Articles de revues sur le sujet « Italian “Tipo 2” flour »

Flour from old varieties are usually considered very weak flours, and thus difficult to use in breadmaking especially when processed as Italian “Tipo 2” flour. Hence, the aim of our study was to understand if agronomic treatments can be used to improve flour processability and the quality of three old wheat varieties. An experimental strip-plot scheme was used: three old wheat varieties (Andriolo, Sieve, Verna), two seeding densities, three levels of nitrogen fertilization (N35, N80, and N135), and two levels of foliar sulfur fertilization. Analyzed parameters related to kernel composition, dough rheology and bread quality. Sulfur and nitrogen treatments significantly affected protein composition and dough alveograph strength, which increased by about 34% with nitrogen fertilization, and by about 14% with the sulfur treatment. However, only nitrogen fertilization affected bread characteristics. Crumb density significantly decreased from N35 to N135, while springiness and cohesiveness increased. On the other hand, sulfur did not improve breads. This highlight the importance of performing breadmaking tests in addition to the rheological determinations. The poor technological performance of old wheat flours can be improved with agronomical treatments designed to obtain higher-quality bread.

Type 2 diabetes is an important social and health care system variable due to its large diffusion, frequency of clinical complications and its health care costs. The studied population is relative to 4 italian centers distributed all over the country (Brescia, Roma, Rossano Calabro and Avola). This work has the aim to describe the Italian type 2 population according to treatment choice ruled by diabetes stage, glycemia control and HbA1c concentration. The analysis present a description of the therapeutic changes during the year of observation too, giving a complete picture of patients distribution and their treatment path through diabetes evolution in Italy.

The adverse effects associated with exposure to flour dust have been known since the 1700s. The aim of the study was to assess the occupational exposure to flour dust in Italian facilities, identify the activities characterized by the highest exposure, and provide information to reduce workers’ exposure. The study was performed in different facilities such as flourmills (n = 2), confectioneries (n = 2), bakeries (n = 24), and pizzerias (n = 2). Inhalable flour dust was assessed by personal and area samplings (n = 250) using IOM (Institute of Occupational Medicine) samplers. The results showed personal occupational exposure to flour dust over the American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygiene (ACGIH) and the Scientific Committee on Occupational Exposure Limit (SCOEL) occupational limits (mean 1.987 mg/m3; range 0.093–14.055 mg/m3). The levels were significantly higher for dough makers in comparison to the dough formers and packaging area subjects. In four bakeries the industrial hygiene surveys were re-performed after some control measures, such as installation of a sleeve to the end of pipeline, a lid on the mixer tub or local exhaust ventilation system, were installed. The exposure levels were significantly lower than those measured before the introduction of control measures. The exposure level reduction was observed not only in the dough making area but also in all bakeries locals.

Wheat allergens are responsible for symptoms in 60–70% of bakers with work-related allergy, and knowledge, at the molecular level, of this disorder is progressively accumulating. The aim of the present study is to investigate the panel of wheat IgE positivity in allergic Italian bakers, evaluating a possible contribution of novel wheat allergens included in the water/salt soluble fraction. The water/salt-soluble wheat flour proteins from the Italian wheat cultivar Bolero were separated by using 1-DE and 2-DE gel electrophoresis. IgE-binding proteins were detected using the pooled sera of 26 wheat allergic bakers by immunoblotting and directly recognized in Coomassie stained gel. After a preparative electrophoretic step, two enriched fractions were furtherly separated in 2-DE allowing for detection, by Coomassie, of three different proteins in the range of 21–27 kDa that were recognized by the pooled baker’s IgE. Recovered spots were analyzed by nanoHPLC Chip tandem mass spectrometry (MS/MS). The immunodetected spots in 2D were subjected to mass spectrometry (MS) analysis identifying two new allergenic proteins: a glucose/ribitol dehydrogenase and a 16.9 kDa class I heat shock protein 1. Mass spectrometer testing of flour proteins of the wheat cultivars utilized by allergic bakers improves the identification of until now unknown occupational wheat allergens.

Many types of baked goods are firmly rooted in the food habits of many people in different countries. Although there have been great strides in improving milling, kneading, and baking, given the lack of essential studies, further steps forward need to be taken to understand the effects of storage time and environmental storage conditions, thus motivating this work. The aim of this study is to assess the effects of storage time, using one-way ANOVA, and environmental storage conditions (environmental temperature and humidity), using MOLS analysis, on flour composition, dough rheology, and biscuit characteristics. Seven levels of storage time were tested: T0 (control), T1, T2, T3, T4, T5, and T6. The results showed that flour storage time significantly increased dough tenacity (P) and curve configuration ratio (P/L), and decreased the biscuit volume (best at T0). However, 2–3 weeks of storage highlighted a significant increase in deformation energy (W), an essential alveograph parameter that is closely correlated to the technological success of leavened products. This optimum found for W might be considered as a great stride in understanding the effects of storage time, confirming that wheat flour can reach its optimal performance after two-three weeks of storage, in particular for W. Moreover, this information could be useful, not only for biscuits production, but also for bread and bakery products (and, thus, the entire bakery industry). MOLS analysis highlighted that dough rheology and biscuit characteristics are mainly affected by flour composition (primarily from starch content) rather than environmental storage parameters. In conclusion, to optimize the biscuit characteristics, it is necessary to use flours with a low content of damaged starch by selecting the most suitable milling technique and carefully managing the operative parameters.

Introdução: o Tamarindus indica L. é um fruto comum em regiões tropicais, bastante produzido na região Nordeste sendo fácil encontrá-lo. Objetivos: verificar o impacto do uso de uma farinha obtida do tamarindo sobre o IMC. Metodologia: Trata-se de um estudo longitudinal, do qual participaram 82 pacientes com diabetes melito tipo 2 atendidos por uma instituição de referência. Eles consumiram, durante 30 dias, uma farinha produzida a partir do tamarindo. Todos os voluntários foram entrevistados através de um formulário contendo dados referentes a: sexo, idade, cor (autorreferida), anos de estudo, ocupação, renda mensal. Foram aferidas as medidas antropométricas de peso, altura e IMC. Ao final das 4 semanas, o peso foi aferido novamente. Resultados: Houve predomínio de sobrepeso (70,73%) entre os participantes antes de iniciar o uso da farinha. Após um mês consumindo o produto, percebe-se que o IMC final da maioria dos participantes continuou em sobrepeso (65,85%). Nota-se que esse percentual diminuiu em relação ao inicial e que o IMC de alguns participantes passou a ser classificado como eutrófico (6,09%). Houve diminuição no percentual de obesidade, que passou de 29,26% para 28,04%. As médias de IMC antes e após a intervenção foram significativamente diferentes (p < 0,05). Conclusão: A farinha utilizada associou-se à melhora do estado nutricional dos pacientes avaliados, com aumento de eutróficos e redução da proporção de obesos.Esta pesquisa foi financiada pelo Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq).

RIASSUNTOL'internamento in Ospedale Psichiatrico Giudiziario (OPG) costituisce un allontanamento dai circuiti assistenziali psichiatrici del Servizio Sanitario Nazionale e la sua durata può influire negativamente sulle possibilità di reinserimento nel territorio di provenienza. Metodo – I fattori predittivi della durata di degenza in OPG sono stati indagati mediante una analisi di sopravvivenza condotta su una coorte di 118 pazienti degenti nei tre OPG del Centro-Nord al 30.06.97, provenienti da tre Regioni (Emilia Romagna, Toscana, Friuli Venezia Giulia), prendendo in esame le dimissioni effettuate nei 18 mesi successivi. Risultati – Da analisi di sopravvivenza condotte sui singoli fattori sono emersi, come predittori di durata di internamento, il reato commesso (omicidio: tempo mediano di permanenza 706.6 settimane, rispetto alle 307.1 e 194.7 dei reati minori e delle lesioni; log-rank =31.8, p<0.001), la durata preventivata della misura di sicurezza (RR=0.98, CI 95% 0.97-0.99, p<0.001); la diagnosi di schizofrenia (621.9 settimane rispetto alle 389.9 settimane o meno delle altre diagnosi; log-rank = 5.83, p<0.01); i disturbi del pensiero alia BPRS (RR=0.89, CI 98% 0.81-0.98, p<0.01); OPG di internamento (314.6 settimane a Montelupo Fiorentino rispetto alle 706.6 di Reggio Emilia e alle 621.9 di Castiglione delle Stiviere; log-rank = 9.64, df=2, p<0.001). In un modello di regressione di Cox a più covariate solo il tipo di reato, la durata della misura di sicurezza e la diagnosi sono risultati significativi. Conclusioni – I fattori inerenti il sistema giudiziario sono determinanti nel predire la durata della degenza. La diagnosi di schizofrenia sembra aver un ruolo indipendente nel predire una degenza più lunga

В ресторанах итальянской кухни производство пасты все чаще осуществляется из итальянской муки «Semola». Цель работы: исследовать целесообразность применения муки «Semola» для производства пасты. Задачи: изучить пищевую ценность итальянской и российской муки, сравнить их органолептические показатели, приготовить пасту из исследуемых образцов муки, провести ее экспертную органолептическую оценку, выявить влияние стоимости муки на себестоимость блюда и его продажную цену. Для исследования были закуплены следующие образцы: мука из твердой пшеницы для макаронных изделий высший сорт торговой марки «МАКFА» и мука из твердых сортов пшеницы для пасты «Semola per pasta» торговой марки «MOLINO GRASSI». Исследования проводились в «Кулинарной лаборатории экспериментальных вкусов» Ресурсного центра Института пищевых технологий и дизайна. Анализ представленных на маркировке муки данных показывает, что отклонения в пищевой ценности итальянской и российской муки весьма незначительны. Проведение органолептического анализа позволяет сделать вывод, что мука «Semola» имеет более желтый цвет, а ее вкус и запах не имеют никаких существенных отличий от образца российской муки из твердых сортов пшеницы. Из отобранных образцов муки было приготовлено блюдо «Паста с сыром «Пармезан» и проведена органолептическая оценка показателей его качества. Проведение дегустации данного блюда позволяет сделать вывод, что вкусовые качества блюд, приготовленных из разных видов муки, одинаковые. Но блюдо «Паста с сыром «Пармезан» с российской мукой из твердых сортов пшеницы дешевле на 30,15 рубля. Большая стоимость блюд, приготовленных из муки итальянского производства, не оправдана более высокой питательной ценностью или улучшенными вкусовыми качествами пасты для потребителя. Популярность приготовления пасты из итальянской муки обусловлена лишь рекламой итальянских производителей муки.

This paper presents an innovative application for spent coffee grounds (SCGs) used as filler for the formulation of lightweight clay ceramic aggregates (LWA). LWA can be used for urban and agricultural purposes as a sustainable solution. Spent coffee grounds were tested as a pore forming agent partially acting as a replacement for red clay in material formulation before firing. Substitutions of 10, 15, and 20 wt.% of red clay were tested. The properties of lightweight aggregates with 15 wt.% of SCGs were improved using a specifically tailored fertilizer glass due to its low pH and conductivity within the soil tolerance range. Packaging glassy sand, cattle-bone flour ash, and potassium carbonate were mixed and melted in order to obtain this glass, which when added to the clayey batch functionalized the aggregates by phosphorus and potassium nutrients. The results (in particular, porosity and bulk density) show that the lightweight aggregates obtained have interesting properties for possible uses both in urban (e.g., green roofs as a drainage layer) and agricultural purposes. Moreover, pH and conductivity are in line with the Italian Standard regarding soil amendment (D.lgs. 75/2010). In addition, several leaching tests were performed in a solution containing 2 vol.% citric acid (C6H8O7) to evaluate the release capacity not only of nutrients (P and K) but also to check the presence and release of heavy metals, such as lead (Pb), that may come from the glassy precursor. The results obtained showed that nutrients are efficiently released in 21 days (P = 87.73% and K = 25.74% of released percentage) and Pb release is under the standard threshold of 30 ppm.

Abstract L’ltalia è il penultimo Paese membro dell’OCSE che abbia adottato una legge sulla protezione della concorrenza (adesso solo la Turchia non ha alcuna legge al riguardo).Peraltro, la legislazione vigente nei Paesi OCSE non è del tutto identica. Vi è, per esempio, una notevole differenza tra la legislazione anti-trust degli Stati Uniti, con proibizione (rafforzata da sanzioni penali) della fissazione di prezzi e di ripartizione dei mercati, ed il progetto di legge belga contro l’abuso di potere economico, che da luogo ad un tipo di controllo molto tenue.Per quanto riguarda, in particolare, le norme attinenti alle concentrazioni, l’ltalia è il quindicesimo Paese OCSE ad avere una normativa. Questo significa non soltanto che nove Paesi OCSE devono ancora convincersi dell’utilità del controllo delle concentrazioni, ma che, date le divergenze tra le diverse normative in vigore, sono anche diversi i criteri e le procedure mediante cui possono essere valutate fusioni ed acquisizioni.Si può affermare che l’impostazione della legge italiana, di carattere dichiaratamente proibitivo, quanto ad accordi restrittivi ed abuso di posizione dominante segue l’attuale tendenza dei Paesi OCSE a favore di questo metodo di controllo piuttosto che del metodo del caso per caso, che e ancora vigente nei Paesi nordici, in Irlanda e nel Regno Unito.Per quanto attiene, invece, alle concentrazioni, l’impostazione di carattere proibitivo non si estende normalmente al loro controllo. Molti ordinamenti preferiscono il sistema del «caso per caso» e così fa anche la legge italiana, anche se questa procedura richiede un giusto equilibrio tra l’esigenza di completare in tempi stretti l’indagine, per non danneggiare le imprese interessate, e l’altrettanto legittima esigenza di avere tempo sufficiente per un esame accurato. Su questo ultimo aspetto, i tempi previsti dalla legge italiana sembrano più brevi della media dei Paesi OCSE. In particolare, il periodo di tempo previsto dalla legge italiana perché l’Autorità effettui l’indagine è di quarantacinque giorni, mentre il tempo mediamente previsto nei Paesi OCSE è di tre mesi.Un elemento molto positivo della legge italiana è quello di sottoporre le concentrazioni ad una valutazione di natura strettamente concorrenziale, senza introdurre dementi di natura politica o sociale. Inoltre, in molti Paesi il Governo ha il potere di dire l’ultima parola sull’autorizzazione o meno delle concentrazioni.Bisogna anche notare che, mentre molti Paesi hanno costruito poco per volta la loro legislazione concorrenziale, partendo dagli accordi orizzontali per poi estendere il controllo all’abuso del potere di mercato e giungendo quindi al controllo delle concentrazioni, la legge italiana include tutti e tre questi tipi di restrizioni della concorrenza. Essa riguarda, inoltre, sia il mercato dei beni che quello dei servizi.La legge italiana si applicherà sia alle imprese private che a quelle pubbliche, con l’eccezione dei monopoli pubblici. Per quanto riguarda le banche e le assicurazioni, la legge italiana riserva ad essi un trattamento analogo a quello di altre leggi della concorrenza, anche se adesso sembra emergere la tendenza a restringere le esenzioni dalle leggi sulla concorrenza di cui godono questi settori.L’Autorità italiana per l’applicazione della legislazione concorrenziale ha ampi poteri di investigazione, di decisione e anche di sanzione, attraverso la comminazione di multe, nonche importanti funzioni consultive. In altri ordinamenti vi è una distinzione tra gli organi che nelle diverse fasi applicano la legislazione della concorrenza. La legge italiana, dato che l’Autorità è responsabile delle varie fasi, potrà essere applicata più facilmente, anche se si potrebbe rilevare che la distinzione tra funzioni istruttorie e funzioni decisionali dà maggiori garanzie (in ogni caso, le parti hanno comunque diritto di ricorrere contro le decisioni dell’Autorità).L’applicazione di sanzioni, che è un aspetto essenziale del sistema di controllo, è modellata nella legge italiana sulla base della normativa CEE e sembra adeguata.Per quanto riguarda il particolare trattamento riservato alle istituzioni finanziarie, sebbene in diversi Paesi vi siano norme speciali nei riguardi delle concentrazioni bancarie (con approvazione da parte delle autorità bancarie, in sostituzione delle autorità che si occupano della concorrenza o in aggiunta all’approvazione di queste ultime), non si riscontra in altri ordinamenti una norma come quella secondo cui anche l’acquisizione di una quota del cinque per cento del capitale debba essere sottoposta ad autorizzazione. Soltanto l’Olanda, forse, ha una regola analoga, mentre l’Australia ha una regola che stabilisce un limite generale del quindici per cento per un solo investitore.Nel complesso, la legge italiana per la concorrenza sembra fornire una buona base per una efficiente politica della concorrenza. Evidentemente, tutto dipenderà dal modo in cui l’Autorità assicurerà che le norme siano effettivamente applicate, soprattutto per quanto riguarda l’art. 4 (che prevede deroghe per le intese) e l’art. 8, paragrafo 2, sulle deroghe per le imprese che forniscono servizi d’interesse economico generale. Sarebbe molto spiacevole se questa norma fosse utilizzata per non applicare la legge allo stesso modo, sia alle imprese private che a quelle pubbliche.

ResumenLa almendra de la semilla de mango fue analizada para establecer su composición química y sus propiedades funcionales, con el fin de establecer la viabilidad de su uso como ingrediente en la industria de alimentos. Se realizó el análisis proximal de la almendra de la semilla de mango (Mangifera indica L.), obtenida como desecho agroindustrial, y la caracterización funcional de la harina desengrasada. La almendra presentó la siguiente composición: proteína cruda, 6,39%, humedad, 44,8%, grasa cruda, 10,70%, cenizas, 2,4%, y fibra, 2,38%. En la harina desengrasada, la capacidad de absorción de agua y de aceite fue de 3,0 y 2,0 mL/g, respectivamente. La actividad emulsificante aumentó al incrementarse el pH, alcanzando un máximo a pH=10. Al aumentar la concentración de la dispersión harina/agua (20% p-v) se observó el incremento de la capacidad gelificante. El tipo de proteínas que contiene la harina son globulinas (40,16%), proteínas insolubles (23,84%), glutelinas (15,81%), albúminas (12,11%) y, en menor concentración, prolaminas (8,08%). La extracción de aislados proteicos se obtuvo con bajos rendimientos (menor del 2%), por lo tanto, no se cuantificaron sus propiedades funcionales. AbstractMango seeds were analyzed to establish their chemical composition and functional properties in order toinvestigate the possibility of their use as an ingredient in the food industry. The average composition of kernel was determined to be: 6,39% of crude protein, 44,8% of moisture, 10,70% of oil, 2,4% of ash and 2,38% of crude fiber. Water and oil absorption capacity of meal was 3,0 mL/g and 2,0 mL/g, respectively. Emulsifying activity increased with increasing pH peaking at 10. Increasing the concentration of the flour/water (20% bw) dispersion improved gelling ability. The type of proteins are globulins (40,16%), insoluble proteins (23,84%), glutelin (15,81%), albumin (12,11%) and less prolamin concentration (8,08%). The extraction of protein isolates, was obtained at low yields (less than 2%), therefore, their functional properties were not quantified.

Molecular techniques (RAPD and i-PBS) were used to study genetic diversity within persimmon collection at Horticulture Faculty of Mendel University in Lednice. The aim of the work was to distinguish 14 known and 6 of unknown origin persimmon cultivars. The basic screening of 20 OPT primers was applied to 4 cultivars differring in the place of origin. Within the group of screened primers there were chosen those, which gave polymorphic repeatable strong and middle strong bands. Selected primers were used for the RAPD reactions within the whole persimmon collection. Three OPA primers previously described in the literature were also used for the RAPD reactions within the whole persimmon collection. Additional 16 i-PBS primers previously described in the literature were also used for i-PBS analysis of the whole group of cultivars. Amplification was successful with 12 i-PBS primers. The FreeTree software package was used to gen­erate a similarity matrix and then to produce a dendrogram using UPGMA analyses. The similarity dendrograms of all persimmon cultivars were created based on both approaches and also on combination of both analyses by program Tree View. All the dendrograms clearly separated the assessed cultivars into 4 clusters. There are cluster of American persimmons – Meader’ (1), ’Garretson’ (2) and ’Early Golden’ (3). They are representatives ofD. virginiana. Further part of dendrogram includes singleD. lotus(5), which is also clearly separated from other cultivars of the genusDiospyros. The third cluster includes interspecific hybrids ’Rossiyanka’ (10) and ’Nikitskaiya Bordovaiya’ (13), which arised from crosses ofD. virginianaandD. kaki. The last cluster is formed by cultivars of Japanese persimmon – ’Mikatani Gosho’, ’Zenjimaru’, ’Tone Wase’, ’Hiratanenashi’, ’Fuyu’, Chinese cultivar – ’Sansi’ and two Italian cultivars ’Vaniglia’ and ’Tipo’. They are clustered without significant distinction. The similarities and the differences revealed among incorporation of cultivars into groups were compared with the literature findings.

Objetivou-se com este trabalho avaliar o estado nutricional e características agronômicas de bananeiras tipo prata sob adubação orgânica, no quarto ciclo de produção, em solos de elevada fertilidade construída. Os tratamentos, duas cultivares (Prata-Anã e BRS Platina) e cinco doses de adubação compostas por esterco bovino e farinha de rocha Naturalplus® foram dispostos em esquema fatorial 2 x 5, em delineamento em blocos casualizados, com três repetições. Foram avaliados: os teores de nutrientes nas folhas; altura de plantas; perímetro do pseudocaule; número de folhas; massa do cacho (kg) e pencas (kg); massa média das pencas (kg) e fruto (g) e massa das cinco primeiras pencas (kg); número de pencas; número de frutos por cacho e penca; massa (g), diâmetro (mm) e comprimento interno e externo do fruto (cm). Doses crescentes de K2O incrementam os teores de N, P e Cu para cultivares Prata-Anã e BRS Platina, que diferem entre si quanto aos teores de Fe, Zn e S. A ‘Prata-Anã’ se destaca com número de folhas e frutos por penca, enquanto a ‘BRS Platina’ maior massa média das pencas e do fruto e comprimento do fruto. As doses aplicadas não influenciam a produção das cultivares BRS Platina e Prata-Anã no quarto ciclo em solos de elevada fertilidade construída.Palavras chave: farinha de rocha; esterco bovino; sustentabilidade. PHYTOTECHNICAL AND NUTRITIONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF BANANA SUBMITTED TO FERTILIZER SOURCES FOR ORGANIC MANAGEMENT ABSTRACT:The objective of this work was to evaluate the nutritional status and agronomic characteristics of silver - type banana under organic fertilization, in the fourth cycle of production, in soils with high fertility. The treatments, two cultivars (Prata-Anã and BRS Platina) and five fertilizer doses composed of bovine manure and Naturalplus® rock flour were arranged in a 2 x 5 factorial scheme, in a randomized block design, with three replications. Leaf nutrient contents were evaluated; plant height; perimeter of the pseudostem; number of leaves; mass of the bunch (kg) and hands (kg); average mass of the hands (kg) and fruit (g) and mass of the first five hands (kg); number of leaves; number of fruits per bunch and hands; mass (g), diameter (mm) and internal and external length of the fruit (cm). Increasing doses of K2O increases N, P and Cu contents for Prata-Anã and BRS Platina cultivars, which differ in Fe content, Zn and S. The ‘Prata-Anã’ stands out with the highest number of leaves and fruits per hands, whereas the 'BRS Platina' presents higher average mass of the fruit and the length of the fruit. The applied doses do not influence the production of the cultivars BRS Platina and Prata-Anã in the fourth cycle in soils with high constructed fertility.Keywords: rock dust; bovine manure; sustainability.

A comparative analysis of the technical efficiency in the production of national cocoa among the main producing cantons of the province of Guayas was carried out. For this, the study was based on an analysis with inductive reasoning and empirical-analytical paradigm, through the elaboration of surveys to 361 UPA's in the cantons of: Milagro, San Jacinto de Yaguachi, El Empalme, Alfredo Baquerizo Moreno, Naranjal and Simón Bolívar; these data served as the basis for the elaboration of the Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) model. The results show that on average, the Simón Bolívar canton is the canton with the highest technical efficiency, with 50% of the total UPAs surveyed in the range of 70% and 99% effectiveness. Finally, regarding the observed averages of allocative efficiency, it can be concluded that Jujan has the highest average with 75%. Keywords: Technical and Allocative Efficiency, National Cocoa, Enveloped Data Analysis, Non Parametric Method. References [1]M. Naranjo., «Un Puerto en busca de una Nación, Guayaquil y la idea fundacional del Ecuador como país,» de Seminario Internacional Poder, Política y Repertorios de la Movilización Social en el Ecuador Bicentenario, Quito, 2009. [2]S. C. Mogro, V. Andrade-Díaz y D. P.-. Villacís, «Posicionamiento y eficiencia del banano, cacao y flores del Ecuador en el mercado mundial,» Revista Ciencia UNEMI, vol. 9, nº 19, pp. 48-53, 2016. [3]M. Vassallo, Diferenciación y agregado de valor en la cadena ecuatoriana del cacao, Quito: Editorial IAEN, 2015. [4]M. Pigache y S. Bainville, Cacao tipo ‘Nacional’ vs. Cacao CCN51: ¿Quién ganará el partido?, Quito: Ird Editions, 2007. [5]M. Chiriboga, Jornaleros, grandes propietarios y exportación cacaotera, Quito: Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, 2013. [6]A. Acosta., Breve Historia Económica del Ecuador, Quito: Editora Nacional, 2006. [7]M. Espinoza y Y. Arteaga., «Diagnóstico de los Procesos de Asociatividad y la Producción de Cacao en Milagro y sus sectores aledaños,» Revista Ciencia UNEMI, vol. 8, nº 14, pp. 105-112, 2015. [8]E. Romero, M. Fernández, J. Macías y K. Zúñiga, «Producción y comercialización del cacao y su incidencia en el desarrollo socioeconómico del cantón Milagro,» Revista Ciencia UNEMI, vol. 9, nº 17, pp. 56-64, 2016. [9]e. I. I. d. C. A. Ministerio de Agricultura y Ganadería, La Agroindustria en el Ecuador. Un diagnóstico integral, Quito: IICA, 2006. [10]R. Rodríguez, M. Brugiafreddo y E. Raña., «Eficiencia técnica en la agricultura familiar: Análisis envolvente de datos (DEA) versus aproximación de fronteras estocásticas (SFA),» Nova Scientia, vol. 9, nº 18, pp. 342-370, 2017. [11]A. Resti., «Evaluating the cost-efficiency of the Italian banking system: what can be learned from the joint application of parametric and non-parametric techniques,» Journal of Banking & Finance, vol. 21, nº 2, pp. 221-250, 1997. [12]T. Coelli y S. Perelman, «A Comparison Of Parametric And Non-Parametric Distance Functions: With Application To European Railways,» European Journal Of Operational Research, vol. 117, nº 2, pp. 326-339, 1999. [13]B. Iráizoz, M. Rapún y I. Zabaleta., «Assessing the technicalb efficiency of horticultural production in Navarra, Spain,» Agricultural Systems, vol. 78, nº 3, pp. 387-403, 2003. [14]K. Sharma, S. Ping y H. Zaleski., «Productive efficiency of the swine industry in Hawaii,» Research Series, vol. 77, pp. 1-24, 1996. [15]D. Tingley, S. Pascoe y L. Coglan, «Factors affecting technical efficiency in fisheries: Stochastic Production Frontier versus Data Envelopment Analysis approaches,» Fisheries Research, vol. 73, nº 3, pp. 363-376, 2005. [16]H. Johansson, «Technical, allocative and economic efficiency in Swedish dairy farms: the Data Envelopment Analysis versus the Stochastic Frontier Approach,» de Poster background paper prepared for presentation at the XIth International Congress of the European Association of Agricultural Economists (EAAE), Copenhagen, 2005. [17]F. Madau, «Technical and scale efficiency in the Italian Citrus Farming: A comparison between Stochastic Frontier Analysis (SFA) and Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) Models,» Munich Personal RePEc Archive (MPRA), vol. 41403, nº 18, pp. 1-25, 2012. [18]E. A. S. d. Pedro, Nivel de competitividad y eficiencia de la producción ganadera, Córdoba: Tesis doctoral. Departamento de Producción Animal, 2013. [19]F. Bacon, Novum Organum, Londres, 1620. [20]Seminario Metodología de la Investigación, Bogota: Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2015.

RIASSUNTO. La flora vascolare della Penisola del Sinis (Sardegna Occidentale). Viene presentatolo studio della flora vascolare della Penisola del Sinis; in totale sono state rinvenute 760 unitàtassonomiche e in particolare 615 specie, 134 sottospecie, 10 varietà e 1 ibrido, riferibili a 365 generie 87 famiglie. Le Eudicots sono risultate il gruppo sistematico dominante. Le famiglie più rappresentatesono: Poaceae (99 unità tassonomiche), Fabaceae e Asteraceae (85), Caryophyllaceae (33), Apiaceae(27) e Orchidaceae (24). I generi con maggior numero di taxa sono: Trifolium (19), Silene (14),Limonium e Medicago (13), Ophrys (12), Euphorbia e Vicia (10), Plantago (9), Allium (8) e infineLotus, Ranunculus e Vulpia (7). Il contingente delle endemiche (54 unità tassonomiche) è risultatopari al 8,97% della componente mediterranea e mostra una dominanza degli elementi sardo-corsi(33,33%) e secondariamente sardi (24,10%), i quali unitamente raggiungono il 57,43% del totale. Laflora endemica è costituita da 31 specie, 17 sottospecie e 6 varietà, inquadrati in 38 generi e 22famiglie. Le famiglie più rappresentate sono risultate le Plumbaginaceae (10), Asteraceae e Lamiaceae(5), Fabaceae (4), Alliaceae, Euphorbiaceae e Ranunculaceae (3); il genere più ricco è risultatoLimonium (10), seguito da Allium, Delphinium, Euphorbia, Scrophularia, Silene e Teucrium (2). E’statoelaborato un elenco dei taxa inseriti nelle liste rosse regionali d’Italia, al quale sono state aggiuntetutte le endemiche esclusive e le specie di importanza conservazionistica a livello regionale, per lequali vengono proposte le nuove categorie di protezione secondo i criteri della IUCN. Da tale analisiè emerso che sono presenti 12 unità tassonomiche gravemente minacciate, gruppo che include granparte delle endemiche esclusive del territorio. Sulla base dei dati morfologici, geologici e bioclimaticirelativi ai territori studiati, unitamente alle analisi di tipo floristico ed in particolare della componenteendemica e d’interesse fitogeografico, viene proposto un inquadramento biogeografico a livello disottosettore.Parole chiave. Flora, diversità vegetale, endemiche, conservazione, biogeografia, SardegnaABSTRACT. The vascular flora of Sinis Peninsula (W Sardinia).The vascular flora of Sinis Peninsula(W Sardinia) has been studied; 760 taxa, 615 of which were species, 134 subspecies, 10 varieties and1 hybrid were found. They were included in 365 genera and 87 families. The Eudicots were dominantover the other systematic groups. The most represented families were: Poaceae (99 taxonomic units),Fabaceae and Asteraceae (85), Caryophyllaceae (33), Apiaceae (27) and Orchidaceae (24). The mostrepresented genera were: Trifolium (19), Silene (14), Limonium and Medicago (13), Ophrys (12),Euphorbia and Vicia (10), Plantago (9), Allium (8) and, finally, Lotus, Ranunculus and Vulpia (7). The contingent of endemics (54 taxonomic units) was 8,97% of the Mediterranean component showingthe dominance of Sardinian-Corsican (33,33%) and in the second place Sardinian elements (24,10%),that together to reach 57,43% of the total. This flora consisted of 31 species, 17 subspecies and 6varieties; 38 genera and 22 families were recognized. The most represented families were:Plumbaginaceae (10), Asteraceae and Lamiaceae (5), Fabaceae (4), Alliaceae, Euphorbiaceae andRanunculaceae (3). The most represented genera were: Limonium (10) and Allium, Delphinium,Euphorbia, Scrophularia, Silene, Teucrium (2). Based on the taxa present in the regional Italian RedList, the species exclusive of Sardinia and important for the conservation has been included. Forthese species we proposed the news categories of preservation following the IUCN criteria. Ouranalysis, confirmed the presence of 12 taxa critically endangered as well as this group included themajority of exclusive endemism of the territory. According to the geomorphological, geological andbioclimatic data of the territories studied within the floristic analysis and in particular the endemicand phytogeographical component, we proposed the creation of new biogeographic subsector namedSinisico.Key words. Flora, plants diversity, endemics, conservation, biogeography, Sardinia

Background/aim: different guidelines provide similar, but not identical, therapeutic targets for HbA1c in type 2 diabetes. These targets can also depend on the different pharmacological strategies adopted for intensifying glycemic control. This editorial is aimed at providing a reference for the choice of glycemic targets in patients with type 2 diabetes, as recommended by the new Italian guidelines for the treatment of type 2 diabetes. Methods and results: the present paper revised the recently published Italian guidelines for the treatment of type 2 diabetes (outpatients), either in primary care or specialist referral. The guideline has been developed following the methods described in the Manual of the National Guideline System (http://www.snlg-iss.it) by a panel nominated by the Società Italiana di Diabetologia (SID) and Associazione Medici Diabetologi (AMD).

RIASSUNTOScopo – 1. Effettuare un censimento di tutte le Strutture Residenziali (SR) psichiatriche presenti in Italia (Fase 1); 2. Condurre una approfondita valutazione delle strutture e dei pazienti ospitati in un campione rappresentativo pan al 20% delle SR censite (Fase 2); 3. Attivare programmi specifici di formazione per il personale delle SR (Fase 3). Metodi – Per la raccolta dei dati di Fase 1 e stata elaborata una scheda apposita. Questa scheda e stata somministrata, sotto forma di intervista strutturata, direttamente ai responsabili delle SR; in molti casi le informazioni sono state integrate con quelle fornite direttamente da operatori delle SR o dei Dipartimenti di Salute Mentale (DSM). Risultati – Al termine della Fase 1 sono state censite (maggio 2000) 1370 SR con 4 o più posti residenziali, con un numero totale di posti pari a 17138, un numero medio di 12.5 posti per SR ed un tasso di posti residenziali per 10000 abitanti pari a 2.98 (superiore allo standard del Progetto Obiettivo Tutela della Salute Mentale 1998-2000, pari a 2/10.000). II tasso di posti residenziali e pari a poco meno di 3/4 del tasso stimato da Ruggeri et al. (2000) di pazienti con disturbi mentali gravi e persistenti di tipo psicotico (13.9 per 10000). La dotazione di SR e risultata molto variabile tra le varie aree d'Italia. La maggioranza delle SR (51%) e stata attivata dal gennaio 1997 in poi; circa i tre quarti delle SR hanno una copertura assistenziale 24 ore su 24. I DSM gestiscono direttamente oltre la meta delle SR; la grande maggioranza delle SR (78%) e finanziata direttamente dal Servizio Sanitario Nazionale (SSN). La meta circa delle SR (49%) ospita prevalentemente pazienti compresi nella fascia di eta tra 40 e 59 anni. Per quanto riguarda gli operatori, nelle SR lavorano 11240 operatori a tempo pieno, più una quota significativa di operatori a tempo parziale; il numero medio totale di operatori per SR e di 13.6. Circa il 40% degli operatori delle SR non ha una qualificazione specifica di tipo psichiatrico. Il totale dei pazienti ospitati nelle SR e di 15943; di essi, il 58% non e mai stato ricoverato in Ospedale Psichiatrico (OP), mentre il 40% circa lo e stato; una piccola quota (1.6%) e stata ricoverata in Ospedale Psichiatrico Giudiziario (OPG). Infine, nel corso del 1999 il 38% delle SR non ha dimesso nessun ospite, il 31% ha dimesso un massimo di due ospiti, e soltanto nel 31% circa delle SR sono stati dimessi tre o più ospiti. Discussione – Dal PROGRES emerge un'ampia variabilita nella dotazione di SR tra le varie Regioni e P.A., che e correlata alia dotazione di altre strutture assistenziali psichiatriche. La maggior parte delle SR fornisce un'assistenza di tipo intensivo, e sembra mancare quel range differenziato di strutture, in termini di intensita assistenziale, livelli di autonomia, ecc, da molti considerato come ottimale per il trattamento prolungato di pazienti gravi con livelli di disabilita che fluttuano nel tempo. Le SR hanno un ridotto turn-over, il che pone dei problemi rispetto alia possibility di una futura, ulteriore espansione di queste strutture. Conclusioni – Il progetto PROGRES sta fornendo importanti informazioni relative ad un'intera tipologia di strutture, che riveste un particolare rilievo per l'attuale sistema dei servizi psichiatrici. L'esperienza fatta con il PROGRES dimostra inoltre che e possibile, utilizzando le risorse disponibili all'interno del SSN, progettare e portare avanti, con efficienza e in tempi rapidi, progetti di ricerca multicentrici di ampia portata.

Recently, several old Italian grain varieties have been reinstated, and the market seems to reward the breads made with these flours. Among such varieties, cultivar Verna appears to be interesting because the regular consumption of bread obtained by this variety and sourdough provides beneficial effects on human health such as the improving of the lipid, inflammatory, and hemorheological profiles. However, flours derived from Verna shows low technological performances. For example, the W value of these flours, obtained with alveoghraphic tests and considered as the commercial standard for the flour “strength” evaluation, is largely inferior than the W values of the commercial flour blends currently used in the bread making process. Moreover, the W values broadly change among the batches of Verna flours, whereas, usually, commercial blends are provided to bakeries with standard technological properties. Hence, these properties of Verna flour could lead to developed or overworked doughs and therefore to breads of worse quality. In addition, the previous mentioned large variability of flours from Verna can affect also the sourdough microbiota. For these reasons the composition and activity of the sourdough microorganisms should be controlled while the mixing process should be able to adapt to the different flour properties. Some works, in literature, report that monitoring the electrical consumption could provide useful information about the dough rheology, and this could be used to monitor the mixing step. In the present work the effect of different mixing times are evaluated on breads made with Verna flour type 2 leavened with sourdough. Tests were carried out at industrial scale in two different days. During the tests the electric consumption was monitored to highlight some features suitable for the mixing phase control. The breads were evaluated in terms of loaf volume measurement, crumb image analysis and losses of moisture content during storage. The results show that the composition of the sourdough microbiota and the mixing time affects the produced bread, especially when it is baked with low technological performance flours. Bread baked with an appropriate mixing time shows higher loaf volumes and lower water losses during storage.

Aim: this editorial is aimed at providing a reference for the insulin treatment of type 2 diabetes in adults. Methods and results: the present paper revised the recently published Italian guidelines for the treatment of type 2 diabetes (outpatients), either in primary care or specialist referral. The guideline has been developed following the methods described in the Manual of the National Guideline System (http://www.snlg-iss.it) by a panel nominated by the Società Italiana di Diabetologia (SID) and Associazione Medici Diabetologi (AMD). Prior cardiovascular events, heart failure, hypoglycemic risk, and other conditions have been considered as factors capable of modifying treatment strategies. The following areas have been assessed: 1) position of the insulin therapy in the new algorithms; 2) type of formulations (insulin analogues or human insulin); 3) use of insulin infusion pumps. Conclusions: insulin should be used only as a second/thirdline therapy due to its lower efficacy on long-term HbA1c, higher risk of hypoglycemia, and neutral effects on cardiorenal outcomes. Human insulin formulations should be avoided for safety concerns (higher hypoglycemic risk) with no preference among different insulin analogues. Insulin pumps are not recommended for the treatment of type 2 diabetes.

Este trabalho teve como objetivo formular três diferentes tipos de biscoito tipo “cookies” e compará-los em relação ao custo e qualidade. Os ingredientes foram: farinha de trigo, amêndoa de castanha-do-brasil, manteiga, açúcar, ovos, aveia em flocos, leite em pó integral, sal, fermento químico e bicarbonato de sódio, em proporções definidas para cada tipo de cookies. Estes, após homogeneização foram modelados no formato redondo e assados em forno elétrico industrial a 200 ºC por 15 minutos. Depois de resfriados, os cookies foram decorados com chocolate granulado de diversas cores, pesados e embalados. Trinta amostras de cada tipo foram avaliadas em relação ao peso (antes e depois do assamento), volume específico, espessura, diâmetro, índice de expansão, coeficiente de embebição, pH e características físicas (cor externa, simetria, textura e cor interna). Os resultados mostraram que os cookies processados com castanha-do-brasil e adição de açúcar mascavo foram superiores aos demais, tanto em relação ao custo como ao rendimento. Todos os parâmetros físicos dos cookies tipo 1, 2 e 3 avaliados somaram 37,0, 35,0 e 33,5 pontos, respectivamente, considerando 40 pontos como a pontuação máxima. Sugere-se seu processamento em escala comercial e difusão de suas propriedades nutritivas, especialmente o elevado teor protéico. BRAZILIAN CHESTNUT COOKIES PROCESSING Abstract This work had as objective to formulate three different types of cookies and to compare them in relation to cost and quality. The ingredients were: wheat flour, almond of Brazilian chestnut, butter, sugar, eggs, oat meal, whole milk powder, baking powder and sodium bicarbonate, in defined proportions for each type of cookie. This, after homogenization were modeled in round shape and baked in industrial electric oven at 200 °C for 15 minutes. After cooling, the cookies were decorated with diverse colors of granulated chocolate, weighted and packed. Thirty samples of each type were evaluated in relation to weight (before an after baking), specific volume, thickness, diameter, expansion index, embedding coefficient, pH and physical characteristics (external color, symmetry, texture and internal color). The results showed that the processed cookies with Brazilian chestnut and addition of brown sugar were superior to others as in relation to cost and yield. All physical parameters of the cookies type 1, 2 and 3 evaluated added 37,0, 35,0 and 33,5 points, respectively, considering 40 points as maximal grade. The commercial scale processing suggested and diffusion of its nutritive properties, mainly the high protein level.

SOMMARIO: 1. Premessa: l’Islam tra religione ed economia - 2. Dalla finanza al contratto islamico, tra vincolo e libertà: alla ricerca di una teoria generale dei contratti - 3. L’etica islamica dei contratti: divieto di ribà e divieto di ghàrar - 4. Operatività delle attività della banca islamica e contrattualistica commerciale Shari’ah Compliant - 5. I contratti di tipo partecipativo: “mudàraba” e “mushàraka” - 6. (segue) Tipologie di mudàraba - 7. Cenni conclusivi e prospettive future. The Prophet's Economy: Islamic Finance and the Religious Foundations of Islamic Law of Shari'ah Compliant Contracts ABSTRACT: The growing presence of Muslim believers in Europe has increasingly led to heated debates also at the doctrinal level. Legal and economic literature, particularly, has recently emphasised the importance that inclusive, effective and efficient financial regulation can have on the degree of integration of the Islamic communities present in non-Muslim contexts. Since the Shari'ah dictates a series of behavioural rules in different sectors of the believer’s life, the Koran and the narratives of the Prophet (hadith) offer a series of prescriptions also in economic matters. With the aim of outlining the religious and juridical reasoning of the so-called halal economic dimension, this paper first examines the economic principles of Islamic finance: the prohibition of ribà (interest), the prohibition of ghàrar (uncertainty) and that of maysìr (speculation). It then provides a recognition aimed at finding a general theory of Islamic contracts. Finally, it reconstructs the discipline of the mudàraba and musharàka participatory contracts. These two forms of contracts represent a product of Islamic finance widely used in banking-financial practice and considered by Islamic legal schools to be totally in conformity with the Word of Allah. They are therefore instruments of comparison particularly interesting as well as useful for the Italian legal system. They can represent a flywheel for the integration of Muslims in the social fabric, and at the same time, an antidote to the unstable European economic panorama.

We'd eat at Cahill's, Cahill's Family Restaurants I believe they were called, and quite plushy looking ... . At Cahill's we'd eat Viennese Schnitzel, with potato salad and some nice red cabbage salad, sort of pickled ... . Even more exotic was Chicken Maryland, served with a banana and a slice of pineapple in batter. It cost 7s 6d. -- Marion Halligan (11) We migrated in the sixties. Born in Cape Town, I was raised in the heart of Jewish Bondi. The flavours of my youth? Probably equal parts peri-peri, horseradish and chicken booster, not bouquet garni. My introduction to what was 'Australian' food was had in restaurants. And yes, I remember Cahill's, though I can't tell you when exactly, or how much things cost. Mid-sixties. I knew, even then, that there were better restaurants, like the places Dad used to take us with checked tablecloths and bottles with candles dripping wax and fish nets everywhere. His favourites were Mother's Cellar and The Gap at Watson's Bay. I think it's still there. This was before they built Australia Square and Dad became obsessed with the Summit, and of course the Blue Angel, where we never doubted that the lobsters were live. Favourite dishes? I would only eat 'chicken in a basket' or spaghetti bolognaise; well, I was very young, and prone to tears. I can remember my father, losing patience and insisting, "you have a basket for the bread, just put the bloody chicken in it". I can't even remember what it was, probably the same Chicken Maryland Halligan mentions, or a cousin. Fried chicken with a battered pineapple ring and chips of course, sometimes magically grated to form a lattice. I know I enjoyed going out to eat but all meals held the prospect of tension. Visser says the tension arises from the prospect of ending up as a main course. In my case, a mere hors d'œuvre for my sarcastic oldest brother. I was the youngest and unsure how to get the best, the most, as much, or even what I wanted. I wouldn't order until I had read the whole menu, which took long enough even when it wasn't in French or Italian. The menu rarely helped me, rather it served to frustrate my entire family because they knew I was going to order spaghetti or chicken anyway, but that made no difference, the menu had to be read before ordering, and no amount of harassment could convince me otherwise. I love the thought of that child, and her passionate sense of propriety. On special occasions Dad would order Spumante and we would all have a glass, and I felt terribly sophisticated; fortunately the experience doesn't seem to have permanently damaged my palate. Spumante reminded Dad of Italy, the war, you know. Granny used to refer to this as "Henry's trip to Europe". My Dad loved the war, and I'm sure it's not all rosy nostalgia because it was the only time he got away from his family. He drove a truck and didn't have to kill anybody and all we ever heard about was the mud, the black market and the girls. So a glass of cheap, sweet fizzy brought it all back, every time, and who am I to scoff, when the merest whiff of retsina and I'm floating in the bath-flat Aegean under a hot blue sky with anybody called Jani? Cahill's, meanwhile, was in the city, in the days when you 'went to town'. Going to town was always a treat but it depended largely on with whom and why. With Mum it meant serious shopping, and though there was the promise of lunch at David Jones Cafeteria, was it worth the endless hours of torture trying on shoes that were too small and school uniforms which were too big, but of course I would grow into them? And how could a pie with sauce in a plastic packet have been a treat? Going to town with Nana was a different story. It was with some expectation that we would descend into the air-conditioned red-walled cavern that was Cahill's. What I remember about Cahill's was the occasion, and the fish and chips. Nana spent her childhood in a Dickensian orphanage and her adulthood in the North of England, waiting for my grandfather to pick a winner, so I imagine that she felt comfortable with what she knew. That she always ordered fish and chips is only strange because Nana was famous for her fish and chips, perhaps she liked to compare. And I really shouldn't find it odd when I find it difficult to order anything other than fritto misto; in two generations we've progressed to "trefe"1 but not past the deep fryer. So I'm sure that I ordered fish and chips too, or perhaps I ate some of hers, because that was the only thing to do, otherwise she would eat one piece, then look around before coughing theatrically into a serviette which she would then drop, casually, over the other piece and put it in her bag. It was absolutely awful, and we grandchildren loved it when she did that. The other thing I have to say about fish and chips is that we Jews like to eat fried fish cold, but then we don't batter the fish, just flour and egg. I suppose it forms a batter anyway but it doesn't separate from the fish, and we like a solid fish, say kingfish, while Australians seem to go for thinner fillets encased in oily batter. Cahill's did something in between. To follow, tea for Nana, while I always ate fruit salad and ice cream; this I also used to eat on our Saturday afternoon excursions to the 'Cross' which Nana said reminded her of Paris, because it was full of 'artists' like herself. So Nana would sip her tea while I ate my tinned fruit salad and we enjoyed each other and the world, and what a delight for a chatty little girl, the undivided attention of such a beloved adult. I do believe that I will never feel as grown up, ever again, as I did when I was a little girl, out for lunch with my Nana. So as you see I have a sentimental attachment to fish and chips. Their cooking and consumption have flavoured my childhood and possibly yours. The association of fish and chips with that Hanson woman2 is therefore particularly galling, and yet also pertinent. I've never believed that it's just a coincidence that she is purveyor of fish and chips; after all, fish and chips are emblematic of 'Englishness'. Hanson wants Australians to maintain their cultural identification with the mother country, she could hardly have achieved her profile were she the proprietor of a noodle shop. So as you see I have a sentimental attachment to fish and chips. Their cooking and consumption have flavoured my childhood and possibly yours. The association of fish and chips with that Hanson woman2 is therefore particularly galling, and yet also pertinent. I've never believed that it's just a coincidence that she is purveyor of fish and chips; after all, fish and chips are emblematic of 'Englishness'. Hanson wants Australians to maintain their cultural identification with the mother country, she could hardly have achieved her profile were she the proprietor of a noodle shop. Here lies the Great Divide and I fear that I may be part of the problem, not the solution. I am hoist on my hybrid petard, uncomfortably, because much as I dislike elitist Epicureanism I have seen that the reality of what we eat in this country is not always pretty. And all the best efforts of the proselytising 'foodie' media are falling on deaf or already converted ears. Back in the mother country, this battleground is already well trod: there remains something shamefaced about the acceptance of fish and chips as a component of 'Englishness' among the 'better classes' ... . This set of perceptions attaches fish and chips to potent patriotic images of land, countryside, industrial might ... and above all, the notion of Britain as a gallant seafaring notion whose little ships do battle with the elements and the foreign enemy to feed and protect the people. (Walton 2) I see Pauline, wrapped in the flag, battered hake in upraised hand ... and let's not forget that fish and chips were one of our first fast foods, at a time when there was little respite for women, often providing the only hot meal of the day, particularly for workers. Of course the practice was seen to be harmful by health care professionals. The consumption of food prepared outside the home was read as poor mothering, a breakdown in the process of policing of 'proper' families and of course no-one is sure just what sort of mother Pauline is. She appears to be estranged from her older children, a case of one Chiko Roll too many? The irony of fish and chips and Englishness is that, according to Walton, fish and chips also symbolise cultural diversity: viewed in other moods and seen from other angles, of course, the image and associations of fish and chips could be very different. They expressed ethnic diversity as well as simplistic national solidarity, from the strong East End Jewish element in the early days of fish frying in London, through the strong Italian presence in the trade from the turn of the century, in urban Scotland and Ireland especially, to the growing importance of the Chinese and Greek Cypriots in the post-Second World War decades. (2) So fish and chips have played a significant role for a number of ethnic groups. They're ours, not hers. But I'm still troubled, I need to tell the gastronomic mafia that Pacific Rim cuisine won't be Oz food until a significant number of Australians are eating it, and I'm afraid "mainstream Australia, out there" is eating extremely boring food. Could it be that the resentment against Asians is because their food is just so much better? Footnotes 1. trefe: (yiddish) animals, seafood or insects considered impure, abomination, not to be eaten under any circumstances, notably pig and shellfish. 2. Pauline Hanson was elected to the Australian Federal Parliament as an independent candidate in 1996, and soon made her presence known with outspoken comments about Aborigines, (mainly Asian) migrants, and welfare recipients [ed.]. 3. Stephanie Alexander is a noted Australian food writer and restaurateur, and her A Shared Table is the latest of a plethora of Australian television series celebrating our gastronomic abundance. References Halligan,Marion. Eat My Words. Sydney: Collins/Angus and Robertson, 1990. Visser, Margaret. The Rituals of Dinner. New York: Grove/Weidenfeld, 1991. Walton, John K. Fish and Chips and the British Working Class: 1870-1940. Leicester: Leicester UP, 1992. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Felicity Newman. "'You Have a Basket for the Bread, Just Put the Bloody Chicken in It'." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/basket.php>. Chicago style: Felicity Newman, "'You Have a Basket for the Bread, Just Put the Bloody Chicken in It'," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/basket.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Felicity Newman. (1999) "You have a basket for the bread, just put the bloody chicken in it". M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/basket.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction: From Trifle to Tiramisu Tiramisu is an Italian dessert cake, usually comprising sponge finger biscuits soaked in coffee and liquor, layered with a mixture of egg yolk, mascarpone and cream, and topped with sifted cocoa. Once a gourmet dish, tiramisu, which means “pick me up” in Italian (Volpi), is today very popular in Australia where it is available for purchase not only in restaurants and cafés, but also from fast food chains and supermarkets. Recipes abound in cookery books and magazines and online. It is certainly more widely available and written about in Australia than the once ubiquitous English trifle which, comprising variations on the theme of sherry soaked sponge cake, custard and cream, it closely resembles. It could be asserted that its strong coffee taste has enabled the tiramisu to triumph over the trifle in contemporary Australia, yet coffee is also a recurrent ingredient in cakes and icings in nineteenth and early twentieth century Australian cookbooks. Acknowledging that coffee consumption in Australia doubled during the years of the Second World War and maintained high rates of growth afterwards (Khamis; Adams), this article draws on examples of culinary writing during this period of increasing popularity to investigate the use of coffee in cookery as well as a beverage in these mid-twentieth century decades. In doing so, it engages with a lively scholarly discussion on what has driven this change—whether the American glamour and sophistication associated with coffee, post-war immigration from the Mediterranean and other parts of Europe, or the influence of the media and developments in technology (see, for discussion, Adams; Collins et al.; Khamis; Symons). Coffee in Australian Mid-century Epicurean Writing In Australian epicurean writing in the 1950s and 1960s, freshly brewed coffee is clearly identified as the beverage of choice for those with gourmet tastes. In 1952, The West Australian reported that Johnnie Walker, then president of the Sydney Gourmet Society had “sweated over an ordinary kitchen stove to give 12 Melbourne women a perfect meal” (“A Gourmet” 8). Walker prepared a menu comprising: savoury biscuits; pumpkin soup made with a beef, ham, and veal stock; duck braised with “26 ounces of dry red wine, a bottle and a half of curacao and orange juice;” Spanish fried rice; a “French lettuce salad with the Italian influence of garlic;” and, strawberries with strawberry brandy and whipped cream. He served sherry with the biscuits, red wine with the duck, champagne with the sweet, and coffee to finish. It is, however, the adjectives that matter here—that the sherry and wine were dry, not sweet, and the coffee was percolated and black, not instant and milky. Other examples of epicurean writing suggested that fresh coffee should also be unadulterated. In 1951, American food writer William Wallace Irwin who travelled to, and published in, Australia as “The Garrulous Gourmet,” wrote scathingly of the practice of adding chicory to coffee in France and elsewhere (104). This castigation of the French for their coffee was unusual, with most articles at this time praising Gallic gastronomy. Indicative of this is Nancy Cashmore’s travel article for Adelaide’s Advertiser in 1954. Titled “In Dordogne and Burgundy the Gourmet Will Find … A Gastronomic Paradise,” Cashmore details the purchasing, preparation, presentation, and, of course, consumption of excellent food and wine. Good coffee is an integral part of every meal and every day: “from these parts come exquisite pate de fois, truffles, delicious little cakes, conserved meats, wild mushrooms, walnuts and plums. … The day begins with new bread and coffee … nothing is imported, nothing is stale” (6). Memorable luncheons of “hors-d’oeuvre … a meat course, followed by a salad, cheese and possibly a sweet” (6) always ended with black coffee and sometimes a sugar lump soaked in liqueur. In Australian Wines and Food (AW&F), a quarterly epicurean magazine that was published from 1956 to 1960, coffee was regularly featured as a gourmet kitchen staple alongside wine and cheese. Articles on the history, growing, marketing, blending, roasting, purchase, and brewing of coffee during these years were accompanied with full-page advertisements for Bushell’s vacuum packed pure “roaster fresh” coffee, Robert Timms’s “Royal Special” blend for “coffee connoisseurs,” and the Masterfoods range of “superior” imported and locally produced foodstuffs, which included vacuum packed coffee alongside such items as paprika, bay leaves and canned asparagus. AW&F believed Australia’s growing coffee consumption the result of increased participation in quality dining experiences whether in restaurants, the “scores of colourful coffee shops opening their doors to a new generation” (“Coffee” 39) or at home. With regard to domestic coffee drinking, AW&F reported a revived interest in “the long neglected art of brewing good coffee in the home” (“Coffee” 39). Instructions given range from boiling in a pot to percolating and “expresso” (Bancroft 10; “Coffee” 37-9). Coffee was also mentioned in every issue as the only fitting ending to a fine meal, when port, other fortified wines or liqueurs usually accompanied a small demi-tasse of (strong) black coffee. Coffee was also identified as one of the locally produced speciality foods that were flown into the USA for a consulate dinner: “more than a ton of carefully selected foodstuffs was flown to New York by Qantas in three separate airlifts … beef fillet steaks, kangaroo tails, Sydney rock oysters, King prawns, crayfish tails, tropical fruits and passion fruit, New Guinea coffee, chocolates, muscatels and almonds” (“Australian” 16). It is noteworthy that tea is not profiled in the entire run of the magazine. A decade later, in the second half of the 1960s, the new Australian gourmet magazine Epicurean included a number of similar articles on coffee. In 1966 and 1969, celebrity chef and regular Epicurean columnist Graham Kerr also included an illustrated guide to making coffee in two of the books produced alongside his television series, The Graham Kerr Cookbook (125) and The Graham Kerr Cookbook by the Galloping Gourmet (266-67). These included advice to buy freshly roasted beans at least once a week and to invest in an electric coffee grinder. Kerr uses a glass percolator in each and makes an iced (milk) coffee based on double strength cooled brewed coffee. Entertaining with Margaret Fulton (1971) is the first Margaret Fulton cookery book to include detailed information on making coffee from ground beans at home. In this volume, which was clearly aimed at the gourmet-inclined end of the domestic market, Fulton, then cookery editor for popular magazine Woman’s Day, provides a morning coffee menu and proclaims that “Good hot coffee will never taste so good as it does at this time of the day” (90). With the stress on the “good,” Fulton, like Kerr, advises that beans be purchased and ground as they are needed or that only a small amounts of freshly ground coffee be obtained at one time. For Fulton, quality is clearly linked to price—“buy the best you can afford” (90)—but while advising that “Mocha coffee, which comes from Aden and Mocha, is generally considered the best” (90), she also concedes that consumers will “find by experience” (90) which blends they prefer. She includes detailed information on storage and preparation, noting that there are also “dozens of pieces of coffee making equipment to choose from” (90). Fulton includes instructions on how to make coffee for guests at a wedding breakfast or other large event, gently heating home sewn muslin bags filled with finely ground coffee in urns of barely boiling water (64). Alongside these instructions, Fulton also provides recipes for a sophisticated selection of coffee-flavoured desserts such as an iced coffee soufflé and coffee biscuits and meringues that would be perfect accompaniments to her brewed coffees. Cooking with Coffee A prominent and popular advocate of Continental and Asian cookery in Melbourne in the 1950s, Maria Kozslik Donovan wrote and illustrated five cookery books and had a successful international career as a food writer in the 1960s and 1970s. Maria Kozslik was Hungarian by birth and education and was also educated in the USA before marrying Patrick Donovan, an Australian, and migrating to Sydney with him in 1950. After a brief stay there and in Adelaide, they relocated to Melbourne in 1953 where she ran a cookery school and wrote for prominent daily newspaper The Age, penning hundreds of her weekly “Epicure’s Corner: Continental Recipes with Maria Kozslik” column from 1954 to 1961. Her groundbreaking Continental Cookery in Australia (1955) collects some 140 recipes, many of which would appear in her column—predominantly featuring French, Italian, Viennese, and Hungarian dishes, as well as some from the Middle East and the Balkans—each with an informative paragraph or two regarding European cooking and dining practices that set the recipes in context. Continental Cookery in Australia includes one recipe for Mocha Torte (162), which she translates as Coffee Cream Cake and identifies as “the favourite of the gay and party-loving Viennese … [in] the many cafés and sweet shops of Salzburg and Vienna” (162). In this recipe, a plain sponge is cut into four thin layers and filled and covered with a rich mocha cream custard made from egg yolks, sugar and a good measure of coffee, which, when cooled, is beaten into creamed butter. In her recipe for Mocha Cream, Donovan identifies the type of coffee to be used and its strength, specifying that “strong Mocha” be used, and pleading, “please, no essence!” She also suggests that the cake’s top can be decorated with shavings of the then quite exotic “coffee bean chocolate,” which she notes can be found at “most continental confectioners” (162), but which would have been difficult to obtain outside the main urban centres. Coffee also appears in her Café Frappe, where cooled strong black coffee is poured into iced-filled glasses, and dressed with a touch of sugar and whipped cream (165). For this recipe the only other direction that Donovan gives regarding coffee is to “prepare and cool” strong black coffee (165) but it is obvious—from her eschewing of other convenience foods throughout the volume—that she means freshly brewed ground coffee. In contrast, less adventurous cookery books paint a different picture of coffee use in the home at this time. Thus, the more concise Selected Continental Recipes for the Australian Home (1955) by the Australian-born Zelmear M. Deutsch—who, stating that upon marrying a Viennese husband, she became aware of “the fascinating ways of Continental Cuisine” (back cover)—includes three recipes that include coffee. Deutsch’s Mocha Creams (chocolate truffles with a hint of coffee) (76-77), almond meringues filled with coffee whipped cream (89-90), and Mocha Cream Filling comprising butter beaten with chocolate, vanilla, sugar, and coffee (95), all use “powdered” instant coffee, which is, moreover, used extremely sparingly. Her Almond Coffee Torte, for example, requires only half a teaspoon of powdered coffee to a quarter of a pint (300 mls) of cream, which is also sweetened with vanilla sugar (89-90). In contrast to the examples from Fulton and Donovan above (but in common with many cookbooks before and after) Deutsch uses the term “mocha” to describe a mix of coffee and chocolate, rather than to refer to a fine-quality coffee. The term itself is also used to describe a soft, rich brown color and, therefore, at times, the resulting hue of these dishes. The word itself is of late eighteenth century origin, and comes from the eponymous name of a Red Sea port from where coffee was shipped. While Selected Continental Recipes appears to be Deutsch’s first and only book, Anne Mason was a prolific food, wine and travel writer. Before migrating to England in 1958, she was well known in Australia as the presenter of a live weekly television program, Anne Mason’s Home-Tested Recipes, which aired from 1957. She also wrote a number of popular cookery books and had a long-standing weekly column in The Age. Her ‘Home-Tested Recipes’ feature published recipes contributed by readers, which she selected and tested. A number of these were collected in her Treasury of Australian Cookery, published in London in 1962, and included those influenced by “the country cooking of England […] Continental influence […] and oriental ideas” (11). Mason includes numerous recipes featuring coffee, but (as in Deutsch above) almost all are described as mocha-flavoured and listed as such in the detailed index. In Mason’s book, this mocha taste is, in fact, featured more frequently in sweet dishes than any of the other popular flavours (vanilla, honey, lemon, apple, banana, coconut, or passionfruit) except for chocolate. These mocha recipes include cakes: Chocolate-Mocha Refrigerator cake—plain sponge layered with a coffee-chocolate mousse (134), Mocha Gateau Ring—plain sponge and choux pastry puffs filled with cream or ice cream and thickly iced with mocha icing (136) and Mocha Nut Cake—a coffee and cocoa butter cake filled and iced with mocha icing and almonds (166). There are also recipes for Mocha Meringues—small coffee/cocoa-flavoured meringue rosettes joined together in pairs with whipped cream (168), a dessert Mocha Omelette featuring the addition of instant coffee and sugar to the eggs and which is filled with grated chocolate (181) and Mocha-Crunch Ice Cream—a coffee essence-scented ice cream with chocolate biscuit crumbs (144) that was also featured in an ice cream bombe layered with chocolate-rum and vanilla ice creams (152). Mason’s coffee recipes are also given prominence in the accompanying illustrations. Although the book contains only nine pages in full colour, the Mocha Gateau Ring is featured on both the cover and opposite the title page of the book and the Mocha Nut Cake is given an entire coloured page. The coffee component of Mason’s recipes is almost always sourced from either instant coffee (granules or powdered) or liquid coffee essence, however, while the cake for the Mocha Nut Cake uses instant coffee, its mocha icing and filling calls for “3 dessertspoons [of] hot black coffee” (167). The recipe does not, however, describe if this is made from instant, essence, or ground beans. The two other mocha icings both use instant coffee mixed with cocoa, icing sugar and hot water, while one also includes margarine for softness. The recipe for Mocha Cup (202) in the chapter for Children’s Party Fare (198-203), listed alongside clown-shaped biscuits and directions to decorate cakes with sweets, plastic spaceships and dolls, surprisingly comprises a sophisticated mix of grated dark chocolate melted in a pint of “hot black coffee” lightened with milk, sugar and vanilla essence, and topped with cream. There are no instructions for brewing or otherwise making fresh coffee in the volume. The Australian culinary masterwork of the 1960s, The Margaret Fulton Cookbook, which was published in 1968 and sold out its first (record) print run of 100,000 copies in record time, is still in print, with a revised 2004 edition bringing the number of copies sold to over 1.5 million (Brien). The first edition’s cake section of the book includes a Coffee Sponge sandwich using coffee essence in both the cake and its creamy filling and topping (166) and Iced Coffee Cakes that also use coffee essence in the cupcakes and instant coffee powder in the glacé icing (166). A Hazelnut Swiss Roll is filled with a coffee butter cream called Coffee Creme au Beurre, with instant coffee flavouring an egg custard which is beaten into creamed butter (167)—similar to Koszlik’s Mocha Cream but a little lighter, using milk instead of cream and fewer eggs. Fulton also includes an Austrian Chocolate Cake in her Continental Cakes section that uses “black coffee” in a mocha ganache that is used as a frosting (175), and her sweet hot coffee soufflé calls for “1/2 cup strong coffee” (36). Fulton also features a recipe for Irish Coffee—sweetened hot black coffee with (Irish) whiskey added, and cream floated on top (205). Nowhere is fresh or brewed coffee specified, and on the page dedicated to weights, measures, and oven temperatures, instant coffee powder appears on the list of commonly used ingredients alongside flour, sugar, icing sugar, golden syrup, and butter (242). American Influence While the influence of American habits such as supermarket shopping and fast food on Australian foodways is reported in many venues, recognition of its influence on Australian coffee culture is more muted (see, for exceptions, Khamis; Adams). Yet American modes of making and utilising coffee also influenced the Australian use of coffee, whether drunk as beverage or employed as a flavouring agent. In 1956, the Australian Women’s Weekly published a full colour Wade’s Cornflour advertorial of biscuit recipes under the banner, “Dione Lucas’s Manhattan Mochas: The New Coffee Cookie All America Loves, and Now It’s Here” (56). The use of the American “cookie” instead of the Australian “biscuit” is telling here, the popularity of all things American sure to ensure, the advert suggested, that the Mochas (coffee biscuits topped with chocolate icing) would be so popular as to be “More than a recipe—a craze” (56). This American influence can also been seen in cakes and other baked goods made specifically to serve with coffee, but not necessarily containing it. The recipe for Zulu Boys published in The Argus in 1945, a small chocolate and cinnamon cake with peanuts and cornflakes added, is a good example. Reported to “keep moist for some time,” these were “not too sweet, and are especially useful to serve with a glass of wine or a cup of black coffee” (Vesta Junior 9), the recipe a precursor to many in the 1950s and 1960s. Margaret Fulton includes a Spicy Coffee Cake in The Margaret Fulton Cookbook. This is similar to her Cinnamon Tea Cake in being an easy to mix cake topped with cinnamon sugar, but is more robust in flavour and texture with the addition of whole bran cereal, raisins and spices (163). Her “Morning Coffee” section in Entertaining with Margaret Fulton similarly includes a selection of quite strongly flavoured and substantially textured cakes and biscuits (90-92), while her recipes for Afternoon Tea are lighter and more delicate in taste and appearance (85-89). Concluding Remarks: Integration and Evolution, Not Revolution Trusted Tasmanian writer on all matters domestic, Marjorie Bligh, published six books on cookery, craft, home economics, and gardening, and produced four editions of her much-loved household manual under all three of her married names: Blackwell, Cooper and Bligh (Wood). The second edition of At Home with Marjorie Bligh: A Household Manual (published c.1965-71) provides more evidence of how, rather than jettisoning one form in favour of another, Australian housewives were adept at integrating both ground and other more instant forms of coffee into their culinary repertoires. She thus includes instructions on both how to efficiently clean a coffee percolator (percolating with a detergent and borax solution) (312) as well as how to make coffee essence at home by simmering one cup of ground coffee with three cups of water and one cup of sugar for one hour, straining and bottling (281). She also includes recipes for cakes, icings, and drinks that use both brewed and instant coffee as well as coffee essence. In Entertaining with Margaret Fulton, Fulton similarly allows consumer choice, urging that “If you like your coffee with a strong flavour, choose one to which a little chicory has been added” (90). Bligh’s volume similarly reveals how the path from trifle to tiramisu was meandering and one which added recipes to Australian foodways, rather than deleted them. Her recipe for Coffee Trifle has strong similarities to tiramisu, with sponge cake soaked in strong milk coffee and sherry layered with a rich custard made from butter, sugar, egg yolks, and black coffee, and then decorated with whipped cream, glace cherries, and walnuts (169). This recipe precedes published references to tiramisu as, although the origins of tiramisu are debated (Black), references to the dessert only began to appear in the 1980s, and there is no mention of the dish in such authoritative sources as Elizabeth David’s 1954 Italian Food, which features a number of traditional Italian coffee-based desserts including granita, ice cream and those made with cream cheese and rice. By the 1990s, however, respected Australian chef and food researcher, the late Mietta O’Donnell, wrote that if pizza was “the most travelled of Italian dishes, then tiramisu is the country’s most famous dessert” and, today, Australian home cooks are using the dish as a basis for a series of variations that even include replacing the coffee with fruit juices and other flavouring agents. Long-lived Australian coffee recipes are similarly being re-made in line with current taste and habits, with celebrated chef Neil Perry’s recent Simple Coffee and Cream Sponge Cake comprising a classic cream-filled vanilla sponge topped with an icing made with “strong espresso”. To “glam up” the cake, Perry suggests sprinkling the top with chocolate-covered roasted coffee beans—cycling back to Maria Koszlik’s “coffee bean chocolate” (162) and showing just how resilient good taste can be. Acknowledgements The research for this article was completed while I was the recipient of a Research Fellowship in the Special Collections at the William Angliss Institute (WAI) of TAFE in Melbourne, where I utilised their culinary collections. Thank you to the staff of the WAI Special Collections for their generous assistance, as well as to the Faculty of Arts, Business, Informatics and Education at Central Queensland University for supporting this research. Thank you to Jill Adams for her assistance with this article and for sharing her “Manhattan Mocha” file with me, and also to the peer reviewers for their generous and helpful feedback. All errors are, of course, my own.References “A Gourmet Makes a Perfect Meal.” The West Australian 4 Jul. 1952: 8.Adams, Jill. “Australia’s American Coffee Culture.” Australasian Journal of Popular Culture (2012): forthcoming. “Australian Wines Served at New York Dinner.” Australian Wines and Food 1.5 (1958): 16. Bancroft, P. A. “Let’s Make Some Coffee.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 4.1 (1960): 10. Black, Jane. “The Trail of Tiramisu.” Washington Post 11 Jul. 2007. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/10/AR2007071000327.html›. Bligh, Marjorie. At Home with Marjorie Bligh: A Household Manual. Devonport: M. Bligh, c.1965-71. 2nd ed. Brien, Donna Lee. “Australian Celebrity Chefs 1950-1980: A Preliminary Study.” Australian Folklore 21 (2006): 201-18. Cashmore, Nancy. “In Dordogne and Burgundy the Gourmet Will Find … A Gastronomic Paradise.” The Advertiser 23 Jan. (1954): 6. “Coffee Beginnings.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 1.4 (1957/1958): 37-39. Collins, Jock, Katherine Gibson, Caroline Alcorso, Stephen Castles, and David Tait. A Shop Full of Dreams: Ethnic Small Business in Australia. Sydney: Pluto Press, 1995. David, Elizabeth. Italian Food. New York: Penguin Books, 1999. 1st pub. UK: Macdonald, 1954, and New York: Knoft, 1954. Donovan, Maria Kozslik. Continental Cookery in Australia. Melbourne: William Heinemann, 1955. Reprint ed. 1956. -----.“Epicure’s Corner: Continental Recipes with Maria Kozslik.” The Age 4 Jun. (1954): 7. Fulton, Margaret. The Margaret Fulton Cookbook. Dee Why West: Paul Hamlyn, 1968. -----. Entertaining with Margaret Fulton. Dee Why West: Paul Hamlyn, 1971. Irwin, William Wallace. The Garrulous Gourmet. Sydney: The Shepherd P, 1951. Khamis, Susie. “It Only Takes a Jiffy to Make: Nestlé, Australia and the Convenience of Instant Coffee.” Food, Culture & Society 12.2 (2009): 217-33. Kerr, Graham. The Graham Kerr Cookbook. Wellington, Auckland, and Sydney: AH & AW Reed, 1966. -----. The Graham Kerr Cookbook by The Galloping Gourmet. New York: Doubleday, 1969. Mason, Anne. A Treasury of Australian Cookery. London: Andre Deutsch, 1962. Mason, Peter. “Anne Mason.” The Guardian 20 Octo.2006. 15 Feb. 2012 Masterfoods. “Masterfoods” [advertising insert]. Australian Wines and Food 2.10 (1959): btwn. 8 & 9.“Masters of Food.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 2.11 (1959/1960): 23. O’Donnell, Mietta. “Tiramisu.” Mietta’s Italian Family Recipe, 14 Aug. 2004. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.miettas.com/food_wine_recipes/recipes/italianrecipes/dessert/tiramisu.html›. Perry, Neil. “Simple Coffee and Cream Sponge Cake.” The Age 12 Mar. 2012. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/lifestyle/cuisine/baking/recipe/simple-coffee-and-cream-sponge-cake-20120312-1utlm.html›. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A History of Eating in Australia. Adelaide: Duck Press, 2007. 1st. Pub. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 1982. ‘Vesta Junior’. “The Beautiful Fuss of Old Time Baking Days.” The Argus 20 Mar. 1945: 9. Volpi, Anna Maria. “All About Tiramisu.” Anna Maria’s Open Kitchen 20 Aug. 2004. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.annamariavolpi.com/tiramisu.html›. Wade’s Cornflour. “Dione Lucas’ Manhattan Mochas: The New Coffee Cookie All America Loves, and Now It’s Here.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 1 Aug. (1956): 56. Wood, Danielle. Housewife Superstar: The Very Best of Marjorie Bligh. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2011.

The Coming of Coffee Before World War II, Australians followed British tradition and largely drank tea. When coffee challenged the tea drinking habit in post-war Australia, the tea industry fought back using the most up-to-date marketing techniques imported from America. The shift to coffee drinking in post-war Australia is, therefore, explored through a focus on both the challenges faced by the tea industry and how that industry tackled the trend towards coffee. By focusing on the Australian Tea Council’s marketing campaign promoting tea as a fashionable drink and preferable to coffee, this article explores Australia’s cultural shift from tea drinking to coffee drinking. This complex and multi-layered transition, often simply explained by post-war migration, provides an opportunity to investigate other causal aspects of this shift. In doing so, it draws on oral histories—including of central figures working in the tea and coffee industries—as well as reports in newspapers and popular magazines, during this period of culinary transition. Australians always drank coffee but it was expensive, difficult and inconsistent to brew, and was regarded as a drink “for the better class of person” (P. Bennett). At the start of World War II, Australia was second only to Britain in terms of its tea consumption and maintaining Australia’s supply of tea was a significant issue for the government (NAA, “Agency Notes”). To guarantee a steady supply, tea was rationed, as were many other staples. Between 1941 and 1955, the tea supply was under government control with the Commonwealth-appointed Tea Control Board responsible for its purchase and distribution nationwide (Adams, “From Instant” 16). The influence of the USA on Australia’s shift from tea-drinking has been underplayed in narratives of the origins of Australia’s coffee culture, but the presence of American servicemen, either stationed in Australia or passing through during the war in the Pacific, had a considerable impact on what Australians ate and drank. In 2007, the late John Button noted that:It is when the countries share a cause that the two peoples have got to know each other best. Between 1942 and 1945, when Australia’s population was seven million, one million US service personnel came to Australia. They were made welcome, and strange things happened. American sporting results and recipes were published in the newspapers; ‘The Star-Spangled Banner’ was played at the start of theatre and concert performances. Australians were introduced to the hot dog; Americans, reluctantly, to the dim sim. 10 or 15 years after the war, there were stories of New York cab drivers who knew Australia well and spoke warmly of their wartime visits. For years, letters between Australia and the US went back and forth between pen friends […] following up friendships developed during the war. Supplying the daily ration of coffee to American servicemen was another concern for the Australian government as Australia had insufficient roasting capacity to supply this coffee—and so three roasting machines were shipped to Australia to help meet this new demand (NAA, MP5/45 a). To ensure a steady supply, coffee too came under the control of the Tea Controller and the Tea Control Board became the Tea and Coffee Control Board. At this time, civilians became more aware of coffee as newspapers raised its profile and Australian families invited American servicemen in their homes. Differences in food preferences between American servicemen and Australians were noticed, with coffee the most notable of these. The Argus reported that: “The main point of issue in these rival culinary fancies is the longstanding question of coffee” (“Yanks Differ” 8). It concluded that Australians and Americans ate the same foods, only prepared in different ways, but the most significant difference between them was the American “preference for coffee” (8). When Australian families invited hosted servicemen in their homes, housewives needed advice on how to make prepare coffee, and were told:One of the golden rules for hostesses entertaining American troops should be not to serve them coffee unless they know how to make it in the American fashion [...] To make coffee in the proper American fashion requires a special kind of percolating. Good results may be obtained by making coffee with strong freshly ground beans and the coffee should be served black with cream to be added if required (“Coffee for Americans” 5). Australian civilians also read reports of coffee, rather than tea, being served to Australian servicemen overseas, and the following report in The Argus in 1942 shows: “At Milne Bay 100 gallons of coffee were served to the men after pictures had been shown each night. Coffee was not the only comfort to be supplied. There were also chocolate, tobacco, toothpaste, and other articles appreciated by the troops” (“Untitled” 5). Due largely to tea rationing and the presence of American servicemen, Australia’s coffee consumption increased to 500 grams per person per annum between 1941 and 1944, but it also continued to rise in the immediate post-war period when the troops had departed (ABS). In May 1947, the Tea (and Coffee) Controller reported an increased consumption of 54 per cent in the two years after the war ended (NAA, MP5/45 b). Tea Loses Its Way Australian tea company and coffee roaster, Bushells, had an excellent roast and ground coffee—Bushells Pure Coffee—according to Bill Bennett who worked for the company from 1948 to 1950 (B. Bennett). It was sold freshly roasted in screw-top jars that could be re-used for storage in the kitchen or pantry. In 1945, in a series of cartoon-style advertisements, Bushells showed consumers how easy it was to make coffee using this ground beans, but the most significant challenge to tea’s dominance came not with this form of coffee, but in 1948 with the introduction of Nestlé instant coffee. Susie Khamis argues that “of all the coffee brands that vied for Australians’ attention, Nestlé was by far the most salient, by virtue of its frequency, timeliness and resonance” (218). With Nestlé instant coffee, “you use just the quantity you need for each cup and there are no grounds or sediment. Nescafé made perfect full-flavoured coffee in a matter of seconds” (Canberra Times). Figure 1. Advertisement for Nestlé Coffee. The Canberra Times 5 Aug. 1949: 2. Figure 2. Advertisement for Bushells Coffee. The Argus 22 Aug. 1945: 11. Instant coffee, as well as being relatively cheap, solved the “problem” of its brewing and was marketed as convenient, economical, and consistent. It also was introduced at a time when the price of tea was increasing and the American lifestyle had great appeal to Australians. Khamis argues that the discovery of instant coffee “spoke to changes in Australia’s lifestyle options”, noting that the “tea habit was tied to Australia’s development as a far-flung colonial outpost, a daily reminder that many still looked to London as the nation’s cultural capital; the growing appeal of instant coffee reflected a widening and more nuanced cultural palate” (218). Instant coffee, modernity, America, and glamour became thus entwined in a period when Australia’s cultural identity “was informed less by the staid conservatism of Britain than the heady flux of the new world glamour” (Khamis 219). In the 1950s, Australians were seduced by espresso coffee presented to them in imaginatively laid out coffee lounges featuring ultra modern décor and streamlined fittings. Customers were reportedly “seduced by the novelty of the impressive-looking espresso machines, all shining chrome and knobs and pressure gauges” (Australasian Confectioner and Restaurant Journal 61). At its best, espresso coffee is a sublime drink with a rich thick body and a strong flavour. It is a pleasure to look at and has about it an air of European sophistication. These early coffee lounges were the precursors of the change from American-style percolated coffee (Adams, “Barista” vi). According to the Australasian Confectioner and Restaurant Journal, in 1956 espresso coffee was changing the way people drank coffee “on the continent, in London and in other parts of the world,” which means that as well as starting a new trend in Australia, this new way of brewing coffee was making coffee even more popular elsewhere (61). The Connoisseurship of Coffee Despite the popularities of cafés, the Australian consumer needed to be educated to become a connoisseur, and this instruction was provided in magazine and newspaper articles. Rene Dalgleish, writing for Australian Home Beautiful in 1964, took “a look around the shops” to report on “a growing range of glamorous and complicated equipment designed for the once-simple job of brewing a cup of tea, or more particularly, coffee” (21). Although she included teapots, her main focus was coffee brewing equipment—what it looked like and how it worked. She also discussed how to best appreciate coffee, and described a range of home grinding and brewing coffee equipment from Turkish to percolation and vacuum coffee makers. As there was only one way of making tea, Dalgleish pays little attention to its method of brewing (21) and concludes the piece by referring only to coffee: “There are two kinds of coffee drinkers—those who drink it because it is a drink and coffee lovers. The sincere coffee lover is one who usually knows about coffee and at the drop of a hat will talk with passionate enthusiasm on the only way to make real coffee” (21). In its first issue in 1966, Australasian Gourmet Magazine reflected on the increased consumption and appreciation of coffee in a five-page feature. “More and more people are serving fine coffee in their homes,” it stated, “while coffee lounges and espresso bars are attracting the public in the city, suburbs and country towns” (Repin and Dressler 36). The article also noted that there was growing interest in the history and production of coffee as well as roasting, blending, grinding, and correct preparation methods. In the same year, The Australian Women’s Weekly acknowledged a growing interest in both brewing, and cooking with, coffee in a lift-out recipe booklet titled “Cooking with Coffee.” This, according to the Weekly, presented “directions that tell you how to make excellent coffee by seven different methods” as well as “a variety of wonderful recipes for cakes, biscuits, desserts, confectionary and drinks, all with the rich flavor of coffee” (AWW). By 1969, the topic was so well established that Keith Dunstan could write an article lampooning coffee snobbery in Australian Gourmet Magazine. He describes his brother’s attention to detail when brewing coffee and his disdain for the general public who were all drinking what he called “muck”. Coffee to the “coffee-olics” like his brother was, Dunstan suggested, like wine to the gourmand (5). In the early 1960s, trouble was brewing in the tea business. Tea imports were not keeping pace with population growth and, in 1963, the Tea Bureau conducted a national survey into the habits of Australian tea drinkers (McMullen). This found that although tea was the most popular beverage at the breakfast table for all socio-economic groups, 30 per cent of Australian housewives did not realise that tea was cheaper than coffee. 52 per cent of coffee consumed was instant and one reason given for coffee drinking between meals was that it was easier to make one cup (Broadcasting and Television “Tea Gains”). Marketing Tea against a Turning Tide Coffee enjoyed an advantage that tea was unlikely to ever have, as the margin between raw bean and landed product was much wider than tea. Tea was also traditionally subject to price-cutting by grocery chains who used it as a loss leader “to bring the housewife into the store” (Broadcasting and Television “Tea Battles”) and, with such a fine profit margin, the individual tea packer had little to allocate for marketing expenses. In response, a group of tea merchants, traders and members of tea growing countries formed The Tea Council of Australia in 1963 to pool their marketing funds to collectively market their product. With more funds, the Council hoped to achieve what individual companies could not (Adams “From Instant” 1-19). The chairman of the Tea Council, Mr. G. McMullan, noted that tea was “competing in the supermarkets with all beverages that are sold […]. All the beverages are backed by expensive marketing campaigns. And this is the market that tea must continue to hold its share” (McMullen 6). The Tea Council employed the services of Jackson Wain and Company for its marketing and public relations campaign. Australian social historian Warren Fahey worked for the company in the 1960s and described it in an interview. He recalled: Jackson Wain was quite a big advertising agency. Like a lot of these big agencies of the time it was Australian owned by Barry Wain and John Jackson. Jackson Wain employed some illustrious creative directors at that time and its clients were indeed big: they had Qantas, Rothmans, the Tea Council, White Wings—which was a massive client—and Sunbeam. And they are just some of the ones they had. Over the following eleven years, the Tea Council sought innovative ways to identify target markets and promote tea drinking. Much of this marketing was directed at women. Since women were responsible for most of the household shopping, and housewives were consuming “incidental” beverages during the day (that is, not with meals), a series of advertisements were placed in women’s magazines. Showing how tea could be enjoyed at work, play, in the home, and while shopping, these kick-started the Tea Council’s advertising campaign in 1964. Fahey remembers that: tea was seen as old-fashioned so they started to talk about different aspects of drinking tea. I remember the images of several campaigns that came through Jackson Wain of the Tea Board. The Women’s Weekly ones were a montage of images where they were trying to convince people that tea was refreshing […] invigorating […] [and] friendly. Figure 3. Tea Council Advertisement. The Australian Women’s Weekly 29 Jan. 1964, 57. Radio was the Tea Council’s “cup of tea”. Transistor and portable radio arrived in Australia in the 1950s and this much listened to medium was especially suited to the Tea Council’s advertising (Tea Council Annual Report 1964). Radio advertising was relatively low-cost and the Council believed that people thought aurally and could picture their cup of tea as soon as they heard the word “tea”. Fahey explains that although radio was losing some ground to the newly introduced television, it was still the premier media, largely because it was personality driven. Many advertisers were still wary of television, as were the agencies. Radio advertisements, read live to air by the presenter, would tell the audience that it was time for a cuppa—“Right now is the right time to taste the lively taste of tea” (Tea Council Annual Report 1964)—and a jingle created for the advertisement completed the sequence. Fahey explained that agencies “were very much tuned into the fact even in those days that women were a dominant fact in the marketing of tea. Women were listening to radio at home while they were doing their work or entertaining their friends and those reminders to have a cup of tea would have been quite useful triggers in terms of the marketing”. The radio jingle, “The taste of tea makes a lively you” (Jackson Wain, “Tea Council”) aired 21,000 times on 85 radio stations throughout Australia in 1964 (Tea Council of Australia Annual Report). In these advertisements, tea was depicted as an interesting, exciting and modern beverage, suitable for consumption at home as outside it, and equally, if not more, refreshing than other beverages. People were also encouraged to use more tea when they brewed a pot by adding “one [spoonful] for the pot” (Jackson Wain, “Tea Council”). These advertisements were designed to appeal to both housewives and working women. For the thrifty housewife, they emphasised value for money in a catchy radio jingle that contained the phrase “and when you drink tea the second cup’s free” (Jackson Wain “Tea Council”). For the fashionable, tea could be consumed with ice and lemon in the American fashion, and glamorous fashion designer Prue Acton and model Liz Holmes both gave their voices to tea in a series of radio advertisements (Tea Council of Australia, “Annual Reports”). This was supported with a number of other initiatives. With the number of coffee lounges increasing in cities, the Tea Council devised a poster “Tea is Served Here” that was issued to all cafes that served tea. This was strategically placed to remind people to order the beverage. Other print tea advertisements targeted young women in the workforce as well as women taking time out for a hot drink while shopping. Figure 4. “Tea Is Served Here.” Tea Council of Australia. Coll. of Andy Mac. Photo: Andy Mac. White Wings Bake-off The cookery competition known as the White Wings Bake-Off was a significant event for many housewives during this period, and the Tea Council capitalised on it. Run by the Australian Dairy Board and White Wings, a popular Australian flour milling company, the Bake-Off became a “national institution […] and tangible proof of the great and growing interest in good food and cooking in Australia” (Wilson). Starting in 1963, this competition sought original recipes from home cooks who used White Wings flour and dairy produce. Winners were feted with a gala event, national publicity and generous prizes presented by international food experts and celebrity chefs such as Graham Kerr. Prizes in 1968 were awarded at a banquet at the Southern Cross Hotel and the grand champion won A$4,750 and a Metters’ cooking range. Section winners received A$750 and the stove. In 1968, the average weekly wage in Australia was A$45 and the average weekly spend on food was $3.60, which makes these significant prizes (Talkfinancenet). In a 1963 television advertisement for White Wings, the camera pans across a table laden with cakes and scones. It is accompanied by the jingle, “White Wings is the Bake Off flour—silk sifted, silk sifted” (Jackson Wain, “Bake-Off”). Prominent on the table is a teapot and cup. Fahey noted the close “simpatico” relationship between White Wings and the Tea Council:especially when it came down to […] the White Wings Bake Off [...]. Tea always featured prominently because of the fact that people were still in those days baking once a week [...] having that home baking along side a cup of tea and a teapot was something that both sides were trying to capitalise on. Conclusion Despite these efforts, throughout the 1960s tea consumption continued to fall and coffee to rise. By 1969, the consumption of coffee was over a kilogram per person per annum and tea had fallen to just over two kilograms per person per year (ABS). In 1973, due to internal disputes and a continued decline in tea sales, the Tea Council disbanded. As Australians increasingly associated coffee with glamour, convenience, and gourmet connoisseurship, these trajectories continued until coffee overtook tea in 1979 (Khamis 230) and, by the 1990s, coffee consumption was double that of tea. Australia’s cultural shift from tea drinking to coffee drinking—easily, but too simplistically, explained by post-war migration—is in itself a complex and multi layered transition, but the response and marketing campaign by the Tea Council provides an opportunity to investigate other factors at play during this time of change. Fahey sums the situation up appropriately and I will conclude with his remarks: “Advertising is never going to change the world. It can certainly persuade a market place or a large percentage of a market place to do something but one has to take into account there were so many other social reasons why people switched over to coffee.” References Adams, Jillian. Barista: A Guide to Espresso Coffee. Frenchs Forest NSW: Pearson Education Australia, 2006. -----. “From Instant Coffee to Italian Espresso: How the Cuppa Lost its Way.” Masters Thesis in Oral History and Historical Memory. Melbourne: Monash University, 2009. Advertisement for Bushells Coffee. The Argus 22 Aug. (1945): 11. Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS]. “4307.0 Apparent Consumption of Tea and Coffee, Australia 1969-1970.” Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2000. Australasian Confectioner and Restaurant Journal. “Espresso Comes to Town.” Australian Confectioner and Restaurant Journal Feb. (1956): 61. Bennett, Bill. Interview. 22 Jun. 2007. Bennett, Peter. Interview. 10 Mar. 2010. Broadcasting and Television. “Tea Gains 98% Market Acceptance.” Broadcasting and Television 6 Jun. (1963): 16. -----. “Tea Battles Big Coffee Budgets.” Broadcasting and Television News 14 Oct. (1965): 16. Button, John. “America’s Australia: Instructions for a Generation.” The Monthly Feb. (2007) 28 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.themonthly.com.au/monthly-essays-john-button-americas-australia-instructions-generation-456›. Canberra Times, The. Advertisement for Nestle Coffee. The Canberra Times 5 Aug. (1949): 2. “Coffee for Americans.” The Argus 20 Apr. (1942): 5.Dalgleish, Rene. “Better Tea and Coffee.” Australian Home Beautiful Jun. (1964): 21–5. Dunstan, Keith. “The Making of a Coffee-olic.” The Australian Gourmet Magazine Sep./Oct. (1969): 5. Fahey, Warren. Interview. 19 Aug. 2010. Howard, Leila. ‘Cooking with Coffee.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 6 Jul. (1966): 1–15. Jackson Wain. “The Bake-off Flour!” TV Commercial, 30 secs. Australia: Fontana Films for Jackson Wain, 1963. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹www.youtube.com/watch?v=1X50sCwbUnw›. -----. “Tea Council of Australia.” TV commercials, 30 secs. National Film and Sound Archive, 1964–1966. Khamis, Susie. “ It Only Takes a Jiffy to Make.” Food Culture and Society 12.2 (2009): 218–33. McMullen, G. F. The Tea Council of Australia Annual Report. Sydney, 1969. National Archives of Australia [NAA]. Agency Notes CP629/1. “History of the Tea Control and Tea Importation Board, January 1942–December 1956.” -----. Series MP5/45 a. Minutes of the Tea Control Board. 17 Aug. 1942. -----. Series MP5/45 b. Minutes of the Tea Control Board. 29 May 1947. Repin, J. D., and H. Dressler. “The Story of Coffee.” Australian Gourmet Magazine 1.1 (1966): 36–40. Talkfinance.net. “Cost of Living: Today vs. 1960.” 1 May 2012 ‹http://www.talkfinance.net/f32/cost-living-today-vs-1960-a-3941› Tea Council of Australia. Annual Reports Tea Council of Australia 1964–1973. ----- Advertisement. The Australian Women’s Weekly 3 Jul. (1968): 22.“Untitled.” The Argus 20 Apr. (1942): 5. Wilson, Trevor. The Best of the Bake-Off. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1969.“Yanks and Aussies Differ on ‘Eats’.” The Argus 4 Jul. (1942): 8.

IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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