ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40884.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 28 September 2015Examining Board: Professor Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, EUI/Universidad Pablo de Olavide; Professor Lucy Riall, EUI; Professor Isabel Burdiel, Universitat de València; Professor Renato Camurri, Università degli Studi di Verona.
This thesis investigates the links between politics and the press during the crisis of the liberal state in Europe. During the 19th century, one of the biggest challenges facing the liberal state was how to give voice to local concerns. In countries with a centralised state-model and where liberal principles coexisted with other forms of authority that originated in the Old Regime, local elites (or notables) emerged as intermediaries between the state and the territory. However, while the literature has emphasised that these elites secured their position via patron-client relationships, little is known about how they also used the public sphere as a way to reinforce their legitimacy. Focusing on the press as one of the strategies used by elites to secure their advantaged position in society and embrace new spheres of influence, this thesis will focus on the Godó family, a dynasty of politicians, manufacturers and press proprietors who founded what is Spain's oldest (still active) newspaper and Barcelona's top-selling paper today: La Vanguardia. Divided into three parts, the thesis will first examine the role of newspapers in political systems where clientelism was the main means of distributing public office. The case of the Godó family and La Vanguardia is used to throw light on this, and on the importance of transnational media transfers in transforming the newspapers' raison d'être. The second part explores how the Godó family tried to engineer public opinion to advance their private agenda during the colonial wars in Morocco and Cuba. The family underwent a serious reversal of fortune in the early 20th century, when the demise of the Spanish empire and the ensuing climate of national introspection led journalists to be accused of wilfully misguiding the public and denounced as collaborators in the corrupt regime of elections. Yet contrary to the downfall of the notables narrative, which sees the demise of Europe's traditional elites as the outcome of the crisis of liberal politics, this thesis shows that elites had a wide room for manoeuvre to maintain their influence in the new mass society. The final part of the thesis examines the strategies the Godó family designed to adapt to this new scenario, and the function that the press played in them. Drawing on the emerging field of media history, the interdisciplinary perspective adopted here will redress the traditional lack of dialogue between historians and media scholars, providing a novel perspective on the crisis of liberalism in Europe – where press editors are interpreted as political actors, and changes in communicative channels are understood as intricately connected to changes in the nature of power.
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BERTILOTTI, Teresa. « Il palcoscenico della nazione : 1909-1918 ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25194.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, IUE (Supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, IUE (Relatore IUE); Professor Martin Baumeister, Ludwig Maximilians Universität, München (Relatore esterno); Professor Catherine Brice, Université Paris-Est Créteil (Relatore esterno).Defence date: 7 November 2012
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation examines the forms and spaces of entertainment, such as theatres, cinemas and music halls, in Rome between 1911, when celebrations for the 50th anniversary of Italy’s unification took place, and the First World War. This was a time characterized by the emergence of popular and mass culture and by the spread of a specifically nationalist culture that changed dramatically after the war against Libya in 1911. By adopting a broad definition of "culture,” including both high and low culture, this dissertation explores the ways in which a specific theatrical tradition staged the nation’s history, in particular that of the Risorgimento, after Italian unification. It then broadens the analysis to other forms of entertainment. This dissertation argues that the 1909-1911 celebrations were marked by a renewed attention to the "patriotic” tradition, and spurred the emergence of new theatrical and cinematographic productions, which became particularly relevant in the context of the First World War, thus giving substance to the "culture de guerre”. I argue that theatre shows and movies avoided representing the violence and suffering that characterized the war, partly because of the existence of various forms of censorship. However, the presence of wounded bodies among the audience gave way to a dual representation, and transformed theatres, cinemas and music halls into privileged spaces where the war and the domestic front met. By taking into account the case-study of a girls’ school, I show the gendered dimension of civil society mobilization. Finally, this dissertation analyzes the role entertainment played in "building the enemy,” identified with Kultur, and the emergence of a moral discourse about entertainment, which coincided with the spread of popular culture - especially the cinema - and became even stronger and more complex with the outbreak of the First World War.
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WHELEHAN, Niall. « Dreamers, dupes and dynamiters : political violence and the transnational flows of Irish nationalism, 1865-1885 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12710.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 23/09/2009Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, EUI (Supervisor); Professor J. J. Lee, NYU (External Supervisor); Professor Kiran Patel, EUI; Dr. Fearghal McGarry, Queen’s University, Belfast
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Insurrection is frequently viewed as a vertical theme in Irish history, both by historians and the conspirators themselves. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic, delivered by insurgents during the 1916 rebellion, depicted their actions as the logical extension of a historical tradition in a country that had already seen violent rebellion four times during the long-nineteenth century.1 Tradition kept the rifles warm, or so the manifestos claimed, and not successful precedents of insurrectionary action. After the penultimate uprising of 1867, however, rebels began to rethink the merits of insurrection and canvas alternative strategies, which led to an urban-guerrilla or bombing campaign in the 1880s. The present study investigates this transformation in revolutionary action and seeks to challenge the frequent analytical collapse of militant Irish nationalism into 'traditions of violence' explanations. Instead, I argue that the rebels’ actions may be better grasped if placed in concurrent contexts and in connection with specific milieux. Between the insurrectionary movements of the nineteenth century and the organised revolutionary parties of the early twentieth lies a field of action ill-defined. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate that field.
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POLESE, REMAGGI Luca. « La nazione perduta : Ferruccio Parri dall'interventismo all'esperienza di governo ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5945.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 October 2002Examining board: Richard Bellamy (Trinity Hall, Cambridge) ; Yves Mény (European University Institute) ; Gaetano Quagliarello (Centro di Metodologia delle Scienze Sociali della Luiss Guido Carli) ; Raffaele Romanelli (European University Institute)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Lowery-Timmons, Patrick Weldon 1974. « The politics of punishment and war : law's violence during the Mexican Reform, circa 1840 to 1870 ». 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/12800.
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McGregor, Hamish Alan. « Nationalism in the Islamic Republic of Iran 1979-2007 ». Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150820.
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D'AMORE, Ciro. « Parlamento e politica di difesa in Italia : 1948-1992 ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5161.
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BEAULIEU, Yannick. « Magistrature et pouvoir politique en Italie entre 1918 et 1943 : analyse socio-historique des magistrats ordinaires et de leurs relations avec le personnel politique ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6573.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 November 2006Examining board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt ; Prof. Yves Lequin ; Prof. Guido Neppi Modona ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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CASTELLI, GATTINARA Pietro. « Electoral debates on integration and immigration in Italian local elections : Milan, Prato and Rome compared ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/33888.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 9 December 2014Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Rainer Bauböck, EUI; Professor Ruud Koopmans, Humboldt University; Professor Laura Morales, University of Leicester.
This research focuses on the politicization of immigration as an issue in local electoral campaigns, comparing the cases of three Italian cities. Based on the idea that immigration must not be understood as a one-dimensional category that parties endorse or dismiss, support or oppose, I investigate its multidimensional nature, and the importance of local factors and opportunities in determining public debates. Focusing on the dimensional choices and framing strategies of competing electoral actors, I propose an account of the different constitutive dimensions of immigration debates, and suggest that parties - next to competing over different issues - also compete with one another by selectively and strategically emphasizing different aspects of the same social reality. In particular, I identify three main dimensions of the immigration issue - the socioeconomic, cultural and religious, and law and order dimension - and seven specific frames corresponding to the arguments and justifications mobilized by political actors to articulate support and opposition to immigration. The construction of public agendas in electoral campaign periods is measured through an empirical content analysis of the coverage of local elections by newspapers and of local parties' electoral manifestos across two campaigns in the cities of Milan, Rome and Prato (2004-2011). The results show not only that debates in different local settings deal with immigration in substantively different ways, but also that parties' electoral strategies rely upon the thematic structure of the issue, exploiting immigration dimensions in order to increase the accessibility and resonance of their messages among local electorates. The results of this dissertation offer one of the first comprehensive analyses of an issue that has too often been considered "emerging" in party competition, showing that when the issue cannot be dismissed, actors compete on its constitutive dimensions by mobilizing aspects on which they enjoy a strategic advantage. These findings pave the way to connect this field of research with other promising areas within the social and political sciences, such as public opinion research and the study of mediatization and communication in party politics, providing new insights into electoral politics and campaigning.