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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 18th century"
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Zaytseva, Daria. « The Neapolitan Period of the Political career of Marc-Antoine Jullien (Materials of His Personal Fund in RGASPI) ». ISTORIYA 14, no 1 (123) (2023) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840024244-7.
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Marc-Antoine Jullien is one of the notable figures of the French Revolution of the 18th century, who at the age of 19 became Robespierre's confidant and gained solid experience in political activity. In the autumn of 1798, a new stage in Jullien's career began: returning from Egypt, where he had gone a few months earlier with Bonaparte, Julien joined General Jean-Étienne Championnet, who went to conquer South Italy. Military campaign 1798—1799 ended with the proclamation in January 1799 of the Neapolitan Republic and the establishment of a Provisional Government in it, which included Jullien as General Secretary. The article provides a brief overview of the sources stored in fund 317 of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, which refer to the Neapolitan period of Jullien's political activity: from December 1798, when the attack on South Italy began to April 1799, when Jullien was arrested and sent to Milan.
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Митрофанов, А. А. « The Idea of the «Nazione Piemontese» in Italian-French political thought. Patriotic discussion of 1799 ». Диалог со временем, no 80(80) (5 décembre 2022) : 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.80.80.014.
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Статья посвящена рассмотрению концепта «нации» в политической франко-итальянской публицистике Пьемонта периода Французской революции и французской оккупации. Анализ публицистики 1799 - начала 1800-х гг. показывает, что в дискуссии о судьбе Пьемонта активно участвовали как радикальные, так и умеренные республиканцы, члены различных клубов и обществ. Идея французского правительства и части итальянских республиканцев о присоединении Пьемонта к Французской республике вызвала мощное сопротивление среди интеллектуалов. «Патриоты» 1799 г. рассматривали создание особой Пьемонтской республики как часть проекта будущего объединения Италии. Они обосновывали суверенитет «пьемонтской нации» или «субальпийского народа», апеллируя к чувству местного патриотизма, национальному характеру, языку, истории, традициям и вере. Анализируется влияние, которое оказали пьемонтские интеллектуалы конца XVIII в. на становление традиций политического партикуляризма и местного национализма в революционный период. Отмечается, что идея особой «пьемонтской нации» получила развитие и в публицистике эпохи Наполеоновского господства в Италии. The article is devoted to the consideration of the concept of «nation» in the political thought of Piedmont during the French Revolution and French occupation. Analysis of political writings of 1799 – early 1800s. shows that both radical and moderate Republicans, members of various clubs and societies, actively participated in the discussion about the fate of Piedmont. The idea of the French government and part of the Italian republicans to annex Piedmont to the French Republic provoked strong resistance among intellectuals. The Patriots of 1799 saw the creation of a special Piedmont republic as part of the project for the future unification of Italy. They substantiated the sovereignty of the «Piedmontese nation» or «subalpine people» by appealing to the feeling of local patriotism, national character, language, history, traditions and faith. The influence of the intellectuals of Piedmont in the late 18th century is analyzed on the establishment of traditions of political particularism and local nationalism in the revolutionary period. It is noted that the idea of a special «Piedmont nation» was also developed in the political literature of the era of Napoleonic rule in Italy.
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Aguirre, Rodolfo. « The Indians and Major Studies in New Spain : Monarchical Politics, Debates, and Results ». Social Sciences 10, no 4 (25 mars 2021) : 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040115.
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This article studies some stages and debates about the access of New Spain’s Indians to major studies: The discussion about their mental capacity in the 16th century, the impulse of Carlos II to the indigenous nobility in the 17th century, or the reticence in the Royal University of Mexico and the Church to their acceptance in the 18th century. It also analyzes the responses given by the Crown to the interest of the Indians elites in superior studies, degrees and public positions, protected by their rights as free vassals of the kingdom and as nobles, comparable to the Spanish nobility. Despite the insistent resistance of sectors of the colonial government and society to the rise of Indians, they firmly defended, in the 18th century, the rights and privileges granted to them by the monarchy since the beginning of New Spain, thereby achieving their entry into the university, colleges, and clergy.
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Çirakman, Asli. « FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM : THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no 1 (février 2001) : 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.
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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, et N. A. Lagoshina. « Features of State Institutions of Ireland of XVIII Century ». Nauchnyi dialog, no 6 (29 juin 2020) : 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-386-400.
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The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still disputes among foreign scholars about the status of Ireland in the 18th century, since the powers of the parliament in Dublin were limited, and most of the country's population did not have civil and political rights. Nevertheless, in the 1760s, the Irish parliament implemented a number of bills in the field of social policy and local self-government, which indicates the significant independence of this legislative body. The legal status of the Irish state in the 18th century, its powers are compared with some widespread definitions of the term state are examined in the article.
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Griffin, Stephen M. « Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory : Public Authority and the Constitution ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 16, no 04 (1991) : 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Riall, Lucy. « Hero, saint or revolutionary ? Nineteenth-century politics and the cult of Garibaldi ». Modern Italy 3, no 02 (novembre 1998) : 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454803.
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SummaryGiuseppe Garibaldi was the most enduring political hero of nineteenth-century Italy. His political image was inspired by both the romantic movement and religion and, in turn, inspired a new kind of charismatic popular politics. The first part of this article explores the sources and assesses the impact of the cult of Garibaldi during the Risorgimento. The second part examines the use made of Garibaldi's image after Italian unification and, especially, after his death. It finds that government attempts to glorify Garibaldi were relatively unsuccessful while the parallel, republican cult of Garibaldi had a considerable impact. Thus, Garibaldi's extraordinary popularity highlighted the failed official ‘nationalization’ of Italians. At the same time, support for Garibaldi points to the emergence of an alternative sense of Italian national identity
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Soll, Jacob. « Accounting for Government : Holland and the Rise of Political Economy in Seventeenth-Century Europe ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no 2 (octobre 2009) : 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2009.40.2.215.
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In the 1650s, political administrators across Europe began adopting accounting strategies to manage government. Although the method of double-entry book-keeping emerged during the Middle Ages and spread from Italy during the Renaissance, governments were slow to adopt it. Inspired by the Dutch precedent, however, English, French, German, and Russian rulers and ministers looked to accounting to build new military industrial complexes. This general movement represents a paradigmatic change in the language of politics, away from traditional humanist theory toward a technocratic culture that would later evolve into the political-economic movement of the eighteenth century.
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Capotosti, Piero Alberto. « Coalition Agreements in the Italian Political and Institutional System ». Israel Law Review 26, no 4 (1992) : 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011171.
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1. In recent years, negotiations between parliamentary factions in Italy have had an increasing impact on the process of government formation. The frequency of such negotiations and resulting coalition agreements necessitates a more thorough examination of this phenomenon in order to understand the interaction between coalition agreements and government policy.The phenomenon of coalition governments is not a new one. A number of European states have witnessed their emergence since the late 19th century. It is, however, in regimes of extreme multi-party politics — as the Italian system must be considered — that this form of government has found full enforcement.
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Pulignano, Valeria, Domenico Carrieri et Lucio Baccaro. « Industrial relations in Italy in the twenty-first century ». Employee Relations 40, no 4 (4 juin 2018) : 654–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2017-0045.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the developments which have characterized Italy’s industrial relations from post-war Fordism to neo-liberal hegemony and recent crisis, with a particular focus on the major changes occurred in the twenty-first century, especially those concerning concertative (tripartite) policy making between the government, the employers’ organizations and the trade unions. Design/methodology/approach This study is a conceptual paper which analysis of main development trends. Findings Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century are characterized by ambivalent features which are the heritage of the past. These are summarized as follows: “collective autonomy” as a classical source of strength for trade unions and employers’ organization, on the one hand. On the other hand, a low level of legislative regulation and weak institutionalization, accompanied by little engagement in a generalized “participative-collaborative” model. Due to the instability in the socio-political setting in the twenty-first century, unions and employers encounter growing difficulties to affirm their common points of view and to build up stable institutions that could support cooperation between them. The result is a clear reversal of the assumptions that had formed the classical backdrop of the paradigm of Italy’s “political exchange.” This paradigm has long influenced the way in which the relationships between employers, trade unions and the state were conceived, especially during 1990s and, to some extent, during 2000s, that is the development of concertative (tripartite) policy making. However, since the end of 2000s, and particularly from 2010s onwards national governments have stated their intention to act independently of the choices made by the unions (and partially the employers). The outcome is the eclipse of concertation. The paper explores how the relationships among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers, and the state and how politics have evolved, within a dynamic socio-political and economic context. These are the essential factors needed to understand Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century. Originality/value It shows that understanding the relationship among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers and the state and their politics is essential to understand the change occurred in contemporary Italy’s industrial relations.
Thèses sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 18th century"
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Bedborough, Sheena J. « Unprincipled careerists or enlightened entrepreneurs ? : a study of the roles, identities and attitudes of the Scots MPs at Westminster, c.1754 - c.1784 ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/22144.
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The Scots MPs of the eighteenth century have traditionally been portrayed in a negative light. In a century once noted for electoral corruption and the abuses of patronage, they were seen by contemporaries and later writers as among the worst examples of their kind: greedy, self-seeking, unprincipled ‘tools of administration’ whose votes could be bought with the offer of places and pensions. Lewis Namier’s seminal work exposing the cynical approach to politics of MPs generally, sparked a backlash which has produced a more balanced evaluation of English politics. Strangely, although Namier exonerated the Scots MPs from the worst of the charges against them, his less judgmental verdicts are found only sporadically in more recent writing, while the older viewpoint is still repeated by some historians. There is no modern study of the eighteenth-century Scots MPs, a situation which this research proposes to remedy, by examining the group of MPs who represented Scotland at Westminster between 1754 and 1784. It re-assesses the extent to which the original criticisms are merited, but also widens the scope by examining the contribution made by Scotland’s MPs, to British and Scottish political life in the later part of the eighteenth century. A study of the social make-up and the careers of this particular cohort provides the backdrop for the two main themes: the participation of Scots MPs in the legislative process, and their effectiveness as representatives of Scottish interests at Westminster. Existing biographical information has been supplemented by an examination of Parliamentary Papers, debates, and personal correspondence to enable further analysis of attitudes, in particular with regard to politics and political mores. The research explores issues of motivation, asking questions about allegiance, identity, perceptions of government, and how conflicts of interest were resolved, before presenting a conclusion which aims to offer a revised, broader, but more nuanced, assessment of this much-criticised group, based on more recent approaches to interpretation of the period.
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ENA, SANJUÁN Íñigo. « The vertebrae of the Leviathan : municipal debt and state formation in the eighteenth-century Crown of Aragon ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74919.
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Defence date: 28 September 2022Examining Board: Prof. Pieter Judson (European University Institute); Prof. Tamar Herzog (Harvard University); Prof. Christopher Storrs (University of Dundee); Prof. Regina Grafe (European University Institute)
Why and how did modern states emerge in Southwestern Europe? These are the main questions that this thesis answers by examining the debt of six municipalities of the Crown of Aragon during the 18th century through a multiscale, transversal, and comparative approach. The ancient practices which constituted the Aragonese polity appeared in the mid-fourteenth century and survived at least until the mid-eighteenth century partially thanks to the debt of the municipalities. Towns and kingdoms were in many cases ruled by assemblies of creditors by virtue of debt restructuring agreements. Debt accounts for the long survival of the Aragonese polity, but also for its sclerosis. The financial situation of the debtholders, mostly ecclesiastical institutions, prevented rulers from defaulting on municipal debt and adopting drastic measures against the Church, as they feared a financial meltdown. The emergence of the modern state was an intricate process which started by 1750, mainly due to the collapse of the ancient mechanisms. The modern state appeared as a set of practices devised and implemented by a myriad of actors who tried to recompose social and political life. State formation was first and foremost a local process in which municipal debt proved crucial too. The examination of local dynamics reveals that modern states in Southwestern Europe followed similar paths during the early phases of their formation.
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Thompson, Stephen John. « Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
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Jauch, Linda. « Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
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Jones, Scott Lee. « Servants of the Republic : patrician lawyers in Quattrocento Venice ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42517.
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Lawyers have widely been recognized as playing a role in the transition from the medieval to the modem state. Their presence in Renaissance Venetian politics, however, remains largely unexplored. Relying primarily on a prosopographical analysis, the thesis explores the various roles played by lawyers, dividing those roles into three main categories: diplomats, territorial governors, and domestic legislators. What emerges is a clear pattern of significant involvement by legally trained patricians in the Venetian political system. Noble lawyers were most often ambassadors, serving in many of the principal courts inside and outside of Italy as Venice was extending her influence on the Italian peninsula. They also served as administrators of Venetian rule throughout the Venetian terraferma (mainland) state. Lastly, their domestic political officeholding further confirms their continuing participation, as they held many of the most important domestic offices throughout the Quattrocento. The thesis ends with short biographies of each of the nearly three-dozen lawyers who make up this study, as well as chronologies of the offices they held. These chronologies include archival references for each office.
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Ahn, Doohwan. « British strategy, economic discourse, & ; The Idea of a Patriot King, 1702-1738 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283894.
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Philp, Karen. « John Russell, the fourth Duke of Bedford, and politics, 1745-1751 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e486c33f-a4bb-4f25-9b66-7c0017aee64e.
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This dissertation on the fourth duke of Bedford examines the political activities of a member of the House of Lords. It documents the activities of the members of the Pelham Administration, using Bedford's correspondence to provide an outline for the narrative. The aim is to provide a greater understanding of Bedford's political career, and also to illustrate the influence this individual had in determining ministerial policy. A discussion of Bedford's social connections leads into an overview of the events culminating in his inclusion in the Administration in 1745. Initially First Lord of the Admiralty, Bedford was promoted in 1748 to the office of Secretary of State for the Southern Department. In both offices, his concern was the promotion and protection of trade. He advocated the 'Country' Whig view that the protection of British merchants and their overseas markets by the navy was in the countryâs best interest. Bedford recognized the importance of securing and expanding American markets, and implemented measures, such as the proposed 'reduction' of Canada, to promote this aim. Bedford also lead the negotiations for the commercial treaty with Spain, signed at Madrid in 1750, that gave special trade status to Britain. Bedford sought to increase his political influence in various constituencies during the 1747 General Election. The local influence he wielded, however, did not enable him to carry through private turnpike legislation in Parliament. His legislation was defeated on 13 February 1750, at third reading, in an unusually high vote (154-208). Newcastle, whose relationship with Bedford had grown increasingly acrimonious, played a role in the defeat of this bill. The deterioration in this relationship contributed to Bedford's resignation from office on 14 June 1751.
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Hogan, Marina. « The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
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This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
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Finn, Sarah. « 'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945 ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Vaudry, Janice C. « James Caulfeild, the earl of Charlemont : portrait of an Irish whig peer ». Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61768.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 18th century"
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Enlightenment and reform in 18th-century Europe. London : I.B. Tauris, 2005.
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Ideological profile of twentieth-century Italy. Princeton, N.J : Princeton University Press, 1995.
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Mahajan, T. T. Maratha administration in the 18th century. New Delhi, India : Commonwealth Publishers, 1990.
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Allies yet rivals : International politics in 18th century Europe. Stanford, Calif : Stanford University Press, 2010.
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Cone, Carl B. The English Jacobins : Reformers in late 18th-century England. New Brunswick, N.J : Transaction Publishers, 2010.
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The English Jacobins : Reformers in late 18th-century England. New Brunswick, N.J : Transaction Publishers, 2010.
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Statesmen, diplomats, and the press-essays on 18th century Britain. Lewiston, N.Y : E. Mellen Press, 2002.
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The Risorgimento revisited : Nationalism and culture in nineteenth century Italy. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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Governors and government in early sixteenth-century Florence, 1502-1519. Oxford [Oxfordshire] : Clarendon Press, 1985.
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Fawcett, Trevor. Bath administer'd : Corporation affairs at the 18th-century spa. Bath : Ruton, 2001.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Italy – Politics and government – 18th century"
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« Diplomacy and government in the Italian city-states of the fifteenth century (Florence and Venice) ». Dans Politics and Diplomacy in Early Modern Italy, 25–48. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511523298.002.
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Cove, Patricia. « Spying in the British Post Office : Letter-Opening, Italy and Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White ». Dans Italian Politics and Nineteenth-Century British Literature and Culture, 95–124. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447249.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter discusses Wilkie Collins’s sensation novel The Woman in White (1859–60) in relation to the 1844 Post Office Espionage Scandal, which revealed British government spying against Italian patriot Giuseppe Mazzini. Representations of the Post Office Scandal in Parliament and print predict the revision of the Gothic into sensation fiction, helping to create the imaginative space through which the sensation genre could begin to interrogate Gothic national stereotypes and relocate the Gothic plot within modern Britain’s private homes and institutions. The letter-opening scandal and The Woman in White share a central place in a mid-Victorian moment of evolution in the mutually constitutive relationship between Italian and British national identities, generating and reflecting a crisis in Britishness focused on the secret tyrannies concealed beneath the surface of Victorian liberalism that emerged from the collision of British and Italian politics and print culture.
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Bartolini, Giulio. « Italy between the Two World Wars ». Dans A History of International Law in Italy, 359–89. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842934.003.0015.
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This chapter addresses the difficult relationship of the Italian doctrine with regard to the dramatic historical and political events occurring during the early decades of the twentieth century. In particular an examination of the legal implications of World War I, its main output of the League of Nations, and the impact on international law of activities carried out by the fascist government have been the focus of interest in this chapter. Such largely unexplored topics permit us to assess the role of Italian scholars during those challenging decades. Their active involvement in debates occurring at the time permit to identify nationalistic biases, open endorsement of external politics carried out by Italian governments, cases of self-censorships and their professional involvement as legal advisers for the government in complex situations. This analysis emphasises difficulties to maintain their self-proclaimed adherence to the positive law dogma aimed to build up a scholarship deprived of any political influence.
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Saccà, Flaminia. « Changes in the Political Culture of Italian Younger Politicians ». Dans Civic Engagement and Politics, 1222–36. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7669-3.ch061.
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In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.
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Duke-Evans, Jonathan. « Fair play in pre-industrial Britain ». Dans An English Tradition ?, 99–135. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192859990.003.0006.
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Abstract To recognise obligations of fair play to someone one must accept them as in some sense being of equal status. In England from the later Middle Ages virtually all were entitled to call themselves free; distinctions between nobles and commoners were less important than elsewhere; cooperative institutions flourished in town and countryside. Such habits and institutions allowed the idea of fair play to take root. By the early modern period virtually all English people were entitled to the protection of the common law, and six principles which enshrine procedural fair play had emerged: jury trial, open justice, the presumption of innocence, the right to silence, habeas corpus, and the principle that an Englishman’s home is his castle. It was in the 18th century that a kind of fair play began to permeate the political system. The intellectual roots of fair play in politics go back to the ancient ideas of government by consent and of the mixed constitution, which asserted themselves more effectively when religious conflict subsided in the late 17th century. The Church of England only emerged as a force for (comparative) moderation, and hence fairness, with the rise of the Latitudinarians after 1660. Neither the social system, nor the common law, nor the political system, nor the Church can fully explain the existence of the fair play tradition in England; all were heavily influenced by it, however, and the social structure and common law in particular helped to shape the way in which the tradition was to develop.
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Saccà, Flaminia. « Changes in the Political Culture of Italian Younger Politicians ». Dans Handbook of Research on Policies and Practices for Sustainable Economic Growth and Regional Development, 142–56. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2458-8.ch013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.
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Cropf, Robert A. « The Virtual Public Sphere ». Dans Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 1525–30. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch206.
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The public sphere does not exist and operate in the same way everywhere. Every country is different with regard to its own economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations; therefore, each country’s public sphere has its own roots which grow and develop within a unique set of conditions and circumstances. As a result, the impact of information technology (IT) on a public sphere will also vary considerably from one country to another. According to the German social theorist, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere serves as a social “space,” which is separate from the private sphere of family relations, the commercial sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere, which is dominated by the activities of the state. Its importance is that it contributes to the strengthening of democracy by, in effect, serving as a forum for reasoned discussion about politics and civic affairs. Furthermore, Habermas regards the public sphere as embodying such core liberal beliefs as individual rights, that is, the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights” (Cohen & Arato 1992, p. 211), which he thought were needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state. Thus, for the purposes of this article, public sphere is defined as a “territory” of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties, and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ conception of the public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe, for example, England and France, as well as early America, and which went into decline in the 19th century as a result of the increasing domination of the mass media, which transformed a reading public that debated matters of culture into disengaged consumers (Keane, 1998, p. 160). Along the way, active deliberation and participation were replaced by passive consumption of mass culture. As an ideal type, however, the public sphere represents an arena, absent of class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical deliberation and reasoned dialogue about important matters regarding politics and culture. The emergence of IT, particularly in the form of computer networks, as a progressive social force coincides with the apex of mass media’s domination of the public sphere in liberal democracies. Since the creation of the World Wide Web (WWW) in the early 1990s, various observers have touted IT’s potential to strengthen democratic institutions (e.g., Barber 2003; Becker & Slaton, 2000; Benkler, 2006; Cleveland, 1985; Cropf & Casaregola, 1998; Davis, Elin, & Reeher, 2002). The WWW, it is thought, provides citizens with numerous opportunities to engage in the political process as well as to take a more active role in the governance process. Benkler (2006), for example, asserts the WWW encourages a more open, participatory, and activist approach because it enables users to communicate directly with potentially many other users in a way that is outside the control of the media owners and is less corruptible by money than are the mass media (p. 11). Fulfilling the promise of the virtual public sphere, however, depends on political will; governments must commit the resources needed to facilitate public access to the technology and remove legal and economic barriers to the free flow of information inside and outside national boundaries.