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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Italy – Politics and government – 1922-1944 »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1922-1944"

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Bakic, Dragan. « Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926 ». Balcanica, no 47 (2016) : 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.

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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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Young, John. « Talking to Tito : the Eden visit to Yugoslavia, September 1952 ». Review of International Studies 12, no 1 (janvier 1986) : 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114111.

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Josip Tito first met a leading British statesman, in August 1944, when he had discussions in Naples with Winston Churchill about the future of the Yugoslav resistance movements.1 After the war however the Yugoslav communist leader did not meet another leading statesman from the West until September 1952. The visitor on that occasion was Churchill's Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Between the two dates there had been remarkable changes in Anglo-Yugoslav relations. In the years 1944–1948, as the world slipped towards Cold War, the British aid given to Tito's guerillas in wartime seemed to have been wasted; Yugoslavia apparently became firmly rooted in the Soviet bloc. Many now argue that Churchill ought to have supported other Yugoslav resistance groups who were supporters of the Yugoslav monarchy and, presumably, more pro-western. British support for Tito during the war, however, had logical force: Tito was popular with his countrymen and able to unite them, a capable leader who knew how to use the geography of his country against its enemies, and a man who was ultimately able to liberate Yugoslavia without large-scale Soviet assistance.2 And, in 1948, to the surprise of many in the West he proved that he was no mere Russian puppet either. He opposed attempts from Moscow to extend its influence over Yugoslav government and politics and, in June, was expelled by Stalin from the Soviet-led ‘Cominform’ Faced by economic blockade from the East, Tito turned increasingly to the West for support. In November 1951 he took a major step by accepting American military aid. As yet there were limits to his western commitment: he was still a communist, on poor terms with some of his western neighbours (especially Italy), and determined, whilst accepting western aid, to keep his distance from both power blocs. But it seemed that he could be won over securely to the West in the long-term. Recently released British files on the Eden visit reveal much about the state of Tito's relationship with the West at this time.
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Regan, John M. « The politics of reaction : the dynamics of treatyite government and policy, 1922–33 ». Irish Historical Studies 30, no 120 (novembre 1997) : 542–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013444.

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On 3 July 1944 William T. Cosgrave, the former President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State, wrote to his friend and former colleague, Professor Michael Hayes, reflecting on his life in politics. The occasion was Cosgrave’s retirement as leader of the Fine Gael party. I find this break a painful operation in many respects. Even were my physique equal to the Dáil and political work it seems this slip should have been inevitable ... But we must be candid — in the sphere that one considered the least important but which was the most important we failed — viz to retain popular support. It should not and I believe it is not beyond the capacity of able men to discover a way to the people’s confidence and having found it to keep it.The letter remains a lachrymose valediction to a political career which witnessed Cosgrave’s rise from Dublin municipal politics to the leadership of the first independent Irish government. Cosgrave presided over the first decade of independence. Governments under his leadership fought and won the Civil War which was waged against the implementation of the 1921 Anglo-Irish treaty. In the process they created a stable polity which integrated its internal opponents with remarkable success. Within nine years of defeating the anti-treaty forces in the Civil War Cosgrave’s last government was able to pass power peacefully to its former adversaries in the guise, by 1932, of the Fianna Fail party under the leadership of Eamon de Valera.
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Brogi, Alessandro. « Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe : US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7 ». Journal of Contemporary History 53, no 1 (9 janvier 2017) : 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.

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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.
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KADRIA, SALI. « THE ALBANIAN GOVERNMENT’S EFFORTS TO SECURE A FINANCIAL ADVISOR TO ALBANIA FROM THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS (1921–1922) ». ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no 33 (22 décembre 2022) : 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2022.33.118-135.

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This paper presents the economic and financial situation in Albania during 1921– 1922, the difficulties faced by the Albanian government overcoming issues related to this and the efforts made to fulfill the Albanian government’s request to the League of Nations for an appointment of an outside financial advisor. It will also present the circumstances around the possibility being raised once again for the League to appoint a British financial. It addresses the motivations behind the Albanian government turning to the League of Nations for support, and the reasons why it could not seek help in this matter from Italy or the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovens (SCS). This paper also reflects on the potential candidates discussed at the League of Nations and considers the discussions that took place regarding the procedures, competencies and criteria for selecting candidates for this task. The position held by the British and Italian governments regarding Albania’s request for assistance and the arguments on which their political lines were based. The paper considers in detail the position held by the British Foreign Office regarding the candidates submitted for this position in Albania.
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Pitzalis, Andrea. « Il giovane Alberto Beneduce : gli anni della formazione intellettuale tra la politica e le aspirazioni accademiche (1904-1911) ». HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no 1 (juin 2009) : 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2009-001003.

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- Alberto Beneduce (Caserta, May 29 th 1877 - Rome, April 26 th 1944), politician and an economist, but also also administrator of important government firms, often from himself conceived and created, in pre-republican Italy. Besides being managing director of the INA and the first president of IRI, he was also minister and deputy. The purpose of the paper is to enlighten the link between theoretical training and administrative action, often denied or minimized in the historical debate, by investigating the roots of the economic thought of great figures of manager or public administrators as in the specific case of Beneduce.JEL classification: B310; H700; N440.Keywords: Italian economic thought; Political Economy; Economic history; Beneduce; Montemartini; Walras.
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Dudaeva, Marina V. « Historical and Political Analysis of the Decentralization Process in Italy ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies (Moscow) 8, no 1 (27 mai 2021) : 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls64467.

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The author of the article examines the peculiarities of the Italian political space through a retrospective analysis of that countrys longstanding decentralization process. As a starting point, the author takes the end of the Risorgimento era, during which the national liberation movement of the Italian people united against foreign domination of their fragmented nation. A periodization of the decentralization process is given, indicating its main milestones: 1) the establishment of the Kingdom of Italy (1815 to 1871); 2) the Fascist regime (1922 to 1943); 3) adoption of the Italian Constitution and the Statutes of the Special Regions (1947); 4) regional reform (1970) and; 5) constitutional reform (2001). The key criteria for assessing the degree of decentralization in Italy are considered, including whether the regions have the right to adopt their own laws, initiate legislation at the central level, and participate in international activities. The author concludes that the Italian political elite has succeeded in decentralizing the republic and building a new regional policy based on the principles of subsidiarity. The reforms of the political and legal institutional design were mainly related to the delineation of the spheres of competence between the state and the regions, the consolidation of autonomous status for all regions, the abolition of the government commissioner, and the challenge of regional legislation exclusively by the Constitutional Court, creating the basis for the quasi-federal features of the Italian political and legal system. Thus, it is natural to say that Italy belongs to a special transit form of state structure of the regionalist type, located at the juncture between unitarianism and federalism.
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Tovsultanov, Rustam Alkhazurovich, Malika Sharipovna Tovsultanova et Lilia Nadipovna Galimova. « The Greco-Turkish War of 1919-1922 : the formation of new Turkey and the collapse of the idea of Great Greece ». Samara Journal of Science 11, no 2 (1 juin 2022) : 195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.55355/snv2022112207.

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The paper deals with the history of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919-1922. As a result of the defeat in the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, the country became the object of the division of the Entente countries and their satellites. The Turkish sultan became a puppet of the leadership of the British Empire. In May 1919, a large-scale Greek intervention in Anatolia began. In 1920, the Sultans government recognized the imposed humiliating Treaty of Sevres, which divided the territory of Turkey between neighboring states and great powers. However, a powerful patriotic movement arose in Anatolia, led by Mustafa Kemal. Playing on the contradictions between the Entente countries and at the same time on their confrontation with Soviet Russia, M. Kemal led Armenia out of the war, deprived the Greeks of support from France and Italy, re-equipped the Turkish army and gained time to prepare for the defeat of the Greek military forces. The successive victories of the Turks in 1921-1922 near the village of Inonu, the Sakarya River and the town of Dumlupinar caused the final collapse of the idea of Great Greece. The results of the national liberation struggle of the Turkish people were fixed by the Lausanne Treaty of 1923. The final results of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919-1922 determined the geographical boundaries and political system of the modern Turkish Republic.
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Garfinkel, Paul. « A Wide, Invisible Net : Administrative Deportation in Italy, 1863–1871 ». European History Quarterly 48, no 1 (janvier 2018) : 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417741854.

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This article examines the legal history of domicilio coatto (forced residence), a system of summary police-administered deportation instituted by Italy’s Liberal government soon after national unification in 1861. Introduced in an emergency law in 1863, its limited purpose was to suppress a public-order crisis in the south. Within just eight years, however, forced residence had become a regular institution of Italian criminal justice. Not only did it remain as such until Mussolini’s seizure of power in 1922, but it also provided an important blueprint for confino di polizia, the Fascist variant of forced residence implemented in 1926. Focusing on the complex circumstances in which domicilio coatto emerged, the causes of its rapid transformation into a routine weapon of preventative policing, and the legal ideologies of its proponents, this article aims to explain why Italian legal experts crafted the highly repressive instrument and championed it as an essential, if not desirable, institution of ‘liberal’ criminal justice in the young constitutional monarchy. It argues that domicilio coatto was devised to be not simply an expedient for punishing political opponents, as scholars have long emphasized, but a regular instrument for thwarting what jurists and lawmakers considered to be the principal long-term threat to cementing Liberal rule: common crime. Such an interpretation sheds new light on the origins, objectives and historical significance of forced residence in Liberal Italy; at the same time, it offers a critical complement to the existing scholarship that has focused almost exclusively on the political uses of domicilio coatto.
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Gramith, Luke. « Minders of the Clock and Starvers of the People : Everyday Fascism and the Grassroots Logic of Revolutionary Defascistization in Monfalcone, Italy, 1922–1946 ». European History Quarterly 52, no 2 (30 mars 2022) : 268–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221085121.

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Although much is known about the political and legal contours of post-dictatorial transitions in twentieth-century Southern Europe, less is known about the process of resolving contradictory purge aspirations at the national and local levels, let alone how new social imaginaries emerged at the grassroots level informed by the everyday experiences of dictatorship. This article provides a bottom-up account of defascistization in the Italian town of Monfalcone, where a distinctly social-revolutionary logic of defascistization emerged independent of Marxism and tied to the town's everyday experiences of dictatorship. Twenty years of everyday antagonism between non-Fascist residents and local Fascists who headed workplace and marketplace power structures led to a conflation of Fascism with workplace and marketplace power structures in their entirety. Residents understood defascistization as a project to dismantle both political Fascism and local power structures that instantiated ‘everyday Fascism’. This clashed with the logic of defascistization brought to Monfalcone by Italy's post-war Allied Military Government, and incompatibilities between local and external logics concretely undermined defascistization efforts with profound political effects. As defascistization faltered, the Communist Party articulated Marxism-Leninism within the language of popular purge aspirations, fuelling a campaign for Tito's Yugoslavia to annex much of northeastern Italy, Monfalcone included. Residents participated in this battle to realize their expansive vision of defascistization and to weed out authoritarian structures characteristic of ‘Fascist’ life. The study suggests a great potential for everyday-historical approaches to uncover still-buried dynamics of post-dictatorial transitions in and beyond Southern Europe.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1922-1944"

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CATASTINI, Francesco. « Antifascismo, resistenza e scelta in due comunità toscane : Roccastrada e Calenzano, 1922-1944 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14696.

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Defence Date: 20 September 2010
Examining Board: Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt (EUI) – Supervisor; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI); Prof. Philippe Buton (Université de Reims); Prof. Simone Neri Serneri (Università di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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NOIRET, Serge. « Biographie de Nicola Bombacci : du réformisme au révolutionnarisme (1879-1924) ». Doctoral thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5916.

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BACH, Maurizio. « Charisma und Bürokratie : die Spitzenorganization der Führerdiktaturen im Dritten Reich und im italienischen Faschismus ». Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5204.

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Defence date: 17 May 1989
Examining Board: Prof. Dr. M. Rainer Lepsius (Universität Heidelberg) ; Prof. Dr. Birgitta Nedelmann (Universität Mainz), co-supervisor ; Prof. Dr. Pietro Rossi (Università di Torino) ; Prof. Dr. Philippe C. Schmitter (Stanford University), supervisor
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Livres sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1922-1944"

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Fascist modernities : Italy, 1922-1945. Berkeley : University of California Press, 2001.

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Parlementaires en chemise noire : Italie (1922-1943). Besançon : Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2007.

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How fascism ruled women : Italy, 1922-1945. Berkeley : University of California Press, 1992.

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The fascist revolution in Tuscany, 1919-1922. Cambridge [England] : Cambridge University Press, 1989.

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Schmitz, David F. The United States and fascist Italy, 1922-1940. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1988.

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Berghaus, Günter. Futurism and politics : Between anarchist rebellion and fascist reaction, 1909-1944. Providence, R.I : Berghahn Books, 1996.

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Schmitz, David F. The United States and fascist Italy, 1922-1940. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1988.

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Giellismo, azionismo, socialismo : Scritti tra storia e politica : 1944-1988. Firenze : Polistampa, 2005.

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The crisis of liberal Italy : Monetary and financial policy, 1914-1922. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Lanciotti, Maria Elvira. La riforma impossibile : Idee, discussioni e progetti sulla modifica del Senato regio e vitalizio (1848-1922). Bologna : Il Mulino, 1993.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 1922-1944"

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Brennan, T. Corey. « Constructing Fasces in Mussolini’s Italy ». Dans The Fasces, 178—C11.F3. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197644881.003.0011.

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Abstract None of the many activist Italian political groups of the late nineteenth and earlier twentieth centuries that called themselves “fasci” (“bundles”) exploited the Roman device in their public messaging until 1919. In that year, the newspaper editor Benito Mussolini (1883–1945), as founder and leader of the “Italian Fasci of Combat,” embraced the (previously pejorative) tag “fascisti” for his supporters, and used a threatening representation of the fasces to identify his favored political candidates. Use of the historical Roman emblem served as branding for his rapidly growing party, and to a stunning degree also helped valorize its violent methods, which intensified especially from the spring of 1920. Soon after his movement’s largely bloodless “March on Rome” (October 28–30, 1922) that felled the elected government, Mussolini—now as prime minister—successfully forced the fasces into every crevice of Italian daily life, from coinage and postage stamps to cigarette packaging. What followed was a twenty-year program to make the fasces ubiquitous in Italy and the territories it colonized in Africa. Mussolini’s regime’s relentless focus on the fasces, and propagation of the image on a massive scale, had no close parallel in world history. And Mussolini seems to have been the first statesperson ever to interpret the fasces as an instrument for imposing political unity by means of authority. (Everyone else had it the other way around.) It also was a special innovation of Mussolini to idealize the humble lictor who lugged the fasces, and raise him to prominence.
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