Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Italy – Foreign relations – Germany.
Thèses sur le sujet « Italy – Foreign relations – Germany »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Italy – Foreign relations – Germany ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Di, Feliciantonio Susanna. « The Europeanisation of foreign policy : Germany, Italy and the Balkans, 1991-1999 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616004.
Texte intégral
2
Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. « US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949) ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.
Texte intégral
3
Miller, Mark James. « The official East German response to Willy Brandt and Neue Ostpolitik, 1969-1972 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610841.
Texte intégral
4
Marcuzzi, Stefano. « Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
5
Mason, Andrea 1976. « Opponents of Hitler in search of foreign support : the foreign contacts of Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsäcker and Adam von Trott zu Solz, 1937-1940 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29516.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the attempts made by Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsacker and Adam von Trott zu Solz to obtain the support of the British government in their effort to overthrow the Nazi regime between 1937 and 1940. The circumstances surrounding each mission are detailed, including the degree of readiness on the part of the German opposition for a coup d'etat and the particular form of support sought from the British to increase the chance of success in each case. Consideration is given to the factors which conditioned the British reaction to the resistance emissaries, including the British foreign policy imperatives of the moment, important events in European relations and the attitude and degree of influence wielded by the statesmen to whom the German resistance emissaries addressed themselves.
6
Albers, Martin. « The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
Texte intégral
7
Cata, Edmond. « Foreign Military Intervention and Democratization : A Comparative Analysis of Germany, Japan, Italy and South Korea ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1342103600.
Texte intégral
8
James, William Andrew Philip Justin. « Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.
Texte intégral
9
Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. « GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
10
Condren, John. « Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
11
Martin, William R. « Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936 ». PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
12
Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. « The British government's reception of, and reaction to, information from intra-German opposition to Hitler and other sources, 1938-1939 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68142.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From 1938 to the outbreak of war in 1939, German opponents of Hitler made numerous contacts with the British government. While the information sent came from a variety of sources, most of the reports landed on the desk of Sir Robert Vansittart, the former Permanent Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office. His "internal-exile" to the position of Chief Diplomatic Advisor, as well as his personality conflicts with his successor, Sir Alexander Cadogan, and Lord Halifax, led to inefficient use of the information received from Germany. German warnings of Hitler's plans and ambitions, when listened to at all, were awkwardly and ineffectively incorporated into British foreign policy.
13
Hale, Carol Anne. « German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
14
Khatib-Shahidi, Rashid Armin. « German foreign policy towards Iran : the case of the National Bank of Persia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:55dd46e5-2eef-46f6-be8b-ca7bb177a518.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The objective of this thesis is to show that after World War I, the National Bank of Persia emerged as an ideal accessory to Germany's desire to establish a foothold in Iran. It argues that the main motive behind Germany's involvement in the National Bank was to utilise the bank as a vehicle for extending German national interest into Iran. However, although Germany's main interest was to thereby gain economic influence in Iran, the National Bank provided Germany with a tool that furthered its desire for political participation and the establishing of authority within the spheres of interest of Britain and Russia. The objective of this thesis is not to establish a comprehensive and complete overview of German foreign policy toward Iran and its interactions with the National Bank of Persia. It aims rather at highlighting a number of events that are significant for an examination of Germany's policy toward Iran and its evolution up until the outset of World War II. In pursuit of this task, emphasis is given to the opinion expressed at the time, as reflected in German sources, rather than the historical reality behind those sources. German foreign policy towards Iran in the first half of the twentieth century can be divided into three distinct phases. The first phase, which was initiated before Word War I, collapsed as a consequence of the war and the Versailles Treaty, achieving little success. The second, more significant, phase began around 1924, and was marked by the creation of the National Bank of Persia in 1927, the appointment of the German national Lindenblatt as its director, the appointment of his compatriot Schniewind as financial advisor to the Persian government, the contracts granted to German companies and consortiums for the construction of the Trans Iranian Railway, the reestablishment of trade relations between Germany and Iran, and the wide-ranging flight concessions granted by the Iranian government to the German company Junkers. The third phase of Germany's involvement with Iran came about with the achievements that resulted from the trade agreements of 1935. From a German perspective after 1933 diplomacy started to replace the role of the National Bank, as the prime agent of Germany's relations with Iran. This phase lasted until the British-Russian invasion of Iran in 1941, and saw Germany lose almost its entire influence over the National Bank, while its influence over trade with Iran had progressively increased. Germany's foreign political success during the inter-war period resulted in an expansion of its commercial relations, which elevated Germany from a country with almost no trade relations with Iran to its largest trading partner.
15
Murray, Scott W. « The origins of an illusion : British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28832.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia.
By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar".Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
16
Schalke, Thomas. « The Political Economy of Participation in the Euro : A Case Study of Italy and Germany ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1769.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses the political economy of the decision of Italy and Germany to participate in the euro. The emphasis is on understanding the economic rationales employed in each country in support of euro membership.
For Italy, the central argument is that Italy outsourced monetary policy management to the ECB in order to delimit deficient domestic policy making and import German monetary credibility. This transferred the costs of monetary orthodoxy to Europe, and the thesis briefly examines places where we might observe those costs.
For Germany, the argument is that, out of respect for the national humiliation and shame of the Second World War, Germany shirked the possibility of unilaterally leading European monetary policy in favour of a European solution that suited German economic interests. German actors were aware of these economic benefits at the time.
17
De, Simone Carolina. « Italy and the community of Sant'Egidio in the 1990s : 'coopetition' in post-Cold War Italian foreign policy ? » Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3623/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to explore a specific feature of post-Cold War Italian foreign policy, throwing light from a perspective blending Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and other International Relations (IR) insights, on the interactions occurred in the 1990s between the Italian state institutions and the Community of Sant’Egidio (CSE), a Catholic lay organisation, one of the most influential non-governmental organisations (NGOs) based in Italy, with a remarkable level of international activity. Firstly, this work offers a detailed account of the Italian “Foreign Policy Community” (Santoro 1991; Hilsman 1967 and 1993) and of the Community of Sant’Egidio, taking into consideration the international and domestic changes occurred after the demise of the Cold War, in order to understand where foreign policy governmental actors and a non state actor (NSA) such as Sant’Egidio fit within the bigger picture of the foreign policy process in Italy. This mapping exercise demonstrates that the country’s foreign policy setting is rather fragmented, featuring a) centres of power and influence scattered along different “rings”, according to the different issues and subpolicies at stake, on a case-by-case basis; and b) an institutional “inner ring” with a relatively high number of “access points” for external actors, i.e. a proactive NGO such as Sant'Egidio, which is located in the “second ring”. Secondly, after identifying slowly emerging “policy subsystems” (Verbeek and van Ufford 2001) in the specific foreign policy subfields of a) preventive diplomacy/crisis management and b) peace-making, in which the Italian governmental foreign policy machinery and the Community are among the extremely small number of actors playing a role and enjoying a certain degree of policy autonomy, this thesis focuses on these two foreign policy areas, in order to try to understand how relations unfolded between the two actors in the cases of the Algerian crisis of 1994-1998 and of the Mozambican peace process of 1990-1992. The examination of these events has showed both competitive (even conflicting) and cooperative relations, respectively on the Algerian dossier and in the Mozambican case. This thesis argues therefore that “coopetition”, a concept borrowed from literature on regulatory theory, and defined as “a flexible mix of competition and cooperation between governmental and non-governmental actors” (Esty and Geradin 2000), is – with some modifications – possibly the most accurate definition to capture the nature of interactions analysed.
18
Napolitano, Paul. « International football and international relations football as foreign policy between Italy and England, 1933, 1934, 1939 / ». Waltham, Mass. : Brandeis University, 2009. http://dcoll.brandeis.edu/handle/10192/23243.
Texte intégral
19
Bukaty, Ryan Michael. « Commercial Diplomacy : The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
20
LLORCA, Sébastien. « French and German foreign policy with regard to Israel-Palestine, 1998-2005 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10465.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Bertrand Badie, (IEP Paris and CERI) ; Prof. Martin Beck, (GIGA Institute of Middle East Studies) ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, (EUI) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Palestine between 1998 and 2005. Special attention is also drawn to the period of Sharon’s mandate and the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2001-2005). The thesis has two main objectives. The first is to draw a clearer picture of the ways in which French and German foreign policy towards Israel- Palestine has been socially constructed. The second is to better understand the reasons why France and Germany, key powers at the heart of the EU, did not furnish the efforts required in order to broker a peace deal in the Middle East that lived up to their own - as well as the EU’s - rhetoric and official 'dedication' to the conflict. First, I consider the respective processes of foreign policy making in France and Germany. After examining bilateral relations between France, Germany, Israel and the Palestinian Authority, I shed some light on the evolution of French and German national ‘positions’ and identify those who have played an important role in shaping this process. Subsequently, I propose to evaluate how foreign policy makers and leaders eventually take decisions. I therefore highlight major domestic and external sources of influence, and study how foreign policy makers prioritise among conflicting interests and such influential factors. Finally, I suggest in what respect these actors gave, or failed to give, their national diplomacy a vision, a strategy and solid boundaries within which to work. At first sight, it might be said that the dominant role of the United States in the Middle East, combined with internal divisions in Europe, in large part explain the weakness of France, Germany and the EU in the Middle East diplomatic arena between 1998 and 2005. However, my research also specifically tests the hypothesis that the collective memory of the Holocaust, its contemporary use and its cultural domestic meaning, in both France and Germany, have been central and even decisive in the elaboration of their respective positions. The set of norms and values linked to collective memory and shared by key decision-makers has constituted a major paralysing factor. In other words, a sense of historical responsibility and of Israeli 'exceptionalism' has developed in France and Germany. This has shaped the perception of the conflict and prevented both countries, and the EU itself, from playing a more pro-active role in the peace negotiations. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to foreign policy analysis in the field of International Relations. In addition, the focus on the social construction of a particular foreign policy clearly places this research in the constructivist tradition. However, the thesis is not primarily designed as an argument in favour or against a particular approach. Neither is the conflict merely a ‘case-study’, aimed at highlighting the weaknesses of any pre-conceived theoretical concepts or tools. The objective is to demonstrate the ways in which a particular set of norms and values, both in France and in Germany, may exert a decisive influence at various stages of the foreign policy making process.
21
Kallis, Aristotle A. « Fascist expansionism : between ideological visions and foreign policy-making : a study of territorial expansion in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/28320.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis examines the three levels in which fascist expansionism was expressed - expansion as ideology; expansion and foreign policy-making; expansion as a joint enterprise for a fascist new order. On the level of ideology, it examines the ideological traditions in the Italian and German post-unification societies and shows how fascist ideology achieved an ideological fusion of pre-existing radical traits in a new synthesis with an increased emphasis on action and a determination to unite reality with utopia. It also studies the expansionist ideologies of the two fascist movements-regimes as coherent systems of thought, with a number of similar underlying features (historic living space, elitism, cult of violence, unity of thought and action) which explain the rigidity and dynamism of the expansionist arguments in Italian and German fascism. On the level of foreign policy-making, the thesis analyses the domestic framework of foreign-policy making and assesses the success of the two regimes' efforts to produce conditions conducive to the realisation of their large-scale expansionist visions. It lays emphasis on the leader-oriented character of the two fascist systems, which led to the relegation of other powerful groups (traditional élites, fascist parties) to a functional status subject to the will of the leader. It also examines the practical forms of the two regimes' expansionist foreign policy (i.e. revisionism, colonialism, irredentism) and shows how ideology provided only a long-term framework for expansion. Lack of clear, short- and medium-term strategies rendered the fascist foreign policies extremely flexible and opportunistic, alert to external opportunities and unbound by prior commitments. On the level of interaction, the thesis emphasises the neglected importance of the exclusive relation between the two fascist regimes for the radicalisation of their expansionist policies in the second half of the 1930s. It examines the process of fascism's internationalisation and analyses how both rivalry and co-operation between the two fascist regimes contributed to the radicalisation of their expansionist objectives and policies. War accentuated all the above tendencies and aspirations of the two fascist regimes. In 1940-41 they embarked upon the realisation of their extreme expansionist visions in a final attempt to unite reality with utopia. Failure, however, to balance means with ends and to achieve an effective form of domestic and international co-ordination transformed an ideological campaign into desperate war-making, pushing fascism to its eventual collapse in 1943-45.
22
Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. « A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling : Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
23
Wood, Laura Matysek. « The Hallstein Doctrine : its Effect as a Sanction ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501041/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Federal Republic of Germany (F.R.G.) used the Hallstein Doctrine from 1955-1970 to prevent the worldwide recognition of the German Democratic Republic (G.D.R.). By denying the existence of a separate German state and thus the de facto division of Germany, the F.R.G. sought to perpetuate the idea of one German nation and to ease reunification. In addition, the F.R.G. claimed to be the sole, legitimate representative of German interests, and hoped to prevent the G.D.R. from acting as a separate Germany in world affairs. As a sanction, the Doctrine effectively prevented the international recognition of the G.D.R.. Also, the G.D.R.'s trade with Third World nations, from whom recognition was most likely, was severely limited. Unfortunately, the Doctrine also prevented the reunification of Germany.
24
Erdemir, Halil. « The westernization of Turkey and Turkish migration to the Federal Republic of Germany ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546059.
Texte intégral
25
Rae, Michelle Frasher. « International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s ». Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.
Texte intégral
26
Bachleitner, Kathrin. « Diplomacy with memory : West German and Austrian relations with Israel ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e9b772b-704c-4db0-af96-2fe7c65bf4ee.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses international state behaviour by countries that share a historic legacy, and examines the delicate relations between West Germany, Austria and Israel in the wake of the Second World War as a case study. In it I propose a model - 'diplomacy of memory' - for this currently untheorized form of diplomatic conduct in order to explain how countries use official memories of their past on the international stage. Linking the interdisciplinary concept of collective memory with International Relations, my study characterizes the practice of 'diplomacy with memory' as a distinct policy undertaking that shapes and broadcasts historical narratives internationally for strategic foreign policy objectives. To empirically test the diplomacy of memory model, this thesis investigates the two cases of West German-Israeli and Austrian-Israeli relations in the aftermath of World War II. Within these selected pairs, four core bilateral debates are analysed: first, reparation payments to Israel in 1951/52; second, the trial of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem in 1960/61; third, the Six-Day War in 1967 and fourth, the Yom Kippur War and oil crisis of 1973. While the first two cases explore how the memory of the Nazi past is leveraged as part of later diplomatic strategies, the latter two, which concern West Germany's and Austria's reaction to the Middle East conflict, reveal a more subtle connection between national memories and foreign policy choices around key international conflicts. This study engages in historical inquiry, based on archival documents and other primary sources in all three countries, to demonstrate how a country's collective memory is invented and deployed on the international stage. Combining the theoretical aim of specifying the link between national narratives and diplomacy with the qualitative analysis of two historic cases, this thesis rests at the intersection of International Relations and History.
27
Meyer, Martin Federico. « The Europeanization of the public sphere in the foreign policy domain : political action and public discourse in Germany and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608997.
Texte intégral
28
Poupart, Ronald. « Les réactions des pays de l'axe face au pacte germano-russe de 1939 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61274.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is concerned with the diplomatic reaction of the Axis Countries, Italy, Japan, Spain and Hungary, to the Russo-German Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939. The immediate origins of the Pact were studied in order to put into context the individual responses of the various countries, known as the Axis Powers. Each of these countries was confronted with a dramatic change in the European situation and each had to adjust its relations with Germany in accordance with its own interests and expectations for the question of war or peace in Europe.With the exception of Hungary, all were opposed to the Pact because it seemed to run contrary to their national interests and promised to upset the Balance of Power on the European, and indeed, the Asian continent. The thesis thus illustrates the special character of Hitler's diplomacy, in the last year of peace before the Second World War, which did not consider the interests of his partners when concluding his arrangements with the Soviet Union.
29
Hirt, Michael. « The constitutions of Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America in relation to Article 22 of the Warsaw Convention / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59931.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Article 22 of the Warsaw Convention, 1929 limits the liability of the air carrier in the event of death or wounding of a passenger to 125,000 Francs-Poincare based on a defined gold value. In 1955, the limitation has been raised to 250,000 Francs-Poincare.As gold has lost its special position in the monetary system the value of the limitation of liability has decreased and some plaintiffs have argued that the limitation of liability is unconstitutional.
The Warsaw System is presented, the grounds for a limitation of liability, and Article 22 are analyzed. The relationship between municipal law and international law is described. The constitutionality of Article 22 is examined for the jurisdictions of Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America. Those lines of argumentation that could be used to challenge Article 22 in all constitutional systems similar to those of the abovementioned States are presented.
30
Martinson, Jeffrey D. « What makes leaders think war ? Foreign military intervention decision making in post-cold war Germany ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1133302429.
Texte intégral
31
McDonough, Francis Xavier. « The Conservative Party and Anglo-German relations 1905-1914 ». Thesis, Lancaster University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369550.
Texte intégral
32
Von, Bülow Mathilde Ulrike. « The foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, Franco-German relations, and the Algerian war, 1954-62 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614111.
Texte intégral
33
Nuyken, Mark E. « Between domestic constraints and multilateral obligations : the reform of the Bundeswehr in the context of a normalised German foreign and security policy ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/6511.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.
34
Rademacher, Franz L. « DISSENTING PARTNERS : THE NATO NUCLEAR PLANNING GROUP 1965-1976 ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217257345.
Texte intégral
35
Kronwall, Mary Elizabeth. « Great Britain, the Council of Foreign Ministers, and the Origins of the Cold War, 1947 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501072/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scholars assert that the Cold War began at one of several different points. Material recently available at the National Archives yields a view different from those already presented. From these records, and material from the Foreign Relations Series, Parliamentary Debates, and United States Government documents, a new picture emerges. This study focuses on the British occupation of Germany and on the Council of Foreign Ministers' Moscow Conference of 1947. The failure of this conference preceded the adoption of the Marshall Plan and a stronger Western policy toward the Soviet Union. Thus, the Moscow Conference emphasized the disintegrating relations between East and West which resulted in the Cold War.
36
Wochnik, Alexander. « Governance in foreign policy-making in Germany and Poland and Polish-German relations : the role of non-state actors ». Thesis, Aston University, 2013. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/26761/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the influence of non-state actors on Polish-German relations by considering foreign policy-making towards Poland in Germany and vice versa. The approach chosen for this thesis is interdisciplinary and takes into consideration literature from domestic politics (Area Studies), Foreign Policy Analysis and International Relations (IR). The thesis argues that IR, by purely looking into the quality of inter-state relations, too often treats these relations as a result of policies emanating from the relevant governments, without considering the policies’ background. Therefore, the thesis argues that it is necessary to engage with the domestic factors which might explain where foreign policies come from. It points out that non-state actors influence governments’ choices by supplying resources, and by cooperating or competing with the government on an issue at stake. In order to determine the degree of influence that non-state actors can have on foreign policymaking two variables are examined: the institutionalisation of the state relations in question; and the domestic structures of the relevant states. Specifically, the thesis examines the institutionalisation of Polish-German relations, and examines Germany’s and Poland’s domestic structures and their effect on the two states’ foreign policy-making in general. Thereafter, the thesis uses case studies in order to unravel the influence of non-state actors on specific foreign policies. Three case studies are examined in detail: (i) Poland’s EU accession negotiations with regard to the free movement of capital chapter of the acquis communautaire; (ii) Germany’s EU 2004 Eastern Enlargement negotiations with regard to the free movement of workers chapter of the acquis communautaire; and (iii) Germany’s decision to establsh a permanent exhibition in Berlin that will depict the expulsions of millions of Germans from the East following WWII.
37
Erlichman, Camilo. « Strategies of rule : cooperation and conflict in the British Zone of Germany, 1945-1949 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25995.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines strategies of rule deployed during the British occupation of north-western Germany from 1945 to 1949 and explores instances of cooperation and conflict between the occupiers and the occupied population. While the literature has primarily looked at the occupation through the lens of big political projects, this study analyses the application of quotidian ruling strategies and the making of stability on the ground. Techniques for controlling the German population were devised during the war and transmitted to officials through extensive training. Lessons from previous occupations and imperial experiences also entered the Military Government’s ruling philosophy by way of the biographical composition of its top cadre. Once in Germany, the British instituted a system of ‘indirect rule’ which relied on focal points of visibility as embodied by their local officials charged with cooperating with German notables, and invisible instances of supervision in the form of mass surveillance of civilian communications. To illustrate the way the occupiers dealt with conflict, the thesis analyses the dispensation of punishment for breaking Military Government laws, demonstrating that the British often issued severe punishment when their monopoly of force was contested, thus belying the notion of a particularly docile occupation. During mass popular protests, however, they sought to use moderate German trade unionists as intermediaries tasked with diffusing popular unrest, who were co-opted in exchange for material and propagandistic support. The British also used German administrators at the local and regional level, many of whom had a distinctively technocratic and conservative profile and who were appointed for their administrative experience rather than for their political inclinations. Through lobbying by British ecclesiastical figures, the occupiers also cooperated extensively with the German Churches, who were seen as effective partners in the re-Christianisation of Germany and increasingly as an essential bulwark against Communism. The thesis concludes that the long-term legacies of the British occupation lay in the effects of ‘indirect rule’, which exacerbated social inequalities by strengthening the profile of certain social elites at the expense of mass politics. The occupation is finally placed within the comparative context of occupations in Western Europe during the mid-20th century, which had the common legacy of buttressing elites who were primarily concerned with the making of stability rather than with participatory democracy, thus giving the post-war era its conservative mould.
38
Risse, Thomas. « Die unipolare Weltordnung - Ein soziales Konstrukt : ein Kommentar zu den Kommentaren ». Universität Potsdam, 2003. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/963/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic
relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an
article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has
provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as
documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the
rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
39
Chan, Catherine See. « Alliance en garde : the United States of America and West Germany, 1977-1985 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1300.
Texte intégral
40
Lambrecht, Jeroen. « Belgian soldiers' perceptions of the enemy during the First World War, 1914 - 1918 ». Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1993.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.Title from screen (viewed on November 5, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, William H. Schneider, Monroe H. Little. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-126).
41
Lam, Man Ho. « Risky business : difficulties in the American perception of and reaction to Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, 1969-1971 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 1998. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/235.
Texte intégral
42
Koszel, Bodgan. « Polens Engagement in der euroatlantischen Zone nach dem Irak-Krieg ». Universität Potsdam, 2003. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/962/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic
relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an
article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has
provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as
documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the
rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
43
Colman, Richard Geoffrey. « A comparative evaluation of personal social and youth service responses to youth of foreign origin and their communities in West Germany and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240204.
Texte intégral
44
Weiler, Björn K. U. « England and the Empire, 1216-1272 : Anglo-German relations during the reign of Henry III ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14563.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis charts the development of the political and diplomatic relations between England and the Holy Roman, Medieval or German Empire during the reign of Henry III of England, 1216-1272. This will be done before the wider background of contemporary European politics. Therefore, relations between the two realms have been viewed in the context of events and developments such as the papal-imperial conflict, the Mongol invasions, and the crusades. The actions of either Henry III or his Imperial counterpart cannot be understood without this background in mind, and without a comparison to the actions and undertakings of their contemporaries. As a result, it emerges that Henry III's policies towards the Holy Roman Empire did not differ greatly from those of other rulers, such as Louis IX of France or Ferdinand of Castile, and that in his case, as in theirs, the immediate pressing needs of Henry's own kingdom formed and moulded the direction of his relations with the rulers of the Empire. As far as the Emperor was concerned, on the other hand, England was perceived to be a potential source of fiscal and diplomatic support, but was not considered worth any risks. At the same time, the dangers and challenges facing both rulers also forced them over and over again to confront each other's needs and ambitions.
45
Giangrande, Romuald. « L’Allemagne et l’Europe centrale. Achèvement d’une transition politique et émotionnelle ». Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les réponses allemandes face aux crises qui traversent aujourd’hui l’Europe, incitent à se poser la question de la nature de la puissance allemande mais aussi de savoir comment l’Allemagne est perçue par ses voisins et perçoit son rôle en Europe centrale. Les hésitations de Berlin dans la conduite d’une politique étrangères décomplexée renvoient inévitablement à la nécessité de se pencher sur les mécanismes de sa conception, et ainsi observer quelles sont les limites institutionnelles à la formulation de ses objectifs de politique étrangère. Depuis les années 1990, c’est la synthèse des concepts de puissance civile et de puissance marchande qui aura permis à l’Allemagne d’établir un modèle alternatif au déterminisme hégémonique. L’unification allemande et l’effondrement de l’environnement de la guerre froide, même s’ils ont changé le contexte de sa politique étrangère, n’ont pas pour autant altérés ses contours. Au niveau international la puissance allemande reste contrainte par les institutions internationales et le cadre d’engagement multilatéral, et au niveau de la fédération, la politique étrangère dans sa conception et sa mise en œuvre, reste fortement dépendante des consensus politiques internes, mais également du poids de ses institutions et du respect de la Loi fondamentale. La politique étrangère de l’Allemagne unie, bien que souveraine depuis 1990, se trouve ainsi toujours conditionnée à la fois par l’influence des évolutions de son environnement international et par l’image qu’elle renvoie chez ses partenairesThe German attitude towards crises across Europe today, is leading to question the nature of the German power, as well as understanding how Germany is perceived by its neighbors and how it perceives its own role in Central Europe. Germany’s hesitations to conduct an uninhibited foreign policy is leading inevitably to refer at the mechanisms of its conception, and then to observe what are the institutional boundaries in the formulation of its objectives. Since the 1990s, the synthesis between the civil power and the trade power concepts allowed united Germany to establish an alternative model to her old hegemonic determinism. Even if the German unification and the disappearance of the Cold War environment has changed the context of the german foreign Policy, it has not altered its form in Europe. On the international level, German power remains constrained by international institutions and the framework for a multilateral commitment. On the domestic level, the foreign Policy in its conception and its implementation, remains highly dependent on internal political consensus, but also on the power of the german institutions and the respect of its Basic Law. Despite being sovereign since the 1990s the german foreign Policy remains conditioned by the influence of the developments in the international environment as well as the influence of emotional developments within it’s national society and the way she is perceived by its european partners
46
Sommer, Katrin. « Siamo con voi ? – Eine korpuslinguistische Diskursanalyse über das Italien- und Deutschlandbild in deutschen und italienischen Zeitungsartikeln zu Beginn der Coronavirus-Pandemie ». Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2021. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/23300/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic, the discussion about so-called coronabonds seemed to have led to a rather critical portrayal of Italy in German media and vice versa. The aim of this paper is to examine the two countries’ images in each other's media at the time and to analyse whether EU policy had an influence on them.
For the analysis, a corpus linguistic case study was conducted. About 4,500 articles were downloaded from the online portals of three Italian and three German newspapers. The articles originated from March and April 2020 and contained the search terms "Italien", "Italiener" or "italienisch" and "Germania" or "tedesco". Subsequently, six time periods were defined based on important political events. From each period, 50 sentences containing the search terms were randomly selected per newspaper. They were divided into different topics and analysed to determine how positively or negatively Germany and Italy were portrayed in the different periods.The results of this study showed that although no completely new images of Germany or Italy were created in the analysed news coverage, existing opinions or prejudices might have been strengthened by it. The negative reporting about Italy’s economy and government might have evoked old stereotypes of the Italians being spendthrifts and untrustworthy in politics. In Italian reporting, the strong focus on Germany's generally good economic performance was a factor that may have evoked anger at the "rich" Germans. This might have been further promoted by the negative assessments of Germany being a country lacking solidarity, especially during the discussions about EU aids, and the creation of the topos of a paziente zero tedesco, who allegedly was responsible for the spread of the virus in Italy.Future studies could investigate which country images were drawn in other media (such as the tabloid press or television) or how the respective country images changed during the pandemic.
47
O'Connell, Kaete Mary. « Weapon of War, Tool of Peace : U.S. Food Diplomacy in Postwar Germany ». Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/574976.
Texte intégralRésumé :
HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation examines U.S. food diplomacy in occupied Germany. It argues that the origins of food aid as an anti-communist strategy are located in postwar Germany. Believing a punitive occupation was the best insurance against future conflict, Allied leadership agreed to enforce a lower standard of living on Germany and did not allow relief agencies to administer aid to German civilians. Facing a growing crisis in the U.S. Zone, President Truman authorized food imports and permitted voluntary agencies to operate in 1946. This decision changed the tenor of the occupation and provided the foundation to an improved U.S.-German relationship. It also underscored the value of American food power in the emerging contest with the Soviet Union. Food served as a source of soft power. It bridged cultures and fostered new relationships while reinforcing notions of American exceptionalism. Officials recognized that humanitarian aid complemented foreign policy objectives. American economic security was reflected in their abundance of food, and the dispersal of this food to war-torn Europe, especially a former enemy, made a strong statement about the future. As relations with the Soviet Union soured, policymakers increasingly relied on American food power to encourage German embrace of western values. Occupation officials portrayed food relief as an expression of democratic ideals, emphasizing the universality of Freedom from Want and focusing on well-nourished German children as the hope for future peace. American food fostered the spread of liberal democracy but its dispersal also contained communism. This work bridges diplomatic history and food studies to investigate the consequences and significance of the transnational food exchange. Food aid had layered political, cultural, and emotional implications. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the role of compassion in diplomacy and the symbolism inherent in food to demonstrate the lasting political currency of humanitarian aid. Paying close attention to the food relationships that emerge between Germans and Americans allows one to better gauge the value of U.S. food aid as a propaganda tool. Food embodies American power; it offers a medium for understanding the experience and internalization of the occupation by Americans and Germans alike. Food aid began as emergency relief in 1946, reflecting the transition from a punitive to rehabilitative occupation policy. Recognizing Germany’s need for stability and self-sufficiency Military Government officials then urged economic recovery. Food aid was an important piece for German economic recovery, with supporters emphasizing Germany’s potential contribution toward European recovery. The positive press generated by the Marshall Plan and Allied airlift of Berlin contributed to the growing significance of propaganda in the emerging Cold War. Food relief was both good policy and good public relations, providing a narrative that cast the United States as a benevolent power in a rapidly changing world. Food aid to Germany underscored America’s humanitarian obligations, conscripted emotion into the Cold War, and swayed public opinion on the home front and with the former enemy.
Temple University--Theses
48
Tollardo, Elisabetta. « Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
49
Foisy, Cory A. « Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.
50
PATALAKH, ARTEM. « SOFT POWER REVISITED : HOW ATTRACTION WORKS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/579396.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis problematises the bases of soft power, that is, causal mechanisms connecting the agent (A) and the subject (B) of a power relationship. As the literature review reveals, their underspecification by neoliberal IR scholars, the leading proponents of the soft power concept, has caused a great deal of scholarly confusion over such questions as how to clearly differentiate between hard and soft power, how attraction (soft power’s primary mechanism) works and what roles structural and relational forces play in hard/soft power. In an effort to ascertain the bases, I address this issue not from the viewpoint of A’s policies or resources, like do IR neoliberal scholars, but in terms of B’s psychological perception of A. Employing social psychological accounts, I argue that attraction can be produced in three distinct ways, namely 1) through B’s identification with A (“emotional” attraction), 2) via B’s appreciation of A’s competence/knowledge in a particular field (“rational” attraction) and 3) by means of the activation of B’s
internalised values which contextually prescribe B to act in A’s favour (“social” attraction). Importantly, depending upon the way attraction is produced, it is peculiar in a number of characteristics, the main of which are power scope, weight and durability. Insights from social psychology also show that unlike soft power, hard power requires not only B’s relevant perception of the A-B relationship (as coercive or rewarding), but also A’s capability to actualise a threat of punishment and/or a promise of reward. I argue this difference can be fairly treated as definitional rather than empirical, which implies that coercion and reward necessarily have both relational and structural dimensions, whereas for attraction, a structural one alone suffices, while a relational one may or may not be present. Having explicated the soft power bases, I illustrate each of them using three “most likely” case studies, namely Serbia’s policies towards Russia (emotional attraction), Kazakhstan’s approach to relations with the EU (rational attraction) and Germany’s policies vis-à-vis Israel (social attraction).