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1
HERRING, ERIC. « Between Iraq and a hard place : a critique of the British government's case for UN economic sanctions ». Review of International Studies 28, no 1 (janvier 2002) : 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502000396.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this article I outline the case made by the British government for UN economic sanctions on Iraq, and indicate many of the silences in, and counters to, it. When these silences and counters are taken into consideration, the British government's denial of any share of the responsibility for the devastation of Iraqi society becomes unsustainable. Iraqis have had their human rights violated on a vast scale not only by the regime but also by UN economic sanctions which have exacerbated the effects of the UN coalition's bombing of Iraq in 1991.
2
Joffe, George. « Middle Eastern views of the Gulf conflict and its aftermath ». Review of International Studies 19, no 2 (avril 1993) : 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500119023.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There can be little doubt that the conflict between the UN-authorized and US-led Multinational Coalition and Iraq at the start of 1991, as a result of the Iraqi Ba'athist regime's decision in August 1990 to invade and annex Kuwait, has produced profound changes in the political and diplomatic environment of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as in Mashriqi and Maghribi political attitudes. The new atmosphere of confidence amongst the governments and peoples of the Arab states of the Gulf is clear evidence of these changes, as is the dejection felt in capitals such as Amman, Sanaa and Tunis where government support for the Coalition was less than wholehearted.
3
ARMSTRONG, DAVID, et THEO FARRELL. « Force and Legitimacy in World Politics : Introduction ». Review of International Studies 31, S1 (décembre 2005) : 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006893.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This volume was produced in the context of the crisis of legitimacy that occasioned the 2003 Iraq War. As is well known, a bitter feud broke out in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) over the legality of using force against Iraq. The US government justified going to war in the context of a new doctrine of preventive use of force for self-defence – a doctrine that was soon named after President George W. Bush. The British government anchored its case for war in two previous UNSC resolutions; res. 678 which originally authorised use of force against Iraq in the 1990–91 Gulf War, and res. 687 which suspended res. 678 on a number of conditions including the disarming of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) stockpiles, facilities and programmes. Both the US and British positions were underpinned by intelligence, subsequently proved to be flawed, that Iraq had failed to get rid of its WMD. Opponents of the war disputed this intelligence and, moreover, argued that the Bush Doctrine was plain illegal and ridiculed the British idea of resurrecting twelve-year-old UNSC resolutions.
4
ENTESSAR, NADER. « MICHAEL M. GUNTER, The Kurdish Predicament in Iraq : A Political Analysis (New York : St. Martin's Press, 1999), Pp. 191. $39.95 cloth. » International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no 2 (mai 2001) : 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801422069.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work is a follow-up to Michael Gunter's earlier book, The Kurds of Iraq: Tragedy and Hope (St. Martin's Press, 1992). In that book, which was published shortly after the first democratic elections in Iraqi Kurdistan and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdish regional government (KRG), Gunter was somewhat optimistic about the prospects for realizing Kurdish national aspirations in Iraq. The book under review, however, strikes a more pessimistic tone based on political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1990s. The main focus of the book is on the causes of continuing conflict between the two major Iraqi Kurdish parties—namely, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—since the end of the 1991 Gulf War and the establishment of the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. The author uses a variety of sources, including interviews with principal Kurdish players and English-language publications.
5
Ali, Othman. « A Modern History of the Kurds, 3d rev. ed. » American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no 1 (1 janvier 2006) : 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1642.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This extensive survey of the Kurds’ history is divided into five sections:“The Kurds in the Age of Tribe and Empire,” “Incorporating the Kurds,”“Ethno-nationalism in Iran,” “Ethno-nationalism in Iraq,” and “Ethnonationalismin Turkey.” An introduction on Kurdish identity and social formation, as well as four appendices discussing the Treaty of Sèvres and theKurds of Syria, Lebanon, and Caucasia, are also included. David McDowall,a noted British specialist on Middle Eastern minority affairs and anacknowledged expert on Kurdish studies, has extensively revised the 1996second edition of his book. He provides an analysis of recent Kurdish eventsand a more up-to-date bibliography at the end of each section.This highly detailed history begins in the nineteenth century and ends inthe present day. The author discusses the interplay of the old and new facetsof Kurdish politics: local rivalries within Kurdish society; the enduringauthority of the traditional leadership represented by sheikhs and aghas; thefailure of modern nation states to respond to the challenge of Kurdishnationalism; and the use of Kurdish groups as pawns by major western powersand regional states in the region’s power politics. His methodology is primarilypolitical-historical in nature; however, anthropological and socialanalysis are not totally lacking.As presented by McDowall, a close scrutiny of modern Kurdish historyreveals striking continuities. For example, one pattern has characterizedKurdish-Iraqi relations since 1958: Each Iraqi government pursued peacenegotiations with the Kurds at first, only to fight them when it felt secureabout its rule. This pattern is also found in Iran’s relations with its Kurds.Turkey, however, has pursued a policy that seeks to assimilate and, at times,even ethnically cleanse its Kurdish population.There is also continuity in the major powers’ manipulation of the“Kurdish card” in Iraq. McDowall writes that in 1976, the SelectIntelligence Committee of the House of Representatives reported to theHouse that neither Iran nor the United States would like to see the civil wargoing on in Iraq at that time resolved in a way that would give the Kurds aclear win. Twenty years later, in 1991, the United States implemented a similarpolicy with the Kurds’ so-called “exclusionary zone’’ in northern Iraq.Fearing the consequences likely to follow Saddam Hussein’s overthrow – inparticular, the dismemberment of Iraq and wider regional instability – theUnited States refused to give the Kurds sufficient aid to enable them toestablish an independent homeland ...
6
Glennon, Michael J. « The Constitution and Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter ». American Journal of International Law 85, no 1 (janvier 1991) : 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203559.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Does Security Council Resolution 678, read in conjunction with the United Nations Charter, confer authority on the President under United States domestic law to introduce the United States Armed Forces into hostilities? The operative part of the resolution provides that the Security Council:1.Demands that Iraq comply fully with resolution 660(1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions, and decides, while maintaining all its decisions, to allow Iraq one final opportunity, as a pause of goodwill, to do so;2.Authorizes Member States co-operating with the Government of Kuwait, unless Iraq on or before 15 January 1991 fully implements, as set forth in paragraph 1 above, the foregoing resolutions, to use all necessary means to uphold and implement resolution 660 (1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions and to restore international peace and security in the area;3.Requests all States to provide appropriate support for the actions undertaken in pursuance of paragraph 2 of the present resolution;4.Requests the States concerned to keep the Security Council regularly informed on the progress of actions undertaken pursuant to paragraphs 2 and 3 of the present resolution;5.Decides to remain seized of the matter.
7
Abdullah, Farhad Hassan, et Hawre Hasan Hama. « The nature of the political system in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq ». Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no 3 (29 avril 2019) : 300–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119844599.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Kurdistan region of Iraq has a substantial number of the customary signs of political system, including the various main branches of the state institutions such as executive, courts, and assembly. Since 1991, the Region has established as certain political system that adheres to a commonly acknowledged type of system of government. Some contend that the political system in the region is a presidential system, however with parliament having had the ability to vote the President in or out for quite a while. Political division, explicitly between the political parties, has ended up being a veritable obstruction to the political advancement and strength of the Region and to concocting a bound together type of political system. The region has suffered from lack of constitution; this has caused political conflicts over the law of the presidency of the region and the ways of electing the President. Therefore, when Barzani's presidency term ended in August 2015, the political parties except the KDP attempted to amend the presidential law and make another law to elect the president inside the parliament until writing the constitution for the Region in which the political parties can agree on the form of the political system and the way of electing the President. This article contends that there is a connection between the nature and structure of the political parties and the political systems that have been proposed as a ruling model for the region. The article also concludes by identifying potential systems of government available to the KRI and the potential consequences of each.
8
Wróblewski, Bartosz. « Haszymidzkie Królestwo Jordanii w konfrontacji z ideologią panarabską (1946–1999). Z badań nad stabilnością polityczną monarchii arabskich ». Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no 4 (2022) : 381–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.4.26.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since early 1950s military coups were a frequent phenomenon in the Arab world. In consequence of that a lot of monarchies fell and they were replaced with republics. In fact, however, the politics became dominated by violence and the regimes quickly became oppressive dictatorships. The new governments made use of the pan-Arab ideology to legitimize their authority (which aimed at uniting Arabs from Morocco to Iraq). The small Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan became an important place of confrontation between the pan-Arab ideology and the monarchy, with its traditional legitimization of power. Since approximately 1948 until 1990s there was competition between parties and political movements opting for pan-Arabism or the court of the Hashemite. This resulted in severe political crises in 1956–1957, 1966 and 1991. The consequence of that was also the civil war of 1970. The Jordan monarchy succeeded in overcoming these crises and emerged victorious from the ideological struggle. The current monarchy maintained complete authority and recognition, while pan-Arabism underwent marginalization.
9
Oeter, Stefan. « Kurds Between Quests for Statehood, Struggle for Autonomy and Denied Minority Rights ». German Yearbook of International Law 63, no 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.63.1.339.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Kurdish question is a heritage of the post-WW1 peacemaking – an unfortunate legacy that has cast a long shadow for a century. The dreams of the Kurdish national movement that had developed in the late phase of the Ottoman Empire to gain its own Kurdish nation-State were disappointed after 1919, instead the Kurdish territories were incorporated into the newly founded States of Turkey, Iraq and Syria. None of these new States was ready to accept political rights for a Kurdish community as a separate people on their territory – just to the contrary, the new Turkish Republic was decided to assimilate Kurds in their ‘great’ Turkish nation, and also the soon forming new States of Iraq and Syria repressed any sign of Kurdish separatism and insistence on Kurdish traditions and a distinct ethnicity. A new situation developed in the aftermath of the US interventions since 1991. The events following these interventions were the starting point for the de facto autonomy that developed in Kurdish Northern Iraq throughout the 1990s. Hopes for an autonomy arrangement for the mainly Kurdish territories in the eastern parts of Turkey were to arise some years later. After 2011, a new opportunity for (factual) Kurdish self-government opened up in Syria as a side effect of the civil war in that State. The paper looks look into the normative benchmarks on how to deal with the Kurdish question. In a first part, the essay will reconstruct the major legal reference points concerning self-determination of the Kurdish people. In a second step, the text will turn to autonomy arrangements as a middle-ground solution for the need for structures of ‘internal self-determination’. In a third step, as a concession to ‘realpolitik’, the minimalist options in the context of minority protection will be mapped, in their potentials, but also in their pitfalls.
10
Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. « The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D. » Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no 2 (10 avril 2021) : 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
11
Orchard, Phil. « Regime-Induced Displacement and Decision-Making Within the United Nations Security Council : The Cases of Northern Iraq, Kosovo, and Darfur ». Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no 1 (2010) : 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x12602515137455.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractRegime-Induced Displacement – when governments deliberately use coercive tactics to cause mass displacement – is an increasing phenomenon. It is a problem for the international community because these situations challenge the ability of international and non-governmental organisations to provide the displaced with basic levels of protection and assistance. Yet even while these crises frequently cross the threshold envisioned in the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, the Security Council has generally avoided direct interventions, as the ongoing crisis in Darfur demonstrates. This paper argues that this is not new behaviour. Rather, even the two most notable interventions to protect the displaced in these situations – the US-led military deployment in Northern Iraq in 1991 and the NATO-led intervention in Kosovo – were driven by circumstances and politics outside of the Council. This suggests that even as regime-induced displacement is increasing, the likelihood of seeing the Security Council use the R2P doctrine to protect the displaced without reform is negligible.
12
Abdel Razzaq, M. Shaheen Siham. « Iraq's official position on political developments in Iran (1941-1945) ». ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no 1 (1 décembre 2017) : 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.333.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The events that took place in Iran during the second world war are considered an important item for Iraqi diplomacy and follow-up by the Foreign Ministry in Iraq. On the other hand, this Iraqi diplomacy was considered to be quite flexible when a reshuffle occurred. It was looking for its causes and linking them, and then adopting accurate scenarios to protect its interests. Iraq was not far from what was happening in Iran .When Mohammad Reza Pahlavi took power in Iran, The oil conflict has also existed. In addition to Iran's strategic position, making US intervention clear. Which prompted Iran to build an intimate relationship with the United States and strengthen its relations in all respects, especially when Ahmed assigned the strength of the Sultanate to form the ministry on the ninth of August 1924 and consider America a third force used by Ahmed Qawam as a bargaining chip to confront the British and Soviet Union in the region. After the issue of oil emerged on the political scene and at that time, the Iranian government took a deep breath in the embrace of the United States. In fact, Reza Shah Pahlawi inherited a backward country, especially in the economic field. He tried to reform the country's economic recession and make Iran to acquire a new stage, and the result of foreign demand for Iranian oil led to widespread reactions at the internal level and became pro-Western groups to reject the Soviet demand and solidarity with the independent. While the Iranian Communist Party (Toda Party) supported the request and held demonstrations for the immediate admission of the Soviet Union
13
الركابي, عكـاب يوسف. « العامل الدولي وآثره في القضية الكردية في العراق 1958- 1991 ». Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no 27 (7 janvier 2018) : 211–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss27.63.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Addresses've marked the international factor and its impact on the Kurdish issue in Iraq, 1958- 1991, the importance of having and the emergence of the issue on the Iraqi political arena this apparition Atzamn and effectively with the start of the formation of the Iraqi state on 23 August 1921 as a researcher and perhaps believed other massively multiplayer that the international factor, is the key factor and effective in feeding and the presence and persistence of the issue in Iraq, as well as the presence of some erroneous domestic policies practiced by some regimes and governments have to govern Iraq while dealing Tamla short-sighted with this issue, which formed another factor in the continuation of the impact of this issue negatively in Iraq as an endangered the national security of the Iraqi issues, but nevertheless we should not ignore the willingness of the Kurdish forces in northern Iraq, to deal with the outside world and open up to the international factor on the inside account of this deal, which had a negative impact is the other to move away from national solutions to this issue.
From this point of touch research and clearly, the impact and effective powers of any international factor and some neighboring countries in the permanence and continuity in that case Bmngsatha formed weigh heavily on the shoulders of the Iraqi state since Ceccheha and so far as it turns out, that all the solutions put forward by the previous Iraqi regimes to deal with the Kurdish issue, not unlucky complete success as clear that the reason lies, as well as lack of seriousness in the adoption of the standard of citizenship, equality and social justice in those solutions, is the weakness of the Iraqi foreign policy, which also failed to stop foreign intervention in this case, Thus, the new Iraqi regime after 2003, be aware of this fact, viz., that any attempt to resolve the Kurdish issue within the framework of the Iraqi state, without the attention of the international factor and how to deal with him, it would be doomed to failure.
14
Dekker, Guido den, et Ramses A. Wessel. « Military Enforcement of Arms Control in Iraq ». Leiden Journal of International Law 11, no 3 (septembre 1998) : 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156598000363.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The effects of the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait are felt strongly up to the present day. On numerous occasions, the inspection teams of the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) have encountered serious problems and opposition by the Iraqi government when verifying the non-production of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Among the many legal questions raised by the Iraqi-Kuwait war's aftermath, a fundamental issue is whether – in the absence of an explicit Security Council decision – compliance by Iraq with its obligations may be enforced by military means. In this article, this question is addressed by examining whether military enforcement action can be based on Security Council resolutions adopted earlier in the course of the conflict, especially Resolutions 678 (1990), in which the Council authorised the use of ‘all necessary means’, and 1154 (1998), in which the ‘Memorandum of Understanding’ between the UN and Iraq was endorsed. It is argued that without a further mandate from the Security Council, military enforcement of arms control in Iraq under the present circumstances is prohibited by international law.
15
Ajil, Emad Wakaa. « Challenges of the parliamentary system in Iraq after 2003 ». Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no 10 (24 février 2019) : 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i10.27.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.
16
Youssef, M. Dr Yassar Ahmed. « Iraqi political movement in the League of Nations From the years (1921-1932) ». ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 222, no 2 (6 novembre 2018) : 471–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v222i2.411.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study is concerned with the study of an important period of time in the history of modern Iraq, the period of the establishment of modern Iraq and independence through the end of the British Mandate and acceptance of joining the League of Nations, an international organization, which includes the membership of independent free countries, which took on the establishment of security and world peace through the adoption of the principle Prohibition of the use of force and the adoption of the principle of resolving international disputes by peaceful means, the research aims to achieve a set of important goals, namely:
1 - Highlight the efforts of the Iraqi government to join the League of Nations and clarify the reasons for this accession and the difficulties that accompanied the desire of the Hummah in this area.
2- Clarification of the role of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the accession of Iraq to the League of Nations during the period of occupation and mandate on Iraq.
3- Clarifying the position of the League of Nations and its member states on the issue of Iraq's membership and how to deal with its desire to enter it from the beginning of the negotiations until the decision to accept membership.
4 - Highlight the efforts of the most important Iraqi and foreign political figures, who had a role in the establishment of modern Iraq and joining the League of Nations.
Department of research into two basic topics, the first topic: the emergence of the modern Iraqi state. The second topic: Iraq, Britain and the League of Nations from the negotiations to join.
17
Fakhir, Mstfa Rasool, et Alaa Kadhim Farhan. « FEATURES OF THE IRAQI ECONOMY : COMPARTIVE STUDY TO SOME ECONOMIC ELEMENTS FOR THE YEARS (1990-1995-2000-2005-2010-2015-2019) ». vol 5 issue 15 5, no 15 (28 décembre 2019) : 1414–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18769/ijasos.592113.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Iraq is considered as a rich country with multiple natural resources, but wars and financial and political crises led to the destruction of the country's infrastructure and prevented the investment and distribution of those recourses in a fair and just ways, as Iraq is still suffering from unemployment, poverty and lack of essential services which have stopped the wheel of industry and agricultural lands receded significantly, so the country transformed into a consuming country depends only on neighboring countries and industrialized countries to secure its agricultural and industrial needs. The results of the study were shocking as the Iraqi government depends mainly on exporting of oil to cover its operational and investment expenses in more than (85%), and neglected the rest of the economic sectors. As for poverty, the percentage of those who fall below the poverty line (23%) as well as the unemployment rate that exceeded (23%). The country's debt has recently reached ($133) billion, and the latest reports by Transparency International organization considered Iraq as one of the worst (20) countries in terms of administrative and financial corruption. Keywords: Iraqi economy, unemployment, poverty, investment, industry, oil exporting.
18
Mahmoud, Fawaz Hammad. « Post-colonial state, and its political elites And its political approach, from ((1958 - 1968)) ». Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no 14 (2 mars 2019) : 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i14.113.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The State of Iraq was formed in 1921 and described as a product of the British occupation state. This was in line with what was planned by the occupation government in all fields of intellectual, cultural and political.
This resulted in the establishment of the "King of Iraq" of Arab origins, as well as contributed groups of tribal or economic influence to contribute to the establishment of the Iraqi state, where the Iraqi society was suffering from poverty and ignorance and disease under the Ottoman Empire, and others may see that the Iraqi state, which came under the umbrella Britain, after the First World War, may not differ in terms of dealing with the Iraqi society from the Ottoman administration, and may be a continuation of, and worse, and therefore there was concern, and fear of all steps of the government, even if it was positive, and increased military intervention through coups policy The state and its apparatus to calculate the dominant parties But it turned into a preoccupation with the minds of the people, the futility or futility of such coups, which are no more than conflicts between families, parties, and perhaps people, using the violence that the military led to express in the three coups which We gave it our attention in this study, which included, after this introduction, three investigations and a conclusion.
19
Ahram, Ariel I. « DEVELOPMENT, COUNTERINSURGENCY, AND THE DESTRUCTION OF THE IRAQI MARSHES ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no 3 (28 juillet 2015) : 447–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000495.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractFollowing the 1990–91 Gulf War and the subsequent March 1991 uprising, the Iraqi government launched a brutal counterinsurgency campaign in the marshes of southern Mesopotamia. Alongside mass killing and forced population resettlement, the state used hydrological infrastructure to divert water from the wetlands, permanently desiccating the area. Using newly available Iraqi government archives, this paper argues that the destruction of the marshes was the result of a complex interplay between sectarianism, development planning, and security imperatives. Inhabited by peripatetic Marsh Arabs (Maʿdan), the marshlands stood out as an impenetrable wilderness. Baʿth policies in the marshes combined measures meant to promote social and economic modernization with counterinsurgency tactics meant to achieve control over the marsh region. After 1991, the regime set out to obliterate a terrain it deemed a strategic liability and a population that seemed an obstacle to modernization.
20
Abdul Nabi, Ahmed Abdul Wahid. « Judicial Legislations and the Tribal Claims System in the Royal Period : A Documentary Study ». Journal of the College of Education for Women 32, no 1 (28 mars 2021) : 106–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36231/coedw.v32i1.1469.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present research tackles a number of historical facts and incidents with a purely legal dimension in an important stage in the contemporary history of Iraq, especially the era of the British occupation. This resulted in innumerable social, political and legal problems, particularily the judicial legislation problems in Iraq. These legislations included a set of civil laws and in force governmental procedures that will be discussed historically by examining documents issued by the Ministries of Justice and Interior Affairs in the governments of monarchy for the period from 1921-to-1958. The data of the present paper relied on the Iraqi Library and Archives, (hence DKW). The study adopted the narrative historical methodology when investigating the judicial legislations in the royal era from 1921-to-1958. The scale adopted was the contemporary measurement and evaluation in the Iraqi contemporary history. Finally, the results revealed that the history of the penal procedures in the royal era was those multiple attempts to reconcile between the two types of penal procedures that represent the history of the relationship between the individual and the state. Such legislations were set according to the circumstances of each country and to the level of its intellectual, social, political and human development to serve primarily the interests of the British occupation, and fulfill the desires of the influential class in the royal era. Because these legislations and laws were not based on modern scientific theories, many people were wronged, including the judicial authority and legal clerks who complained from their implementation and their continual application on Iraq for all this period.
21
van Bergeijk, Peter A. G. « Sanctions Against the Russian War on Ukraine : Lessons from History and Current Prospects ». Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 4 (1 juin 2022) : 571–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022023.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article studies the case of the sanctions against the Russian war on the Ukraine in 2022 against the background of four major and well-documented historical sanction episodes: (1) the anti-Apartheid sanctions of the 1980s, (2) the sanctions against the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 1990, (3) the sanctions against Iranian nuclear capabilities and (4) the US and EU sanctions against the Russian annexation of the Crimea. Two cases (South Africa and Iran) have a comparatively low probability of success based on pre-sanction trade linkage between sender and target and the target’s regime type (the autocracy score). The key to understanding their success is in the banking channel (debt-crisis and international payment system sanctions) and the behaviour of the private sector (divestment and over-compliance). The failure of the sanctions against Iraq underscores the importance of regime type and the need for a viable exit strategy and shows that some decision-makers cannot be influenced with economic hardship. The 2014 sanctions against Russia illustrate the comparative vulnerability of the European democracies and their weakness in organizing comprehensive sanctions that bite. Given the increased Russian resilience, the increasingly autocratic nature of President Putin’s government, the credibility of his 2014 tit-for-tat strategy and the failure of European democracies to implement appropriate strong and broad-based measures, smart and targeted sanctions are unlikely to influence the Kremlin’s calculus. The European Union could only influence that calculus by restoring its reputation as a credible applicant of strong sanctions, including an embargo on capital goods and a boycott of Russian energy. Sanctions, Comprehensive sanctions, Smart sanctions, Russia, Ukraine, South Africa, Apartheid, Iran, Iraq, Crimea, comparative case study
22
Lillich, Richard B., et David J. Bederman. « Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission : Iran Claims ». American Journal of International Law 91, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 436–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954182.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission (Commission or FCSC) was granted jurisdiction to determine the validity and amounts of certain claims by U.S. nationals against Iran by the Iran Claims Act and the 1990 Settlement Agreement (lump sum settlement) between the United States and Iran. The Iran Claims Act, a 1985 statute enacted in anticipation of the lump sum agreement settling U.S. “small claims” against Iran, required the Commission to apply: (1)the terms of any settlement agreement [lump sum settlement];(2)the relevant provisions of the Declarations of the Government of the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria of January 19, 1981, giving consideration to interpretations thereof by the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal; and(3)applicable principles of international law, justice, and equity.
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Sassoon, Joseph, et Michael Brill. « The North Iraq Dataset (NIDS) files : Northern Iraq under Bathist rule, 1968‐911 ». Journal of Contemporary Iraq & ; the Arab World 14, no 1 (1 juin 2020) : 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00021_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The first archival collection from Saddam Hussein’s regime to receive the attention of researchers in the early 1990s was the large number of documents secured by Iraqi Kurdish rebels in the March 1991 uprising. The documents have been referred to variously as the Iraqi secret police files, the Anfal files, the North Iraq records, and are today known as the North Iraq Dataset (NIDS). In addition to being the first of several collections of Bath-era documents removed from Iraq by the US military as a result of the 1991 and 2003 wars, the NIDS was also the first collection returned to the country by the US government in 2005. This article discusses the history of the NIDS, the contents of the archive, efforts to digitize and study the documents, along with investigating the fate of the original records.
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Bettauer, Ronald J. « The United Nations Compensation Commission— Developments Since October 1992 ». American Journal of International Law 89, no 2 (avril 1995) : 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204215.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Paragraph 16 of Security Council Resolution 687 (April 3, 1991) reaffirmed that “Iraq … is liable under international law for any direct loss, damage, … or injury to foreign Governments, nationals and corporations, as a result of Iraq’s unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait.” This resolution and Security Council Resolution 692 (May 20, 1991) established the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) to administer a system to provide compensation for claims for which Iraq is liable under paragraph 16. The Commission has a Governing Council, composed of the members of the Security Council; panels of commissioners, appointed from time to time to review particular groups of claims; and a secretariat headed by an Executive Secretary. The Commission’s Governing Council first met in Geneva in July 1991 and in the first year of its existence adopted decisional criteria for six categories of claims: Category “A” — claims of individuals for fixed amounts for departure from Iraq or Kuwait; Category “B” — claims of individuals for fixed amounts for death or serious personal injury; Category “C” —claims of individuals for amounts up to $100,000; Category “D” —claims of individuals for amounts above $100,000; Category “E” —claims of corporations; and Category “F” — claims of governments and international organizations.
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Bishop, Elizabeth. « Politics of Cinema in Hashemite Iraq ». Oriente Moderno 93, no 1 (2013) : 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Hashemite Iraq was better integrated into the global cinema that other Arab countries. Baghdad audiences loved film noir, and the US succeeded in displacing the UK as a source of newsreels, as well. During the Cold War’s first decade, Hollywood continued to pump inexpensive productions and aged celluloid through Iraq, including films made under US government contracts. Local viewers responded thoughtfully to such films, engaging themes such as responsibility and guilt. Against this general background, specific allegations that testing of weapons delivery systems for germ warfare continued after the end of the Korean War, are assessed in the light that public health authorities reported a series of outbreaks of meningitis among audiences in Baghdad cinemas.
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Koybaev, Boris G. « Iran in the Military-Political Situation of the Near and Middle East on the Eve and During the Great Patriotic War ». Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no 4 (25 décembre 2022) : 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2022-4-69-74.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The outbreak of the Second World War and the direct preparation of fascist Germany for an attack on the Soviet Union to the limit aggravated the military-political situation in the Middle East region. This was expressed in the increasingly noticeable crystallization of liberation ideals, the growing struggle for the independence of peoples under foreign oppression. In many countries of the Near and Middle East, a democratic, anti-fascist movement was spreading. So, in response to the actions of the “Vichy government” after the surrender in July 1940. France, which put the territory of Syria under the control of the German-Italian authorities, began anti-fascist demonstrations. The anti-fascist movement was also growing in Iraq. Iraq provided the British military command with the opportunity to use the country’s territory to deploy its military units, as well as the infrastructure for the transit of military equipment and food, mainly to Iran for the needs of allied forces. Saudi Arabia has provided an opportunity for the United States, as an ally in the anti-Hitler coalition, to build the largest military air base in the Middle East in Dhahran. The military-political situation in Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan, neighboring with the Soviet Union, developed especially intensively. These countries occupied an important place in the strategic plans of the Hitlerite command. As a result of the active and large-scale agent activity of fascist Germany in Turkey, the Turkish-German pact “On Friendship and Non-aggression” was signed, which secured the Balkan flank of the fascist troops and was the last link in the preparation of the war against the USSR. For Turkey, it meant openly joining the anti-Soviet policy of fascist Germany.
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Tawfeeq, Hawrin Ali, et Jamal Fathullah Taib. « The Political Role of Koya Women in 1958-1991 ». Journal of University of Raparin 9, no 2 (29 mars 2022) : 556–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(2).paper25.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Throughout history, women had crucial role in all aspects of community, this is also true for Kurdish women and women from Koya. In political arena, Women, alongside men, struggled towards the national causes. They endured many sacrifices. However, due to patriarchy system of Kurdish society, women were not offered similar opportunities as men, therefore, their chances for success was limited and they indirectly prevented form proving their themselves. Despite that, women from Koya somehow overcame the obstacles and participated and contributed to the society actively.
It is undeniable the public policy of subsequent ruling governments in Iraq did not pave the way from the active participation of women and neither provided equal opportunities for men and women. For instance, in 1963, when Ba’th regime took control of Iraq in a coup, they attacked Kurdistan region and Koya. They practiced the almost brutality against people, among the early victims were women. As the reaction, and reaction to other barbaric practices of Ba’th regime, Women from Koya participated in armed conflicts in Kurdish liberation movements.
The current research consists of two parts; in introduction, a brief historical survey about the participation and contribution of women from Koya pre1958 revolution is provided. The first part is dedicated to the contribution and activities of women between 19581975. The second part is dedicated to discussing the role of women in political activism and secret organization.
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Duelfer, Charles A., et Stephen Benedict Dyson. « Chronic Misperception and International Conflict : The U.S.-Iraq Experience ». International Security 36, no 1 (juillet 2011) : 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00045.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why did the United States and Iraq find themselves in full-scale conflict with each other in 1990–91 and 2003, and in almost constant low-level hostilities during the years in-between? The situation was neither inevitable nor one that either side, in full possession of all the relevant information about the other, would have purposely engineered: in short, a classic instance of chronic misperception. A combination of the psychological literature on perception and its pathologies with the almost unique firsthand access of one of the authors to the decisionmakers on both sides—the former deputy head of the United Nations weapons of mass destruction inspection mission in the 1990s, the author of the definitive postwar account of Iraqi WMD programs for which he and his team debriefed the top regime leadership, and a Washington insider in regular contact with all major foreign policy agencies of the U.S. government—reveals the perceptions the United States and Iraq held of each other, as well as the biases, mistakes, and intelligence failures of which these images were, at different points in time, both cause and effect.
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Ahmad, Paiman Ramazan. « The Politics of Oil in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq ». Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 17, no 3 (31 décembre 2018) : 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2018.3.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research is aimed at identifying the role of petroleum revenues in the Kurdistan Region for better economic efficiency and sovereignty of the Kurdistan Region in the future. This study identifies some root causes of deficiency of revenue usage generally, as well as specific causes in the Kurdistan Region. Further, the study looks at the various factors that affect oil production in the Kurdistan Region and compares it to the Federal Government. This study seeks to show how the Kurdistan Region generates the oil reserves regionally, despite the difficulties it encounters with the Federal Government due to the constitutional ambiguity. The research analysis concludes the importance of energy efficiency for the Kurdistan Region both economically and politically.
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Tymowski, Andrzej W. « Interview with Karol Modzelewski, 1991 ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 33, no 4 (15 octobre 2019) : 806–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419874384.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is an edited version of an interview conducted in 1991 and first published in New Politics 4, no. 2 (1993): 155–72. The editors of EEPS publish this version after the recent death of Karol Modzelewski, 1937–2019. In the 1991 interview, Modzelewski reflected on the difference between Solidarność 1980–1981 as a mass social movement and the very much changed Solidarność that in 1989 formed the first non-Communist government in the Soviet bloc. His comments have a premonitory relevance for Polish politics today.
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Bibi, Fozia, et Lubna Abid Ali. « Linkage Between US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and Emergence of Daesh : Beginning of New Era for Iran ». Global International Relations Review V, no II (30 juin 2022) : 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-ii).08.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The role of Iran is essential to analyze the politics of the Middle East. Post 9/11 few events such as the USA invasion of Iraq, the Arab spring and the emergence of Daesh has altered the traditional power structure of the region and also enhanced the role of Iran in the politics of the region. This study analyzes the role of domestic and structural factors in the shaping of the foreign policy behavior of Iran. Iraq remained a strong power under Saddam till the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Though, the US invasion ended a dictatorship but failed to provide stability, peace and a unified government in Iraq. The empowerment of the Shiia government in Iraq is also a victory of Iran on the ideological front as the US invasion has enabled Iran to achieve its targets without confronting directly with Saddam. . Since 2000 few events such as the US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and rise of Daesh transformed the traditional balance of power in favor of Iran. All these events helped Iran to enhance its ideological influence throughout the Middle East
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FAWCETT, LOUISE. « Down but not out ? The Kurds in international politics ». Review of International Studies 27, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500011098.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The capacity of the Kurds—a scattered, divided and stateless people—to make headline news never ceases to astonish. Perhaps most sensational were the extraordinary events early in 1999 which accompanied the seizure in Kenya and subsequent extradition to Turkey of Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the Kurdish Workers Party, with its now familiar acronym, the PKK. Ocalan's arrest, and his sentencing to death by a Turkish court in June 1999, are only the most recent in a series of Kurdish-related events that have captured the imagination of the international public. The post-Cold War period alone has witnessed the massacre, by chemical weapons, of Kurdish villagers in Iraq after the Iran–Iraq war (1980–88) and a failed Kurdish uprising and massive refugee crisis after the Gulf War (1991), to be followed by the creation of a Kurdish enclave in northern Iraq. In 1992, far away in Berlin, which saw some particularly ugly scenes at the time of Ocalan's capture, three Iranian Kurdish opposition leaders were murdered. So significant has been the Kurdish imprint on the contemporary International Relations agenda, that some have suggested that the Kurdish issue today can be likened in some respects to that of Palestine.
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Afrimadona, Afrimadona. « Power and Legitimacy in International Politics : Britain and Germany’s Responses to the U.S.’s Wars Against Iraq in 1991 and 2003 ». Global South Review 1, no 1 (9 octobre 2017) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.28816.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper evaluates the constructivist claim that legitimacy embedded in a country’s foreign policy shapes the responses of other countries’ foreign policy. I test the claim using four cases of Britain’s and Germany’s responses to US’s invasion in Iraq in 1991 and 2003. The choice of US’s invasion in Iraq in 1991 and 2003 was made on the ground that the latter was regarded as utterly illegitimate due to a lack of UN’s authorization. Thus, both cases reveal a variation in the extent of legitimacy (positive versus negative cases). My observation of Britain’s and Germany’s foreign policy responses is based on the fact that both countries are US’s allies. Thus, by examining allies’ responses to US’s invasion in Iraq in these two periods, I control for countries’ type of relationship with the US that may affect their behavior towards the country. My observation shows that only one out of the four cases (Germany’s response to US’s invasion in 2003) supports the claim that legitimacy is the main concern underlying states’ foreign policy response. In general, this study also suggests that legitimacy may matter under normal situation. During crises, however, states tend to be more pragmatic and power-based explanation seems more convincing.
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Fomin, A. M. « British Policy and Strategy in the Middle East in 1941 : Three Wars ‘East of Suez’ ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no 3 (20 novembre 2020) : 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-191-221.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the defeat of France in the summer of 1940, Great Britain was left face to face with the Nazi Germany. It managed to endure the first act of the ‘Battle of Britain’, but could not wage a full-scale war on the continent. Under these conditions, the defense of the British positions in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East became a top priority for W. Churchill’s cabinet. The author examines three episodes of Great Britain’s struggle for the Middle East in 1941 (Iraq, Syria, Iran), framing them into the general logic of the German-British confrontation during this period.The author emphasizes that potential assertion of German hegemony in the Middle East could have made the defense of Suez almost impossible, as well as the communication with India, and would have provided the Reich with an access to almost inexhaustible supplies of fuel. Widespread antiBritish sentiments on the part of the local political and military elites could contribute greatly to the realization of such, catastrophic for Britain, scenario. Under these circumstances, the British government decided to capture the initiative. The paper examines the British military operations in Iraq and Syria. Special attention is paid to the complex dynamics of relations of the British cabinet with the Vichy regime and the Free France movement. As the author notes, the sharpest disagreements aroused on the future of Syria and Lebanon, and the prospects of granting them independence. In the Iran’s case, the necessity of harmonizing policies with the Soviet Union came to the fore. The growing German influence in the region, as well as the need to establish a new route for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, fostered mutual understanding. After the joint Anglo-Soviet military operation in August-September 1941, Iran was divided into occupation zones. Finally, the paper examines the UK position with regard to the neutrality of Turkey. The author concludes that all these military operations led to the creation of a ‘temporary regime’ of the British domination in the Middle East. However, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Soviet rivalries had not disappeared and, compounded by the growing US presence in the region, laid basis for new conflicts in the post-war period.
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Gorodnia, N., et Y. Protsenko. « THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE U.S.–SAUDI RELATIONS (1931–1940) ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no 151 (2021) : 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King Ibn Saud due to commercial interests. Hereafter the Department of State initiated the U.S.–Saudi Provisional Agreement in regard to Diplomatic and Consular Representation, Juridical Protection, Commerce and Navigation, signed in November 1933. It was aimed at protecting the rights of the U.S. citizens, who worked in the Kingdom since 1931, especially after obtaining the oil concession by the California Standard Oil company in May 1933. However, the diplomatic representative to Saudi Arabia was not appointed. This issue was mainstreamed when commercial volumes of oil were discovered in Saudi Arabia in 1938, the U.S. oil company signed its second concession agreement in 1939, and the U. S. commercial interests in Saudi Arabia had significantly increased. Besides, the representatives of Great Britain, Germany and Japan intensified their activities to obtain oil concessions in Saudi Arabia. The King Ibn Saud highly appreciated exclusively commercial U.S. interests, the absence of its intentions to expand political influence or to take over Saudi territories. For these reasons, he preferred cooperation with the United States to other nations. The U.S.–Saudi diplomatic relations were established on February 4, 1940, when B. Fish, who was the U. S. Minister–resident in Egypt, presented his credentials to the King Ibn Saud. The decision to establish diplomatic representation in Saudi Arabia was taken in June–July 1939. It was caused by the increasing competition for Saudi oil, not a beginning of the World War, as some scholars suggest.
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Newsinger, John. « War, Empire and the Attlee government 1945–1951 ». Race & ; Class 60, no 1 (29 juin 2018) : 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818779864.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this article, adapted from a speech delivered at a conference on reparative history, the author challenges the dominant view of the progressive radicalism of the postwar Attlee government by exposing the brutality of its imperial adventures. Examining British involvement in Vietnam, Indonesia, Greece, Malaya, Kenya, India, Palestine, Iran and Korea, the piece paints a very different and bloody historical narrative from the dominant one. It argues that the welfare state was accompanied by the creation of the warfare state and that it was the Labour Party which cemented the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, which today the vast majority of the parliamentary Labour Party would still like to see hold sway in terms of foreign policy and questionable foreign interventions.
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Rafeeq, Bashdar Omar, et Mohammed Abdullah Kakasur. « History writing by the Kurdis in Iraq (1958-1968) is among the books printed in Kurdish language. » Journal of University of Raparin 7, no 2 (18 avril 2020) : 365–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(2).paper16.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The issue of writing history by Kurdish authors in Iraq between1958-1968 is analysed and explained which is about those printed books in kurdish written and published by Kurdish authors in Iraq. We have concluded that eight history books were published in Kurdish language from 1958 to 1968. Among them, seven of them were written and published from 1958 to 1962 and only one book was published in 1968. This devision of publishing those books has been due to politicial reasons and the emergence of Ailul revolution in 1961. On the one hand, it was due to the political unrest which was a stumbling block for the writing process for authors. On the other hand, however, it was due to the Aylul revolution that led to the restriction of the writing and publication processes by the Iraqi government. The historeans were peoples of different backgrounds in Kurdistan including politicians, army, religious people, school teachers, poets, and scholars. This show the desire of writing history by peoples of different backgrounds in the Kurdish society. Regarding the academic and scientific quality and the methodology of adopted at that time in writing history books, although it cannot be compared by today’s history books, but it was rather narrative and simple. In addition, very few references were usually used in writing those books. This was due to the fact that the history books authors were not historians.
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Malekzadeh, Elham. « Iran and Rabindranath Tagore : Information from files of the national archives of Iran ». Studies in People's History 6, no 1 (16 mai 2019) : 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448919834792.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the process of Iran’s modernisation, there arose much interest in modern literature outside Iran. As Rabindranath Tagore had acquired a worldwide reputation, it was inevitable that intellectuals in Iran should also be drawn towards his writings. Tagore visited Iran twice at the invitation of Reza Shah’s government (1932 and 1934). Subsequently, when India became independent and Iran wished to cement ties with India, there were ambitious plans to celebrate Tagore birth centenary, 1961–2. A severe political crisis breaking out in Iran at that time, however, led to a practical cancellation of the celebrations. The entire story of Tagore’s two visits to Iran and the abortive birth centenary celebration are reconstructed from documents in Iran’s National Archives.
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Alahmad, Nida. « The Politics of Oil and State Survival in Iraq (1991-2003) : Beyond the Rentier Thesis ». Constellations 14, no 4 (7 décembre 2007) : 586–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.2007.00467.x.
Texte intégral
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Dai, Yamao. « Foreign Impacts Revisited : Islamists’ Struggles in Post-War Iraq ». World Political Science 9, no 1 (23 juillet 2013) : 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractA great number of scholarship has been devoted to examining the impacts of domestic politics to foreign policies. Many studies have also examined the impacts of international politics to domestic politics, focusing on democracy-building or constructing political institutions within the framework of the state-building. However, such scholarship has not focused enough on the impacts of international politics to opposition forces and their relationship to political conflict in the post-conflict era. In countries that have experienced regime change, the formerly exiled opposition forces that became the ruling parties had changed their policies under the influence of the host country and other foreign actors in international politics during their exile. This paper sheds light on the two main Iraqi Islamist parties, the Da‘wa Party and the SCIRI, and clarifies their changing policies under the influence of the host countries and international politics. It also makes clear how these changes were reflected by the political conflict in post-war Iraq. Scholars of Iraqi politics have discussed the reasons of political conflict in post-war Iraq as following: (1) sectarian conflicts as a result of the artificiality of the Iraqi state; and (2) struggles for the mobilization of votes in elections. Against these arguments, this paper considers the historical and international impacts on the formerly exiled Islamist ruling parties as a more significant factor in explaining the reasons for political conflict in post-war Iraq.By analyzing primary sources on segments of the Da‘wa Party and the SCIRI after their exile, the following two facts are clarified: First, the two Islamist parties came to have differing ideology as well as policy as a result of the influences from the host country and international politics, which reflected the political conflict in post-war Iraq. The SCIRI maintained good relations with the host country, Iran, and had its original Islamist ideology, while the Da‘wa Party, not being able to maintain cooperative relations with the host country, consequently changed its Islamist ideology to a more nationalist ideology under the direct influence of Western society. In the post-war era, the SCIRI attempted to construct a regional government in the south based on a transnational Islamist ideology, while the Da‘wa Party attempted to construct a centralized government based on a nationalism that aimed to strengthen national unity. Second, the international societies’ intervention into the Iraqi opposition forces created mutual distrust, which in turn prolonged political conflict in post-war era. Therefore, an analysis of the historical and international impacts on opposition forces is necessary to understand the reasons for the political struggles in the post-conflict countries.
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Ghassabi Gazkouh, Jalil, Hadi Vakili, Seyyed Mehrdad Rezaeian, Seyyed Alireza Golshani et Alireza Salehi. « Contagious Diseases and its Consequences in the Late Qajar Period Mashhad (1892–1921) ». Archives of Iranian Medicine 23, no 6 (1 juin 2020) : 414–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2020.37.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the historical periods of Iran that can be studied for contagious diseases and how they spread, is the late Qajar period. The city of Mashhad, after Tehran and Tabriz, had a special place among Russian and English governments in the Qajar period as one of the significant religious, political and economic centers in Iran due to Imam Reza’s holy shrine, a large population and great geographical scale. The central governments’ incompetence in preventing the outbreak of contagious diseases and lack of essential amenities, caused many lives to be lost all over Iran and especially Mashhad during the Qajar period. Hence, the neighbor governments such as Russia, ordered for quarantines to be set up at the borders and dispatched doctors to stop diseases’ from reaching Russian lands. However, these attempts did not prevent the deaths of people in the border areas, especially in Mashhad, from diseases such as cholera, plague, smallpox, typhus, flu and other diseases. In this study, we investigate and explain the subjects: disease outbreaks, the problem of commerce, quarantine and its outcomes at the end of Qajar period, between the years 1892 and 1921 AD in Mashhad, with the help of historical and documentary sources using an analytical and medical historiography method.
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Tamm, Marek. « In search of lost time : Memory politics in Estonia, 1991-2011 ». Nationalities Papers 41, no 4 (juillet 2013) : 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747504.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyzes memory politics during the first 20 years (1991-2011) of the newly independent Estonia. Memory politics is understood as a politics endeavoring to shape the society's collective memory and establish notions of what is and is not to be remembered of the past, employing to this end both legislative means and practical measures. The paper presents one possible scheme for analyzing Estonian memory politics and limits its treatment in two important ways. Firstly, the focus is on national memory politics, that is the decisions of the parliament, government, and president oriented toward shaping collective memory. And second, only internal memory politics is discussed; that is, bi- or multilateral memory-political relations with other states or political unions are not examined separately. The analysis is built on four interrelated dimensions of memory politics, which have played the most important roles in Estonia: the legal, institutional, commemorative, and monumental dimensions. Also, a general characterization and temporal articulation of memory politics in newly independent Estonia is proposed.
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Musaeva, Salikhat Ibragimovna. « The Role of Shiite Clergy in the Constitutional Movement at the Initial Stage of the First Iranian Revolu-tion of 1905–1911 ». Islamovedenie 12, no 2 (2 juin 2021) : 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-12-2-34-44.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article highlights the history of the development of the Constitutional Movement in Iran in 1905-1906, i.e. in the first period of the Iranian Revolution of 1905–1911, and the participa-tion of the Shiite clergy in it. Shiite clergy, dissatisfied with the attempt of the Shah and his entou-rage to weaken their rights in the area of legal proceedings, as well as with the government's policy aimed at “Europeanizing” Iran, took an active part in the protest movement. The article reflects the period of the emergence of secret revolutionary societies in the country, created by representatives of advanced bourgeois intelligentsia of Iran. The leaders of Shiite clergy joined them, and later began to create and lead such societies themselves. The author focuses on the role and influence of Shiite clergy in the revolutionary activities of various secret societies, such as “Enjomene Mahfi”, which included the main leaders of Shiite clergy of Tehran: Ayatollah Sayyid Abdollah Behbehani and Said Mohammed Tabatabai, politician M. Kermani and others. These organizations carried out a great deal of work among the believers: they published political leaflets, appeals to the Iranian people, called on the people to speak out against the Shah's tyranny and European penetration. The revolu-tion showed the potential of Shiite clergy as an active factor in the socio-political history of Iran.
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Heaton, Paul. « Oil for What?—Illicit Iraqi Oil Contracts and the U.N. Security Council ». Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no 4 (1 novembre 2005) : 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533005775196741.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Oil-For-Food program was established by United Nations Security Council Resolution 986 in 1995 as a means of providing humanitarian relief to Iraq, which had been under U.N. economic sanctions since the Persian Gulf War in 1991. After the invasion of Iraq, considerable evidence emerged suggesting that Saddam Hussein was able to subvert the Oil-For-Food program to obtain hard currency as well as items on the United Nation's prohibited transfer list. In this paper, I use recently available data to examine how the Iraqi government used illicit contracts for underpriced oil to reward supporters. Although it may never be possible to prove conclusively that the Iraqi government used oil contracts as a mechanism to trade bribes for votes in the U.N. Security Council, I demonstrate that nations with seats on the Security Council received a greater number and a greater value of these contracts and that receipt of the contracts was positively associated with pro-Iraqi votes. I also find that Iraq was more likely to give contracts to countries on the Council that had exhibited prior support for the Iraqi regime.
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Rumman, E. Cissy Abu. « Theodore H. McNelly ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 41, no 04 (octobre 2008) : 888. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508231288.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Theodore H. McNelly, professor emeritus, department of government and politics at the University of Maryland, College Park, passed away in February 2008 at the age of 88. Professor Emeritus McNelly was born on December 27, 1919, and received his Ph.D. in 1952 at Columbia University. McNelly joined the faculty in the department of government and politics at Maryland in the fall of 1953 as a lecturer, was promoted to professor in 1967, and retired in 1991.
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Lerner, Natan. « Ethnic Rights in a Changing World ». Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no 1 (février 1992) : 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000203x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Few periods in world history have been so crucial regarding the organization of international life as the last year (August 1990 - September 1991). The President of the now only leading superpower may have been too hasty and may have used too loose language when referring to a ‘new world order’, at the initial stages of the Iraq crisis. But the changes that took place since, in global politics and distribution of power are profound and far-reaching and may affect the legal structure of mankind.
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Mehdi, Safdari. « A Study Examining the Effects of Oil Export in Iran ». Journal of Social and Development Sciences 2, no 2 (15 août 2011) : 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v2i2.653.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The effect of increasing oil incomes on oil exporter countries is the main issues of political economy. Generally and especially about Iran can be recognized this effect in the government spending method, economic structure and behavior of government within the country. Since oil incomes aren’t result of the performance of economic activities, consequently increasing does not show the real economic prosperity. The purpose of this study is to determine the relationship between oil exports and economic growth in Iran. The data were collected from 1961-2006 and were analyzed using Cointegration, Error Correction Model, and VEC Granger causality/Wald Exogeniety model. The result of the analyses showed that there was significant relationship between oil incomes and economic growth. It showed that increasing in oil price rate lead to increasing in the government costs consequently it affect on the exchange rate and lead to increasing in real exchange rate. Therefore oil incomes are regarded as an important factor in Iran's economic growth.
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Fitzgibbon, Jacqueline. « Justifying Jihad : US politics, propaganda and the Afghan Mujahedeen, 1979-1989 ». Boolean : Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no 2011 (1 janvier 2011) : 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2011.14.
Texte intégralRésumé :
‘I believe that our public diplomacy represents a powerful force, perhaps the most powerful force at our disposal, for shaping the history of the world.’ (Ronald Reagan) The Afghan resistance to the Soviet occupation began in 1979 and culminated in the withdrawal of Soviet forces a decade later and was, many believe, instrumental in the disintegration of the Soviet Union shortly after. The administration of President Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), many influential members of Congress and vocal right-wing groups, wholeheartedly supported the anti-government and anti-Soviet resistance efforts of the Afghan mujahedeen. These insurgents were recast as ‘freedom fighters’ and supplied with military hardware, training and economic aid by the US, Pakistan, China, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, the Reagan administration undertook a major public diplomacy programme to promote this view of the mujahedeen to justify American support and ensure that the rest of the world, including Afghanis, saw the rebels in ...
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Oktay, Sibel. « Chamber of opportunities : Legislative politics and coalition security policy ». British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no 1 (17 janvier 2018) : 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117745680.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article adopts a ‘party-political’ approach to studying legislative influence on security policy-making. It argues that legislative logrolling constitutes a key mechanism for the government to secure votes in parliament while facilitating the opposition to advance its own interests, especially when the government requires parliament’s consent for security policy. The article investigates legislative logrolling in the context of weak executives, specifically looking at minority coalitions and majority coalitions with ideological and policy divergences. Logrolling is critical for these types of governments, as their structural and situational weaknesses force them to cooperate with opposition parties to maintain parliamentary support. Using the Danish and Dutch decisions to participate in the 2003 Iraq War, and Israel’s 2005 decision to unilaterally withdraw from Gaza, this article elucidates the ways in which legislative logrolling between the governing and opposition parties facilitates security policy-making in parliament.
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Schayegh, Cyrus. « “SEEING LIKE A STATE” : AN ESSAY ON THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF MODERN IRAN ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no 1 (14 janvier 2010) : 61a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380999081x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This essay argues that with the rise of the autocratic Pahlavi dynasty (1921–79), the state started to cast a long shadow over the historiography of modern Iran. Drawing on dynastic nationalism, modernization policies, and repression, the Pahlavi shahs and their bureaucratic elites produced an image of an all-powerful state completely detached from society. Scholars often reflexively replicated this top-down perspective. The resulting methodological statism, a metanarrative of state action as the inevitable ultimate reference point of all things Iranian, has reified our understanding of the modern Iranian state and, more generally, limited our vision of “the history of Pahlavi Iran.” Fixated on autocratic policymaking, we have ignored routine citizen–government interactions; equally, we lack microhistories of the complex facets of everyday life. By illuminating the politics and history of methodological statism, this essay hopes to prepare the ground for the assimilation of such alternative perspectives into the historiography of modern Iran.