Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Italy – Politics and government – 1945-1976 »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1945-1976"
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Varriale, Francesco. « La politica estera italiana e la Cina durante la guerra civile fra Kuomintang e comunisti (1945-1949) ». MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no 1 (mai 2009) : 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001001.
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- According to the author, after the Second World War, Italy was too weak to build an autonomous foreign policy in China or to influence the conflict between Communists and Nationalists. However, Italian diplomacy, especially the Italian ambassador in China Sergio Fenoaltea, tried to have his own vision of the Chinese Civil War and to take advantage of the weakness of Italy to establish a good relationship with the Kuomintang government: China was a great power, especially at the United Nations, and it could be very important for the future of Italy. Furthermore, Fenoaltea criticized Marshall's mediation between the Communists and the Nationalists along with the American endorsement of Jiang Jieshi. From the perspective of the Italian ambassador, the USA was not able to understand the situation in China or to support a really democratic force. Finally, Italian diplomats in China tried to be equidistant between the two parties acting during the Civil War to protect the little Italian community in China and to not impair the possibility of a pacific and positive relationship with the future winner of the Civil War. Key words: Italy-China relationship, Italian foreign policy, ambassador Fenoaltea, Chinese Civil War, international politics, Communists and Kuomintang.
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Stanton, Domna C. « The Humanities in Human Rights : Critique, Language, Politics ». PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no 5 (octobre 2006) : 1518–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900099818.
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IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE AND. WHEN JUDITH BUTLER AND I DEcided to cochair a conference called “Human Rights and the Humanities,” we aimed to create a connection between two apparently disparate fields and to leave its nature general enough to allow participants to probe different types of relations. I say “apparently” because connections between the humanities and human rights have existed historically and conceptually in the West through the mediation of humanism. Even though in Renaissance Italy umanista, the teacher of classical languages and literatures, was contrasted with legista, the teacher of law, humanist thought held that the reading, understanding, and critique of the bonae litterae, as Eugenio Garin has argued, could contribute to the renovation of the world, social life, and government and thus to human happiness. Not surprisingly, then, civic humanism was to merge with the ideals of freedom, equality, justice, tolerance, secularism, and cosmopolitanism in the eighteenth-century European Enlightenment. And since 1945 Enlightenment humanism has provided the philosophical underpinnings of human rights declarations, covenants, conventions, protocols, and charters.
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Orsina, Giovanni. « Party democracy and its enemies : Italy, 1945–1992 ». Journal of Modern European History 17, no 2 (26 mars 2019) : 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835752.
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The gap between the narratives of democracy and the practices of power has been a significant source of delegitimation for the post-1945 Italian political system. The system was unable to achieve a solid and principled legitimation by meeting the requirements of a widely accepted and historically rooted notion of democracy, and had to resort to a fragile de facto legitimacy based on the absence of more desirable alternatives. This can partly account for the collapse of the Republican political system in 1992/1993 and the political instability of Italy in the last quarter century. The first section of the article presents the three most relevant narratives of democracy of the Republic’s early years: liberal, progressive, and participatory democracy. The second section argues that in the early 1960s, when the political system finally reached a reasonable level of stability, it was as an ‘Italian-style’ party democracy that did not fully meet the criteria of any of the three original narratives, which were in fact used to delegitimise it. By the late 1970s, all could see how dysfunctional party democracy was, and criticising it became a discursive resource that no political force could refrain from exploiting—including those who were in government. The third section considers how those critiques were inspired, yet again, by variations of the three original narratives. The epilogue throws a quick glance at the post-1994 period.
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Guizzi, Vincenzo. « Craxi’s Italy ». Government and Opposition 20, no 2 (1 avril 1985) : 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01076.x.
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IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and economic decline. He thought of repeating with the Communists the experience the DC had had in the early 1960s with the Socialists: widening the democratic area with the view of transforming the PCI into a social democratic trend. In order to obtain this he even considered letting the PCI take part in the majority at least if not in the government itself. His disappearance had serious repercussions, especially in the Christian Democratic Party where internal friction grew even stronger than in the past. This resulted in a great drop in the party's power and ability to manage the country politically even if, at least in part, it regained in the 1979 and 1983 elections the votes lost in the 1976 elections.
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Cuzzi, Marco. « The refractory community : Yugoslav anti-communists in post-war Italy ». Balcanica, no 52 (2021) : 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2152159c.
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In the months between the Italian armistice (September 1943) and the end of the war (May 1945), Italy became the destination of a large group of Yugoslav exiles who, in various ways, opposed Tito and the Socialist and Federal Republic in the process of being formed. These exiles, divided by nationality and political affiliation (ranging from exponents of the resistance linked to the government in exile in London to the most radical collaborators with the Nazis), were united by their staunch anti-communism. Carefully observed by both the Italian secret services and the Allied military government, with the approach of the Cold War this Yugoslav ?refractory community? was increasingly used as a centre of propaganda and in part also of information by the West. After the Tito-Stalin split, this function was reduced, and the community waited for new developments that would only appear forty years later with the dissolution of the disdained Federal and Socialist Republic. This essay is an integral part of research based on the archives of the Italian Military Intelligence Service (SIM) kept at the Historical Office of the Italian Army General Staff in Rome, in the fonds of the Confidential Affairs of the General Directorate of Public Security of the Italian Ministry of the Interior and in the ?Affari Politici - Jugoslavia? collections of the Historical-Diplomatic Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The research is still in progress and aims to create a map of the Yugoslav anti-communist community in Italy from the end of the Second World War until the dissolution of the Federal Republic between 1989 and 1992.
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Behar, Joseph. « Diplomacy and Essential Workers : Official British Recruitment of Foreign Labor in Italy, 1945–1951 ». Journal of Policy History 15, no 3 (juillet 2003) : 324–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0015.
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The recruitment of about seven thousand Italian migrant workers by the postwar British Labour government is an interesting study in the use of foreign labor recruitment as a diplomatic policy. Foreign labor recruitment has generally been regarded as primarily an economic policy, with political ramifications entering into the picture in the form of domestic issues around integration, racism, labor relations and so on. However, the various British schemes to recruit Italian migrant workers from 1945 to 1951, and the discussion around the movement of migrant workers in postwar Europe carried on in various inter-European bodies, illustrate that foreign labor recruitment can be a much more complex phenomenon.
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Tronconi, Filippo. « Ethno-regionalist Parties in Regional Government : Multilevel Coalitional Strategies in Italy and Spain ». Government and Opposition 50, no 4 (8 octobre 2014) : 578–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.30.
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In the last few decades, ethno-regionalist parties have become leading players in many regional political systems across Europe. This increased representation has opened up new strategic opportunities for these parties, and in particular it has offered them the chance to participate in regional government. Based on a newly compiled data set of 282 governmental formations in Italian and Spanish regions during the period 1945–2011, this study develops and tests several hypotheses regarding the governmental participation of ethno-regionalist parties at regional level. These have been partly drawn from similar studies of ‘outsider’ party families, such as the Green parties or the radical right. A specific focus is then placed on multilevel dynamics, based on the idea that there is a relationship between party strategies at regional and state levels, and in particular on the perception that parties are willing to adopt compatible alliance strategies at the two levels (vertical congruence), at least under certain conditions. Both types of hypothesis (single-level and multilevel) are shown to be plausible when empirically tested on the cases of Italy and Spain. Special attention is given to the conditions under which vertical congruence is used by ethno-regionalist parties as an effective way of minimizing the risks associated with inclusion in governmental coalitions at regional level.
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Evangelista, Rhiannon. « The particular kindness of friends : ex-Fascists, clientage and the transition to democracy in Italy, 1945–1960 ». Modern Italy 20, no 4 (novembre 2015) : 411–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135329440001485x.
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This article examines some of the social implications of Italy's limited purge of the bureaucracy and Fascist political class following the Second World War. Using the postwar personal correspondence of former Fascist government ministers Giuseppe Bottai (1895–1959) and Dino Alfieri (1886–1966), the article analyses the informal networks that promoted the continued influence of these ex-Fascists with high-ranking bureaucrats and other prominent individuals (such as Pope Paul VI and Aldo Moro). Thanks to the long-standing social practice of theraccomandazione, Bottai and Alfieri maintained their Fascist-era connections well into the postwar period, often serving as intermediaries between ‘ordinary Italians' and governmental, political and cultural elites. Although they no longer held political power, these ex-Fascists represented a class of ‘alternative elites' unassociated with the democratic values of the new Republic.
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KOLJANIN, MILAN. « ESCAPE FROM THE HOLOCAUST. YUGOSLAV JEWS IN SWITZERLAND (1941-1945) ». ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no 26 (6 janvier 2016) : 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2015.26.167-177.
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The destruction of the Yugoslav state in April 1941 implied it joining the ‘new European order’ under the domination of the National Socialist Germany in which the Jewish people were exposed to total annihilation. The greatest number of Yugoslav Jews saved their lives by escaping to the areas under the Italian rule. After Italy capitulated in September 1943, a larger number of refugees found refuge in neutral Switzerland. Jewish refugees, like other Yugoslav refugees, enjoyed the help of the Yugoslav government in exile through its diplomatic missions. The conflict of two resistance movements in the country caused a division among the Jewish refugees in Switzerland. Ideological, political and social differences among the refugees were also reflected in the issue of returning to the country after the war. The paper was written on the basis of archival research and relevant historiographical literature.
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Purwati, Ria, Hikmat Zakky Almubaroq et Edy Saptono. « Indonesia's role in the G20 presidency during the conflict between Russia and Ukraine ». Defense and Security Studies 4 (31 janvier 2023) : 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37868/dss.v4.id228.
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Indonesia was appointed as the G20 presidency holder at the 2020 Riyadh Summit and handed over from Italy on October 31, 2021 in Rome, Italy. Along with the G20 Presidency activities in Indonesia, the conflict between Russia - Ukraine heated up again in early February 2022 after the Russian fighter fleet attacked the Ukrainian border, precisely in Belarus. Various impacts were felt by countries around Russia-Ukraine including Indonesia. Indonesia as the holder of the G20 Presidency in 2022 must take a stand against Russia invading Ukraine. This paper uses qualitative research methods, data collection techniques in this paper are based on internet-based research. The Indonesian government as the G20 Presidency has also conducted political, legal and security negotiations that not only talk about the issue of war that occurred between Russia and Ukraine in early 2022 but also bring the main issue of the economy. Indonesia's duty according to the constitution is to encourage that world issues can still be resolved in the G20 forum. Indonesia's stance in realizing world peace is enshrined in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. In an effort to create world peace, Indonesia is considered to still have to prioritize wise steps.
Thèses sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1945-1976"
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Finn, Sarah. « 'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945 ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Hogan, Marina. « The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
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This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
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Payne, Beth A. (Beth Ann). « A Content Analysis of the Depiction of Women in Television Presidential Advertising from 1952 to 1976 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500385/.
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From the television advertisements made by presidential candidates from 1952 to 1976, this study analyzed the 131 advertisements that contained women. The analysis used the following descriptors: Number of Women's Roles, Age, Occupation, Marital Status, Locale, Concerns, and Status Relative to the Candidate. The results indicate that women are most likely to be shown as physically present although not speaking, in the 18 to 30 age group, belonging to a non-business atmosphere yet outside the home, and of an unknown marital status, and will not be shown in the same frame as the candidate. Womens' images in these advertisements were most commonly associated with issues involving the cost of living, taxes, pro-Nixon, and social security.
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STINGA, Laurentiu. « Still elected dictators ? A study of executive accountability to the legislature in multi-party democracies across time : Italy (1947-2006), Argentina (1982-2006) and Romania (1992-2007) ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13284.
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Defense date: 24 September 2009Examining Board: László Bruszt (EUI, Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI), Leonardo Morlino (SUM, Firenze), Wolfgang C. Müller (University of Mannheim)
First made available online on 6 November 2018
This thesis explores the capacity of the Argentine, Italian and Romanian Legislatures to hold the Executive branch of government accountable for its policy initiatives issued by emergency Executive decree, rather than by normal procedure legislative initiatives (NPL). The major questions the thesis attempts to answer are: what makes Executives prefer to promote their policy views extensively by Decree, rather than NPL, even when the situation is not of emergency and necessity? What explains the capacity of Legislatures to hold the Executive to account by amending or rejecting the Executive decrees that infringe their primary legislative function? I argue that the issuing of Executive decrees is a rational policy promotion strategy when the Executive faces bargaining problems in the Legislature, while the level of Executive accountability to the Legislature in terms of amending and rejecting Decrees is determined by the constitutional definition of these acts in favour of either one of the two branches of government. Furthermore, when the Decree is constitutionally defined to enable to the Executive to prevail over the Legislature, the former will issue them excessively, namely at a rate that is higher than that required by the bargaining problems that it confronts in the Legislature. The thesis offers an alternative explanation to the assumption that new democracies are ruled by Executive decree as an outcome of a specific 'dictatorial' culture which perpetuates after the collapse of their authoritarian regime. The disciplined comparison of three study cases with three different political systems and radically different experiences with democracy explores the role of institutional and partisan structures in generating a peculiar style of governance and the Legislatures’ capacity to keep it under control. The thesis provides a novel methodological model for understanding the governance through emergency Executive decrees across political systems (presidential, parliamentary and semi-parliamentary), while offering a thorough exploration of the theoretical relevance of this particular style of governance from the perspective of quality of democracy.
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WILSON, Alex. « Multi-level Party Politics in Italy and Spain ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12882.
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Defense Date: 05/06/2009Examining Board: Sergio Fabbrini (University of Trento), Jonathan Hopkin (LSE), Michael Keating (EUI) (Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI)
This thesis undertakes an empirical exploration of multi-level party politics in Italy and Spain since the 1990s, with a particular focus on the regional level of party organisation and electoral competition. It finds that statewide parties have adopted different territorial strategies to confront the common challenge of multi-level coordination in a decentralised political system. Regional branches of statewide parties increasingly respond to the competitive pressures emerging from sub-national party systems, rather than the preferences of the national leadership, although the interests of national and regional elites may often coincide. Regional party systems in both countries are diverging in their structures of competition, not only from the national level but also from each other. This is closely related to the different types of electoral challenge posed by the main non-statewide parties in these regions. The methodological design consists of two national frameworks and four regional case studies, two in Italy (Campania, Lombardia) and two in Spain (Andalusia, Galicia). These are linked through the use of comparable empirical indicators over a similar timeframe. The national frameworks required the compilation of a new data-set on regional elections in Italy and Spain, a detailed analysis of party statutes and their evolution, and a full exploration of the secondary literature in different languages. The regional case studies required extensive archival analysis of the main national newspapers and their regional editions, reinforced by a series of in-depth interviews with political actors in all four regions. The case studies found strong empirical evidence concerning the distinctive character of presidentialism at regional level; the continued importance of clientelism in shaping political relations at subnational levels; the pursuit of autonomist strategies by regional branches of statewide parties; the variety of competitive strategies adopted by non-statewide parties; the role of regional arenas as battlegrounds for national factional disputes; and the importance of local coalition testing for subsequent coalitional choices at regional level. The comparative conclusions serve to consolidate these findings, as well as to reflect on further avenues for research in this rapidly developing field.
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TAMBINI, Damian Angelo. « Convenient cultures : nationalism as political action in Ireland (1890-1920) and Northern Italy (1980-1994) ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5400.
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Defence date: 11 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Mario Diani (University of Stratchlyde) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Bernd Giesen (Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen) ; Prof. Christian Joppke (EUI) ; Prof. Steven Lukes (EUI, co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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SCHMIDTKE, Oliver. « Politics of identity : the mobilizing dynamics of territorial politics in modern Italian society ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5378.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 January 1995Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (supervisor, EUI and Humboldt Universität, Berlin) ; Prof. B. Giesen (Universität Gießen and EUI) ; Prof. M.Th. Greven (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. A. Melucci (Università di Milano) ; Prof. A. Pizzorno (EUI)
First made available online 26 May 2015.
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SABA, Andrea Filippo. « Industria degli armamenti e politica estera : Il caso italiano (1919-1939) ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5964.
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Examining board: Prof. Duccio Bigazzi, Università degli Studi di Milano ; Prof. Albert Carreras, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcellona (supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Hertner, Universität Halle (co-supervisor) ; Prof. René Leboutte, Istituto Universitario Europeo ; Prof. Marta Petricioli, Università degli Studi di FirenzeDefence date: 3 October 1995
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BEAULIEU, Yannick. « Magistrature et pouvoir politique en Italie entre 1918 et 1943 : analyse socio-historique des magistrats ordinaires et de leurs relations avec le personnel politique ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6573.
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Defence date: 20 November 2006Examining board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt ; Prof. Yves Lequin ; Prof. Guido Neppi Modona ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BACH, Maurizio. « Charisma und Bürokratie : die Spitzenorganization der Führerdiktaturen im Dritten Reich und im italienischen Faschismus ». Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5204.
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Defence date: 17 May 1989Examining Board: Prof. Dr. M. Rainer Lepsius (Universität Heidelberg) ; Prof. Dr. Birgitta Nedelmann (Universität Mainz), co-supervisor ; Prof. Dr. Pietro Rossi (Università di Torino) ; Prof. Dr. Philippe C. Schmitter (Stanford University), supervisor
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Livres sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1945-1976"
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Italy, 1943-1945. New York : Holmes & Meier, 1985.
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1941-, McCarthy Patrick, dir. Italy since 1945. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2000.
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Fascist modernities : Italy, 1922-1945. Berkeley : University of California Press, 2001.
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Robson, Mark. Italy : Liberalism and fascism, 1870-1945. London : Hodder & Stoughton, 1992.
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Robson, Mark. Italy : Liberalism and fascism, 1870-1945. 2e éd. London : Hodder & Stoughton, 2000.
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1937-, Lyttelton Adrian, dir. Liberal and fascist Italy : 1900-1945. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2002.
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Contemporary Italy : Economy, society, and politics since 1945. 2e éd. New York : Longman, 1997.
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Contemporary Italy : Politics, economy, and society since 1945. London : New York, 1986.
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How fascism ruled women : Italy, 1922-1945. Berkeley : University of California Press, 1992.
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Evans, David. Years of liberalism and fascism : Italy 1870-1945. London : Hodder & Stoughton Educational, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1945-1976"
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Field, Geoffrey. « Starting Over in Postwar Europe ». Dans Elizabeth Wiskemann, 157—C5.F1. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192870629.003.0006.
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Abstract In October 1945 Wiskemann moved to Rome and lived there for almost two years, writing for the Economist and the Spectator about the birth of the Italian Republic. Her contacts with Italian exiles in wartime Switzerland provided access to leading political and cultural circles. Like most of her friends, she was deeply disappointed by the fragmentation of the anti-fascist Resistance coalition of 1946–47 and the swift decline of the Action party. She also wrote two books on modern Italy; one, The Rome-Berlin Axis (1949), was the first major study of the alliance between Hitler and Mussolini. Work on research projects for Chatham House rekindled her interests in Central and Eastern Europe, especially West Germany, whose policies under Chancellor Adenauer she distrusted and criticized for their failure to fully engage with the nation’s Nazi past. In 1954 Chatham House recruited her to write the first study in English of the expulsion of 12 million Germans from Eastern Europe in 1945–47. Intended as a guide for policymakers, the book gained praise in Britain and North America but fierce opposition in West Germany. Wiskemann’s critique of refugee organizations’ influence on Federal politics and her view that the Potsdam agreements and the Oder–Neisse frontier should be accepted as irreversible, made her the target of an abusive campaign orchestrated by the government, refugee organizations, and research institutes focused on the ‘lost East.’
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Bull, Anna Cento. « 3. Governing Italy ». Dans Modern Italy : A Very Short Introduction, 39–61. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198726517.003.0004.
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One strand of controversy and debate concerning Italy’s path to modernity has focused on its political system and style of government. In liberal Italy, there are two styles of governing: ruling with an iron fist at home and promoting an aggressive foreign and colonial policy; and governing by consensus through compromise with social forces and reliance on a parliamentary practice known as trasformismo (‘transformism’). ‘Governing Italy’ shows that these governing styles were replicated (and exacerbated) after the fall of the liberal state. It describes the origins of trasformismo, the breakdown of governance following World War I, the ‘blocked democracy’ of the Christian Democratic Party (1945–92), and Italy’s Second Republic.
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Horn, Gerd-Rainer. « The Wind from the North ». Dans The Moment of Liberation in Western Europe, 69–116. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199587919.003.0004.
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No Western European country experienced liberation at such a slow pace as Italy. The Allied landing on Sicily occurred twenty months before the final liberation of Northern Italy in late April 1945. As a result, the evolution of antifascist resistance activism underwent a contradictory development unique in Western Europe. The official Roman government administering liberated Italy and Rome-based coordinating bodies of the resistance operating in the North performed the role of a break on the radical dynamic of antifascist activism in Italy’s North. In parts of Central and Northern Italy, the social power and political clout of Liberation Committees became all-important counterpowers to traditional political authorities, far exceeding the radical dynamics which had propelled French Liberation Committees into the limelight of their day. Virtually all of Northern Italy was liberated by antifascist activists in advance of the arrival of Allied troops moving north.
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Marrone, Gaetana. « Disorder and Chaos ». Dans The Cinema of Francesco Rosi, 89–120. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190885632.003.0003.
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Le mani sulla città (Hands over the City, 1963), Rosi’s indictment of local civic corruption, maps the labyrinthine spaces and power hierarchies of Naples, the city that exemplified for him scandalous urban developments in postwar Italy. The film, which exposes the rapacity of land speculators operating in collusion with local government, features spectacular collapse and eviction scenes that reflect Rosi’s rapport with Neapolitan theater and his aesthetic ties to Cartier-Bresson. Cadaveri eccellenti (Illustrious Corpses, 1976), adapted from Leonardo Sciascia’s Il contesto, is Rosi’s noir on the Mafia’s ascendancy to a de facto partner in national government. The film, which unfolds around a series of unsolved murders of distinguished jurists, reflects Rosi’s political unease with the “historic compromise.” To capture these political maneuverings, Rosi breaks with “documented” realism and devises a neobaroque view of the South as an iconic site of corruption, doubt, conspiracy, suspicion, and visual theatricality.
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Brennan, T. Corey. « Constructing Fasces in Mussolini’s Italy ». Dans The Fasces, 178—C11.F3. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197644881.003.0011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract None of the many activist Italian political groups of the late nineteenth and earlier twentieth centuries that called themselves “fasci” (“bundles”) exploited the Roman device in their public messaging until 1919. In that year, the newspaper editor Benito Mussolini (1883–1945), as founder and leader of the “Italian Fasci of Combat,” embraced the (previously pejorative) tag “fascisti” for his supporters, and used a threatening representation of the fasces to identify his favored political candidates. Use of the historical Roman emblem served as branding for his rapidly growing party, and to a stunning degree also helped valorize its violent methods, which intensified especially from the spring of 1920. Soon after his movement’s largely bloodless “March on Rome” (October 28–30, 1922) that felled the elected government, Mussolini—now as prime minister—successfully forced the fasces into every crevice of Italian daily life, from coinage and postage stamps to cigarette packaging. What followed was a twenty-year program to make the fasces ubiquitous in Italy and the territories it colonized in Africa. Mussolini’s regime’s relentless focus on the fasces, and propagation of the image on a massive scale, had no close parallel in world history. And Mussolini seems to have been the first statesperson ever to interpret the fasces as an instrument for imposing political unity by means of authority. (Everyone else had it the other way around.) It also was a special innovation of Mussolini to idealize the humble lictor who lugged the fasces, and raise him to prominence.
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Horn, Gerd-Rainer. « Last Stands ». Dans The Moment of Liberation in Western Europe, 217–46. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199587919.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The moment of liberation in Western Europe spans several years before and after Victory in Europe Day. The roughly two years before 8 May 1945 witnessed the greatest extension of antifascist resistance activism, imparting an aura of radicalization to this period. It is possible to pinpoint specifically when the pressures of radical antifascist resistance activism broke out one last time in post-liberation Western Europe. In Belgium, tensions rose in conjunction with the attitudes of the new post-liberation government headed by the conservative Catholic Hubert Pierlot. In November 1947, first in Marseille but then also in Saint-Étienne, resistance activists defied the old political elite in militant actions which were the last of their kind in post-liberation France. In Italy, the assassination attempt on Palmiro Togliatti in 1948 marked the last stand of the radical resistance spirit, witnessing instances of quasi-urban insurrections in some of the traditional hotspots of antifascism in Italy.
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Ellis, Stephen, Solofo Randrianja et Jean-François Bayart. « Africa and International Corruption ». Dans Charlatans, Spirits and Rebels in Africa, sous la direction de Tim Kelsall, 411–44. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661611.003.0016.
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Abstract This article traces the development of corruption in one part of Africa--Seychelles--in a global context. It demonstrates how the ease with which capital can be transferred and commodities bought and sold, and the speed of modern communication in general, have been given considerable impetus to the linking of corrupt practices across borders, and that this process of transnational corruption was considerably encouraged by the Cold War. After independence in 1976, Seychelles was subject to intense international diplomatic and military activity, often of a covert nature, due largely to the islands' strategic location, which made them an asset both in US-Soviet rivalry in the Indian Ocean and in the more localized patterns of conflict stemming from South Africa's drive to assert its hegemony in southern Africa. This led to attempts to subvert or influence the islands' government by bribery and by force, while more powerful governments and business interests associated with political parties as far afield as Italy manipulated Seychelles' status as a sovereign State in order to perform various transactions of dubious legality. There is some evidence also that the islands were used for financial transactions by arms dealers and as a staging post for drug trafficking.
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Freeland, Jane. « The Cost of Political Support ». Dans Feminist Transformations and Domestic Violence Activism in Divided Berlin, 1968-2002, 56–87. British Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197267110.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how feminists broke the taboo of domestic violence and created popular and political support for their movement. It particularly focuses on the opening of the first women's shelter in West Berlin in 1976. Despite starting as an initiative of a small group of women at the Berlin women's centre in 1974, less than two years later the shelter opened as a publicly funded three-year pilot project sponsored by the federal government and the Berlin Senate. This chapter argues that such support was only possible due to the transformation and deradicalization of feminist politics, whereby the federal government and Berlin Senate required feminists to move away from their grassroots, autonomous organization to fit into an institutional framework. While these changes helped corral support for the shelter, by simplifying feminist practices and politics the broader fight for women's equality was simultaneously undercut. Examining this process of deradicalization, this chapter reveals the normative boundaries of the putative ‘success story’ historians have mapped out for West Germany after 1945.
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Bosqued, Concepción Blasco, et Javier Espiago. « The Role of GIS in the Management of Archaeological Data : An Example of Application for the Spanish Administration ». Dans Anthropology, Space, and Geographic Information Systems. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195085754.003.0014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The idea of collecting all archaeological findings and sites of a particular region is at least as old as the first archaeological studies and perhaps prior to the scientific development of the discipline of archaeology itself. However, the first archaeological maps (cartas arqueológicas) had very far different objectives than those of today. The first example of this sort dates from 1818. In Spain, the Law of Archaeological Excavations promotes the elaboration of an exhaustive inventory since 1941, when the first archaeological map of the province of Soria, compiled by Mr. Blas Taracena, appeared, and in 1945, M. Almagro Basch, together with José Colominas and José Serra Ráfols, led the effort to compile the archaeological map of the province of Barcelona and four other provinces. These six archaeological maps of provinces followed the criteria adopted by other European countries like Italy, Switzerland, and Yugoslavia. In each map, the names of all counties were organized alphabetically; within counties, the names of sites and other archaeological findings, either industrial or artistic sites, appeared in chronological order from the Paleolithic to the end of the Hispanic-Visigothic period (eighth century). The scales of these maps varied from 1:50,000 to 1:400,000. Changes produced by the new political map of Spain during the 1980s, together with the transfer of responsibilities, transformed the “official” archaeological maps into archaeological maps for each “autonomic” government of the different provinces. These inventories had a fundamental goal: an exhaustive knowledge of the patrimony for its preservation and its study. They include a profound and methodical process and contain not only all existing literature, but also a complete survey of the field to locate whatever possible, including medieval, modern or contemporary testimonies. The volume of data is so great that a computerized system is necessary, both for the creation of a database and for the need to have a precise cartography that helps to preserve archaeological remains. At the moment, the autonomic governments initiated are in the stage of data collection for these comprehensive maps. In any case, besides these “official” series, other works covering smaller regions exist.