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1
Bedborough, Sheena J. « Unprincipled careerists or enlightened entrepreneurs ? : a study of the roles, identities and attitudes of the Scots MPs at Westminster, c.1754 - c.1784 ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/22144.
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The Scots MPs of the eighteenth century have traditionally been portrayed in a negative light. In a century once noted for electoral corruption and the abuses of patronage, they were seen by contemporaries and later writers as among the worst examples of their kind: greedy, self-seeking, unprincipled ‘tools of administration’ whose votes could be bought with the offer of places and pensions. Lewis Namier’s seminal work exposing the cynical approach to politics of MPs generally, sparked a backlash which has produced a more balanced evaluation of English politics. Strangely, although Namier exonerated the Scots MPs from the worst of the charges against them, his less judgmental verdicts are found only sporadically in more recent writing, while the older viewpoint is still repeated by some historians. There is no modern study of the eighteenth-century Scots MPs, a situation which this research proposes to remedy, by examining the group of MPs who represented Scotland at Westminster between 1754 and 1784. It re-assesses the extent to which the original criticisms are merited, but also widens the scope by examining the contribution made by Scotland’s MPs, to British and Scottish political life in the later part of the eighteenth century. A study of the social make-up and the careers of this particular cohort provides the backdrop for the two main themes: the participation of Scots MPs in the legislative process, and their effectiveness as representatives of Scottish interests at Westminster. Existing biographical information has been supplemented by an examination of Parliamentary Papers, debates, and personal correspondence to enable further analysis of attitudes, in particular with regard to politics and political mores. The research explores issues of motivation, asking questions about allegiance, identity, perceptions of government, and how conflicts of interest were resolved, before presenting a conclusion which aims to offer a revised, broader, but more nuanced, assessment of this much-criticised group, based on more recent approaches to interpretation of the period.
2
ENA, SANJUÁN Íñigo. « The vertebrae of the Leviathan : municipal debt and state formation in the eighteenth-century Crown of Aragon ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74919.
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Defence date: 28 September 2022Examining Board: Prof. Pieter Judson (European University Institute); Prof. Tamar Herzog (Harvard University); Prof. Christopher Storrs (University of Dundee); Prof. Regina Grafe (European University Institute)
Why and how did modern states emerge in Southwestern Europe? These are the main questions that this thesis answers by examining the debt of six municipalities of the Crown of Aragon during the 18th century through a multiscale, transversal, and comparative approach. The ancient practices which constituted the Aragonese polity appeared in the mid-fourteenth century and survived at least until the mid-eighteenth century partially thanks to the debt of the municipalities. Towns and kingdoms were in many cases ruled by assemblies of creditors by virtue of debt restructuring agreements. Debt accounts for the long survival of the Aragonese polity, but also for its sclerosis. The financial situation of the debtholders, mostly ecclesiastical institutions, prevented rulers from defaulting on municipal debt and adopting drastic measures against the Church, as they feared a financial meltdown. The emergence of the modern state was an intricate process which started by 1750, mainly due to the collapse of the ancient mechanisms. The modern state appeared as a set of practices devised and implemented by a myriad of actors who tried to recompose social and political life. State formation was first and foremost a local process in which municipal debt proved crucial too. The examination of local dynamics reveals that modern states in Southwestern Europe followed similar paths during the early phases of their formation.
3
Thompson, Stephen John. « Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
4
Jauch, Linda. « Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
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Jones, Scott Lee. « Servants of the Republic : patrician lawyers in Quattrocento Venice ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42517.
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Lawyers have widely been recognized as playing a role in the transition from the medieval to the modem state. Their presence in Renaissance Venetian politics, however, remains largely unexplored. Relying primarily on a prosopographical analysis, the thesis explores the various roles played by lawyers, dividing those roles into three main categories: diplomats, territorial governors, and domestic legislators. What emerges is a clear pattern of significant involvement by legally trained patricians in the Venetian political system. Noble lawyers were most often ambassadors, serving in many of the principal courts inside and outside of Italy as Venice was extending her influence on the Italian peninsula. They also served as administrators of Venetian rule throughout the Venetian terraferma (mainland) state. Lastly, their domestic political officeholding further confirms their continuing participation, as they held many of the most important domestic offices throughout the Quattrocento. The thesis ends with short biographies of each of the nearly three-dozen lawyers who make up this study, as well as chronologies of the offices they held. These chronologies include archival references for each office.
6
Ahn, Doohwan. « British strategy, economic discourse, & ; The Idea of a Patriot King, 1702-1738 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283894.
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Philp, Karen. « John Russell, the fourth Duke of Bedford, and politics, 1745-1751 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e486c33f-a4bb-4f25-9b66-7c0017aee64e.
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This dissertation on the fourth duke of Bedford examines the political activities of a member of the House of Lords. It documents the activities of the members of the Pelham Administration, using Bedford's correspondence to provide an outline for the narrative. The aim is to provide a greater understanding of Bedford's political career, and also to illustrate the influence this individual had in determining ministerial policy. A discussion of Bedford's social connections leads into an overview of the events culminating in his inclusion in the Administration in 1745. Initially First Lord of the Admiralty, Bedford was promoted in 1748 to the office of Secretary of State for the Southern Department. In both offices, his concern was the promotion and protection of trade. He advocated the 'Country' Whig view that the protection of British merchants and their overseas markets by the navy was in the countryâs best interest. Bedford recognized the importance of securing and expanding American markets, and implemented measures, such as the proposed 'reduction' of Canada, to promote this aim. Bedford also lead the negotiations for the commercial treaty with Spain, signed at Madrid in 1750, that gave special trade status to Britain. Bedford sought to increase his political influence in various constituencies during the 1747 General Election. The local influence he wielded, however, did not enable him to carry through private turnpike legislation in Parliament. His legislation was defeated on 13 February 1750, at third reading, in an unusually high vote (154-208). Newcastle, whose relationship with Bedford had grown increasingly acrimonious, played a role in the defeat of this bill. The deterioration in this relationship contributed to Bedford's resignation from office on 14 June 1751.
8
Hogan, Marina. « The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
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This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
9
Finn, Sarah. « 'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945 ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
10
Vaudry, Janice C. « James Caulfeild, the earl of Charlemont : portrait of an Irish whig peer ». Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61768.
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Underwood, Scott V. « A revolutionary atmosphere : England in the aftermath of the French revolution ». Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722223.
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This study is a cross-examination of the theory of revolution and the historical view of English society and politics in the late eighteenth century. Historical research focused upon the most respected (if not the most recent) works containing theory and information about the effects of the French Revolution on English society and politics. Research into the theory of revolution was basically a selection process whereby a few of the most extensive and reasonable theories were chosen for use.The cross-study of the two fields revealed that, although historians view it as politically conservative and generally complacent, English society, fettered by antiquated political institutions and keenly aware of the recent French Revolution, contained all the elements conducive to rebellion listed by the theorists of revolution. In the final analysis, research indicated revolution did not occur in England because of the confluence of political, military and social events in England and France.Department of History
12
Kim, Minchul. « Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
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Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
13
Doyle, Charles James. « The judicial reaction in south-eastern France, 1794-1800 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59cc347e-6a12-4540-8d81-65018e2170da.
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The thesis investigates and analyses the hitherto neglected phenomenon of political reaction within the judiciary of south-eastern France during the period between the Thermidorian Reaction and the advent of the Consulate. The character, objectives and effects of the 'reaction judiciaire1 are studied through a series of different perspectives. The first task is to highlight the discrepancy between the concepts of the social and political effects of a revamped judicial system formulated during the Year III and the corrupt abuse of judicial power by reactionary provincial judges. Indeed, the study constantly seeks to explore the conceptual as well as the practical damage inflicted on the Directorial regime by the supposed trustees of the post-Terrorist republican settlement. Emphasis is placed upon the collaboration between the southern judges and the counter-revolutionary elements within the local community, especially in the discussion of the origins of the judicial reaction. The changes of technique and of objective which the judiciary experienced are explored in full. It is described from its beginnings as a weapon of retribution for the aggrieved local community against the former agents of the Terror to its role in the subversion of regional jacobinism to its support for the period of unchecked counter-revolution during the Year V and finally to its function as a 'rearguard' defender of arrested counter- revolutionaries during the period of the Second Directory. In addition, due consideration is given to the motivation of individual judges who operated the reaction. It is hoped that the thesis has provided a model for the study of the causes, techniques and aims of political reaction from within an independent state power. Furthermore, it is hoped that the work is seminal in its suggestion that judicial reaction and its many ramifications had both a direct and indirect bearing upon the fall of the Directory.
14
Newton, Joshua David. « The Royal Navy and the British West African settlements, 1748-1783 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648224.
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Moran, Arik. « Permutations of Rajput identity in the West Himalayas, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a5436935-3a87-4702-8b0a-471643633c46.
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The sustained interaction of local elites and British administrators in the West Himalayas over the decades that surrounded the early colonial encounter (c. 1790-1840) saw the emergence of a distinctly new understanding of communal identity among the leaders of the region. This eventful period saw the mountain ('Pahari') kingdoms transform from fragmented, autonomous polities on the fringes of the Indian subcontinent to subjects of indigenous (Nepali, Sikh) and, ultimately, foreign (British) empires, and dramatically altered the ways Pahari leaders chose to remember and represent themselves. Using a wide array of sources from different locales in the hills (e.g., oral epics, archival records and local histories), this thesis traces the Pahari elite's transition from a nebulous group of lineage-based leaders to a cohesive unitary milieu modelled after contemporary interpretations of Hindu kingship. This nascent ideal of kingship is shown to have fed into concurrent understandings of Rajput society in the West Himalayas and ultimately to have sustained the alliance between indigenous rulers and British administrators.
16
Stewart, Hailey A. « The Power of Perception : Women and Politics at the Early Georgian Court ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699945/.
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The early Georgian period illustrates how the familial dynamic at court affected women’s opportunity to exert political influence. The court represented an important venue that allowed women to declare a political affiliation and to participate in political issues that suited their interests. Appearances often at variance with reality allowed women to manipulate and test their political abilities in order to have the capability to exercise any possible power. Moreover, some women developed political alliances and relationships that supported their own interests. The family structure of the royal household affected how much influence women had. The perception of holding power permitted certain women to behave politically. This thesis will demonstrate that the distinction between appearances and reality becomes vital in assessing women at the early Georgian court by examining some women’s experiences at court during the reigns of the first two Georges. In some cases, the perceived power of a courtier had a real basis, and in other instances, it gave them an opportunity to assess the extent of their political power. Women’s political participation has been underestimated during the early Georgian period, while well-documented post-1760.
17
Davis, Camille Marie. « Why the Fuse Blew : the Reasons for Colonial America’s Transformation From Proto-nationalists to Revolutionary Patriots : 1772-1775 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc804870/.
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The most well-known events and occurrences that caused the American Revolution are well-documented. No scholar debates the importance of matters such as the colonists’ frustration with taxation without representation, the Boston Massacre, the Boston Tea Party, and the Coercive Acts. However, very few scholars have paid attention to how the 1772 English court case that freed James Somerset from slavery impacted American Independence. This case occurred during a two-year stall in the conflict between the English government and her colonies that began in 1763. Between 1763 and 1770, there was ongoing conflict between the two parties, but the conflict temporarily subsided in 1770. Two years later, in 1772, the Somerset decision reignited tension and frustration between the mother country and her colonies. This paper does not claim that the Somerset decision was the cause of colonial separation from England. Instead it argues that the Somerset decision played a significant yet rarely discussed role in the colonists’ willingness to begin meeting with one another to discuss their common problem of shared grievance with British governance. It prompted the colonists to begin relating to one another and to the British in a way that they never had previously. This case’s impact on intercolonial relations and relations between the colonies and her mother country are discussed within this work.
18
Long, Katya. « Security and Liberty : the Republican dilemma in the Early American Republic ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210320.
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A la fin du 18ème siècle, les Etats-Unis inaugurent les révolutions fondatrices ou refondatrices, directement inspirée des Lumières et ayant dialoguées par-delà l’Atlantique. La période révolutionnaire a vue une élite politique nouvelle aux prises avec la nécessité de bâtir un «ordre nouveau», c'est-à-dire de créer un gouvernement et de définir le rapport au monde de ce nouvel Etat. Cette quête a amené les acteurs politiques de la révolution à chercher un modèle politique différent de celui, dominant, des monarchies absolues. L’idée de république s’impose dès la déclaration d’indépendance. En effet, les Lumières avaient redécouvert le républicanisme qui pouvait incarner l’espoir d’un ordre politique réformé. Cependant, les républiques classiques et les exemples contemporains confirment l’idée alors partagée par tous qu’une république ne peut être qu’une petite entité politique au sein de laquelle vit une population restreinte d’hommes libres et où les différences sociales sont relativement faibles. Non seulement cette petite taille des républiques était-elle un phénomène empirique mais elle semblait être une loi d’airain. Depuis la reformulation du dilemme républicain par Machiavel, l’idée qu’une république ne puisse pas être libre et étendue faisait consensus. Cette première république moderne, fille des Lumières pacifistes, a pourtant mené une expansion quasi-continentale. Comment cette petite république à la périphérie du monde pouvait-elle réconcilier sa volonté de rompre avec les tentations hégémoniques et son désir de puissance ?Comment pouvait-elle s’étendre tout en préservant sa liberté républicaine ?Nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que la réponse à ces questions se trouve dans une redéfinition des principes et des méthodes de leur politique étrangère. Afin de minimiser les risques de corruption de la république, les acteurs de la révolution ont cherché à mettre en place une politique étrangère républicaine fondée sur les idées des Lumières. Cette hypothèse nous a mené à articuler notre travail autour de trois axes de recherche :le premier portant sur la théorie politique internationale, le second sur le débat idéologique autour de la politique étrangère et le troisième sur les institutions de prise de décision et de mise en œuvre de cette politique étrangère. Ces trois axes sont reliés par les idées qui forment la structure intellectuelle des débats entre les acteurs ainsi que les déterminants de la création institutionnelle.
C’est là le cœur de notre thèse. En faisant appel à la méthodologie originale développée par Pierre Rosanvallon, qu’il décrit comme une histoire conceptuelle du politique, nous avons tout d’abord procédé à une étude du cadre intellectuel de la révolution américaine en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la philosophie des relations internationales par une analyse de la contribution de Montesquieu à la théorie politique internationale.
La thèse porte ensuite sur les débats révolutionnaires, la tension entre les idéologies des Lumières telles qu’illustrées par la pensée de Montesquieu et le désir d’expansion territoriale ou de grandeur des acteurs de la révolution. Nous avons choisi de consacrer notre étude aux élites, non pas que nous ne considérions pas l’histoire sociale digne d’intérêt mais nous avons postulé que dans cette phase de bouleversement politique, ce sont les élites politiques qui ont joué le rôle déterminant. Enfin, la troisième partie de la thèse consiste en une étude du cadre constitutionnel, législatif et institutionnel de la politique étrangère républicaine issue de l’interaction entre la structure intellectuelle des Lumières et son interprétation par les acteurs.
Ainsi, notre analyse des idées, des acteurs et des institutions de la république américaine nous a permis de contribuer d’une part à la théorie des relations internationales en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la politique internationale au cours du 18ème siècle et d’autre part à l’histoire des idées politiques en étendant son champ aux questions internationales. Cela nous a permis également de mettre en lumière le lien étroit entre la structure idéelle, les intérêts et les stratégies des acteurs et la création des institutions politiques.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Valligny, Anne-Claire. « Le discours politique et ses sources doctrinales dans les chroniques florentines du XIVe siècle ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30012.
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Cette étude porte sur un corpus de chroniques du XIVe siècle qui comprend les trois principaux textes historiographiques florentins en langue vulgaire de cette période – Cronica delle cose occorrenti ne’ tempi suoi de Dino Compagni, Nuova Cronica de Giovanni Villani et Cronaca fiorentina de Marchionne di Coppo Stefani – et se fixe pour objet l’analyse des principaux concepts employés pour décrire le fonctionnement de la cité et ses enjeux, ainsi que l’identification des sources présentes dans les chroniques. L’analyse prend en compte à la fois l’écriture du fait politique et la valeur de celui-ci dans l’élaboration du discours de la cité.Pour mettre en évidence ce qui transparaît des principaux rouages politiques de la cité, les textes du corpus sont abordés selon les trois axes suivants : les rapports entre cité et citoyens dans le contexte de l’affirmation de la souveraineté du Comune et en regard des notions d’unité et de division ; la question de la liberté à Florence, ses principes fondamentaux, ses formes et ses représentations, par opposition à la tyrannie ; les liens entre cité céleste et cité des hommes à partir de l’analyse de la réception des signes célestes et des notions de providence, fortune et libre arbitre. L’approche retenue s’arrête sur les enjeux et les représentations propres à chacun de ces axes.De cette analyse conceptuelle il ressort que les trois sources principales du discours de la cité sont les auteurs de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine, la théologie chrétienne et le droit. On trouve également des sources contemporaines des chroniqueurs : textes officiels et documents produits par la cité, auteurs de référence pour la période comme Dante AlighieriThis study focuses on a corpus of chronicles of the Fourteenth century consisting in three main historiographical Florentine texts written in vernacular in this period, namely Cronica delle cose occorrenti ne’ tempi suoi by Dino Compagni, Nuova Cronica by Giovanni Villani and Cronaca fiorentina by Marchionne di Coppo Stefani. It aims at analyzing the principal concepts describing the running of the city and its stakes, as well as identifying the sources present in these chronicles. The analysis takes in account both the operation of writing the political experience and its value in elaborating the discourse on the city.To highlight what can be seen from the main aspects of political machinery in the city, the approach to the texts is threefold : the connections between city and citizens both in the context of the Comune’s increasing sovereignty and in the light of the concepts of unity and division ; the question of freedom in Florence, its fundamental principles, its forms and representations, in opposition to tyranny ; the links between the celestial city and the city of men based on the analysis of the reading of celestial omens and the concepts of Providence, Fortune and Free Will. The approach chosen concentrates on the stakes and representations peculiar to each of those subjects.From this conceptual analysis it emerges that the three main sources to the discourse on the city are the authors of Classical Antiquity, Christian Theology and Law. Contemporary sources of the chroniclers also can be found : official texts and documents produced by the city, noted authors in the period as, for instance, Dante Alighieri
20
KUCK, Gerhard. « Italienische Wege zum Sozialismus : Sozialismus- und Kommunismuskonzepte im Risorgimento (1765-1857) ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5865.
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BIGARAN, Mariapia. « Il governo municipale a Trento tra '800 e '900 :ordinamenti, gruppi sociali, politiche ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5722.
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Defence date: 1 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Christof Dipper (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. Peter Hertner, supervisor (Universitaet Halle-Wittenberg) ; Prof. Brigitte Mazchl-Walling (Universitaet Innsbruck) ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, co-supervisor (IUE, Firenze) ; Prof. Fabio Rugge (Università di Pavia)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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CATASTINI, Francesco. « Antifascismo, resistenza e scelta in due comunità toscane : Roccastrada e Calenzano, 1922-1944 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14696.
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Defence Date: 20 September 2010Examining Board: Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt (EUI) – Supervisor; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI); Prof. Philippe Buton (Université de Reims); Prof. Simone Neri Serneri (Università di Siena)
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LISTA, Giovanni. « The political thought of Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun (1653-1716) ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53184.
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Defence date: 27 March 2018Examining Board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen, European University Institute; Prof. Ann Thomson, European University Institute; Prof. Brian Young, University of Oxford; Prof. Charles-Édouard Levillain, Université Paris Diderot
The purpose of this thesis is twofold. On the one hand, it attempts to achieve a proper contextualisation of the works of the Scottish patriot Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun (1653-1712), drawing on but going beyond the studies of pure intellectual historians and focusing on Fletcher’s political stances. In this sense, his pamphlets are considered in chronological order and singularly in their most immediate context, that is the concrete issues they addressed, following the trajectory of their reception and the way they managed to modify the ongoing debates in relation to their practical aims. What emerges is the figure of a political activist rather than a systematic thinker, whose brilliant intuitions also belonged to the realm of concrete proposals rather than to utopian speculation only. On the other, the following dissertation bridges a gap in current historiography, constituting a first comprehensive and modern monograph on Fletcher. The introductory chapter indulges on his life, including some new sources and a specific section on his personal library. Chapter two focuses on the militia debate, exploring the distinctive radicality of Fletcher’s interventions, meant for an English and a Scottish audience. The third chapter deals with the economic reforms Fletcher designed for Scotland, reading them as an expression of English political arithmetic and a viable programme. The following chapter revolves around the intertwined ideas of reason of State and commerce, which Fletcher addressed in his Italian pamphlet on the Spanish succession crisis. The following section reconstructs the usage of the natural law theories in the debate about the Darien colony and Fletcher’s attack on the rise of factions in the English parliament. The closing chapter explores Fletcher’s role in the Union debates, looking at the reception of his parliamentary proposals and at the practical aims his last attributed publication tried to attain.
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BERTILOTTI, Teresa. « Il palcoscenico della nazione : 1909-1918 ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25194.
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Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, IUE (Supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, IUE (Relatore IUE); Professor Martin Baumeister, Ludwig Maximilians Universität, München (Relatore esterno); Professor Catherine Brice, Université Paris-Est Créteil (Relatore esterno).Defence date: 7 November 2012
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This dissertation examines the forms and spaces of entertainment, such as theatres, cinemas and music halls, in Rome between 1911, when celebrations for the 50th anniversary of Italy’s unification took place, and the First World War. This was a time characterized by the emergence of popular and mass culture and by the spread of a specifically nationalist culture that changed dramatically after the war against Libya in 1911. By adopting a broad definition of "culture,” including both high and low culture, this dissertation explores the ways in which a specific theatrical tradition staged the nation’s history, in particular that of the Risorgimento, after Italian unification. It then broadens the analysis to other forms of entertainment. This dissertation argues that the 1909-1911 celebrations were marked by a renewed attention to the "patriotic” tradition, and spurred the emergence of new theatrical and cinematographic productions, which became particularly relevant in the context of the First World War, thus giving substance to the "culture de guerre”. I argue that theatre shows and movies avoided representing the violence and suffering that characterized the war, partly because of the existence of various forms of censorship. However, the presence of wounded bodies among the audience gave way to a dual representation, and transformed theatres, cinemas and music halls into privileged spaces where the war and the domestic front met. By taking into account the case-study of a girls’ school, I show the gendered dimension of civil society mobilization. Finally, this dissertation analyzes the role entertainment played in "building the enemy,” identified with Kultur, and the emergence of a moral discourse about entertainment, which coincided with the spread of popular culture - especially the cinema - and became even stronger and more complex with the outbreak of the First World War.
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Horgan, Kate. « Singing to the king : the politics of songs in eighteenth-century Britain c. 1723-1795 ». Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150039.
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This study analyses the importance of songs in British eighteenth-century culture with specific reference to their political meaning. Traditionally marginalized in accounts of the ballad and the role of the ballad in literary culture, the political song will be situated as a multivalent phenomenon. Using an interdisciplinary methodology, combining the perspectives of literary studies and cultural history and deploying a neo{u00AD}Platonic framework which highlights the utilitarian power of songs, the argument is focused on four major case-studies, covering the period 1723-1795. Its organizing theme derives from the story of the rescue of King Richard the Lionheart from imprisonment by the singing of his minstrel Blondel, which emerges in eighteenth{u00AD}century ballad and music scholarship, and again in the context of the French Revolution. The thesis traces the various manifestations of this theme as a way of establishing the interconnections between topical songs, political songs, classical songs, hymns, psalms and ballads as way of illustrating the complexity of political song culture in this period. The first case-study recovers the 'Old Whig' identity of the anonymous editor of A Collection of Old Ballads (1723-25) in an analysis of the transmission and interpretation of 'A Princely Song of Richard Cordelion', which appears in the Collection. The chapter explores the politicization of song in the scholarship of Thomas Percy and Joseph Ritson and how song registered in various forms of print culture, including newspapers in 1786 when the Richard trope re-emerged. The role of the 'Old Hundredth' psalm as a national anthem alongside 'God Save the King' forms the second case-study. The 'Old Hundredth' came from a culturally entrenched version of the psalms known as 'Sternhold and Hopkins' which were implicated in questions of literary value at the formative moment of the ballad revival, and have rarely been considered as a context for the ballad revival. These two songs were sung in the second episode of singing to the King, in 1788, in thanks for King George Ill's recovery from illness. Psalmody as political song is also implicated in the third case-study from 1789 which recovers the role of songs in the ceremonies of elite political-reform associations and the classical song tradition of the 'Harmodium Melos'. The musical imagery in Edmund Burke's The Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (1791), is used to conceptualise the danger that songs could pose in the revolutionary context by circulating beyond the political elite to the lower orders. The final case-study examines songs in radical Sheffield and the1795 imprisonment of James Montgomery for printing a political song. Montgomery's fate is analysed as the outcome of a set of connections between the songs of the United Irishmen and the use of songs as evidence in the trial of Thomas Muir for sedition, in Scotland, and the London treason trials of 1794. The role of song in the crisis of the 1790s, the thesis argues, is not only produced by its immediate contexts, but can best be understood as part of a resonant cultural politics with a long and complex history.
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POLESE, REMAGGI Luca. « La nazione perduta : Ferruccio Parri dall'interventismo all'esperienza di governo ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5945.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 October 2002Examining board: Richard Bellamy (Trinity Hall, Cambridge) ; Yves Mény (European University Institute) ; Gaetano Quagliarello (Centro di Metodologia delle Scienze Sociali della Luiss Guido Carli) ; Raffaele Romanelli (European University Institute)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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POULSEN, Frank Ejby. « A cosmopolitan republican in the French revolution : the political thought of Anacharsis Cloots ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53164.
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Defence date: 23 March 2018Examining Board: Professor Martin van Gelderen, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Second Reader/Internal Examiner); Professor Richard Whatmore, University of Saint Andrews (External Examiner); Professor Reidar Maliks, University of Oslo (External Examiner)
Republicanism has been on scholars’ research agenda since the 1970s, and several studies on eighteenth-century French republicanism have linked it to the Atlantic republican tradition. A central question that has puzzled intellectual historians studying republicanism is how this concept considered as antiquated or only adapted to small city-states became the concept of choice for a large modern nation such as France. The works of Pocock, Skinner, and Pettit launched a vast a research programme on Atlantic republicanism as a theory of liberty understood as ‘non-domination’. Focusing on eighteenth-century France and the French revolution, historians such as Baker, Hammersley, Monnier, Spitz, Whatmore, and Wright have argued against Furet, Ozouf, Maintenant, Nicolet, and Vovelle that this republicanism existed before and during the revolution as a language of opposition based on classical Greek and Roman authors. In particular, Edelstein has shown how the two languages of republicanism and nature collided to form a ‘natural republicanism’ that pervaded during the revolution and intellectually explains the Terror. Hammersley, on the other hand, has shown how English republican texts provided answers to the fundamental question for early modern republicans: how republican institutions and practices (securing liberty) could be made workable in the context of a large nation-state? However, these studies on classical republicanism and natural republicanism have overlooked or insufficiently explained the universalist side of the language of republicanism in the French revolution: how could republicanism be made workable for the world, and how could it be argued that humankind formed a nation? This thesis provides an answer to how a ‘universal republic’ could be theorised in the French revolution by examining the writings of Anacharsis Cloots (1755–1794). It argues that Cloots was one of the leading proponents of ‘cosmopolitan republicanism’. The thesis uses Cloots’s entire corpus of works, which have been published in a three volume collection entitled OEuvres, as well as a collection of all his revolutionary writings in 'Ecrits révolutionaires'. This thesis uses Skinner’s contextualist method to present an interpretation of Cloots’s writings by setting them in their political, social, and intellectual contexts. The introduction presents a critical review of studies on Cloots from the nineteenth century to the present. Vilified or lauded, Cloots was considered a founding figure of cosmopolitanism by nineteenth-century authors, a fame that faded in the twentieth century.
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D'AMORE, Ciro. « Parlamento e politica di difesa in Italia : 1948-1992 ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5161.
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BEAULIEU, Yannick. « Magistrature et pouvoir politique en Italie entre 1918 et 1943 : analyse socio-historique des magistrats ordinaires et de leurs relations avec le personnel politique ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6573.
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Defence date: 20 November 2006Examining board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt ; Prof. Yves Lequin ; Prof. Guido Neppi Modona ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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CASTELLI, GATTINARA Pietro. « Electoral debates on integration and immigration in Italian local elections : Milan, Prato and Rome compared ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/33888.
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Defence date: 9 December 2014Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Rainer Bauböck, EUI; Professor Ruud Koopmans, Humboldt University; Professor Laura Morales, University of Leicester.
This research focuses on the politicization of immigration as an issue in local electoral campaigns, comparing the cases of three Italian cities. Based on the idea that immigration must not be understood as a one-dimensional category that parties endorse or dismiss, support or oppose, I investigate its multidimensional nature, and the importance of local factors and opportunities in determining public debates. Focusing on the dimensional choices and framing strategies of competing electoral actors, I propose an account of the different constitutive dimensions of immigration debates, and suggest that parties - next to competing over different issues - also compete with one another by selectively and strategically emphasizing different aspects of the same social reality. In particular, I identify three main dimensions of the immigration issue - the socioeconomic, cultural and religious, and law and order dimension - and seven specific frames corresponding to the arguments and justifications mobilized by political actors to articulate support and opposition to immigration. The construction of public agendas in electoral campaign periods is measured through an empirical content analysis of the coverage of local elections by newspapers and of local parties' electoral manifestos across two campaigns in the cities of Milan, Rome and Prato (2004-2011). The results show not only that debates in different local settings deal with immigration in substantively different ways, but also that parties' electoral strategies rely upon the thematic structure of the issue, exploiting immigration dimensions in order to increase the accessibility and resonance of their messages among local electorates. The results of this dissertation offer one of the first comprehensive analyses of an issue that has too often been considered "emerging" in party competition, showing that when the issue cannot be dismissed, actors compete on its constitutive dimensions by mobilizing aspects on which they enjoy a strategic advantage. These findings pave the way to connect this field of research with other promising areas within the social and political sciences, such as public opinion research and the study of mediatization and communication in party politics, providing new insights into electoral politics and campaigning.
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JENSEN, Mikkel Munthe. « From learned cosmopolitanism to scientific inter-nationalism : the patriotic transformation of Nordic academia and academic culture during the long eighteenth century ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/52924.
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Defence date: 21 March 2018Examining Board: Prof. Stéphane Van Damme, European University Institute; Prof. Ann Thomson, European University Institute; Prof. Howard Hotson, Oxford University; Prof. Marian Füssel, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
This dissertation is a study of Nordic academia and its relation to the growing patriotic State. The dissertation examines how, why and to what extent Nordic academia transformed with to the rise of patriotism during the long Eighteenth Century as well as what consequences this transformation had for academic citizens, their institutional and academic practices and self-conceptions. Based on a composite methodology of quantitative and qualitative approaches, the dissertation examines this transformation by studying all 592 professors at the six Nordic universities through a transnational and comparative perspective. The dissertation argues, that the State’s increased interest in and need for science and education during the eighteenth century initiated a consolidation between the State and the University, and at the same time, the rise of patriotism and its stronger focus on the natural fatherland began a nationalisation process at the universities. Through an institutional and socio-cultural examination of the Nordic universities and their professors, this dissertation, firstly, demonstrates that Nordic academia was institutionally and culturally rooted in a centuries-old pan-European academic community and also shared its learned cosmopolitan notions. Secondly, the dissertation argues that it was these notions and practices of a cosmopolitan academia that were disrupted and transformed with the rise of patriotism and State power. It argues, that the State and the University consolidated in a shared patriotic purpose of prioritising the King, Country and fellow citizens above all other considerations. This new purpose changed both the universities’ institutional and academic practices overall, as national requirements and precedences were introduced, as well as the professors’ perceived scholarly and societal role, as they were no longer seen simply as scholars of the learned world but rather as State servants of the fatherland. Consequently, this new agenda and practices disrupted the cosmopolitan nature of the old academic community.
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RUTAR, Sabine. « Kulturelle praxis im multinationalen sozialdemokratischen Milieu in Triest vor dem ersten weltkrieg ». Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5963.
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Defence date: 9 July 2001Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Marina Cattaruzza, Universität Bern ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Höpken, Georg-Eckert-Institut für Schulbuchforschung Braunschweig / Universität Leipzig ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Kaschuba, Humboldt-Universität Berlin ; Prof. Dr. Bo Stråth, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut Florenz
First made available online on 4 May 2018
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Cunningham, David. « “ Bold in the Senate House and Brave at War ” : Naval Officers in the House of Commons 1715 - 1815 ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1973.
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Between 1715 and 1815, 182 British naval officers sat in the House of Commons, a group hitherto unstudied in a systematic way. This thesis draws upon the work of the History of Parliament Trust to examine naval MPs’ backgrounds, means of entering and leaving Parliament, activities in the House and the interrelationship between their professional and parliamentary obligations and patronage. By critically engaging with contemporary scholarship, naval MPs are placed within an eighteenth century context of nascent patriotism and national identity fuelled by popular culture and print media, indicating further avenues of inquiry.
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BRACKE, Maud. « Is it possible to be Revolutionary without being Internationalist ? : West European communism proletarian internationalism and the Czechoslovak crisis of 1968-1969 : a comparative study of the Italian and French communist parties ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5718.
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Defence date: 19 March 2004Examining board: Prof. Alan Milward, IUE (supervisor) ; Prof. Marc Lazar, Inst. d'Etudes Politiques, Paris ; Prof. Silvio Pons, Università Tor Vergata ; Prof. Arfon Rees, IUE
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017