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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Iraq – Politics and government – 1991-"
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HERRING, ERIC. « Between Iraq and a hard place : a critique of the British government's case for UN economic sanctions ». Review of International Studies 28, no 1 (janvier 2002) : 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502000396.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this article I outline the case made by the British government for UN economic sanctions on Iraq, and indicate many of the silences in, and counters to, it. When these silences and counters are taken into consideration, the British government's denial of any share of the responsibility for the devastation of Iraqi society becomes unsustainable. Iraqis have had their human rights violated on a vast scale not only by the regime but also by UN economic sanctions which have exacerbated the effects of the UN coalition's bombing of Iraq in 1991.
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Joffe, George. « Middle Eastern views of the Gulf conflict and its aftermath ». Review of International Studies 19, no 2 (avril 1993) : 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500119023.
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There can be little doubt that the conflict between the UN-authorized and US-led Multinational Coalition and Iraq at the start of 1991, as a result of the Iraqi Ba'athist regime's decision in August 1990 to invade and annex Kuwait, has produced profound changes in the political and diplomatic environment of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as in Mashriqi and Maghribi political attitudes. The new atmosphere of confidence amongst the governments and peoples of the Arab states of the Gulf is clear evidence of these changes, as is the dejection felt in capitals such as Amman, Sanaa and Tunis where government support for the Coalition was less than wholehearted.
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ARMSTRONG, DAVID, et THEO FARRELL. « Force and Legitimacy in World Politics : Introduction ». Review of International Studies 31, S1 (décembre 2005) : 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006893.
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This volume was produced in the context of the crisis of legitimacy that occasioned the 2003 Iraq War. As is well known, a bitter feud broke out in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) over the legality of using force against Iraq. The US government justified going to war in the context of a new doctrine of preventive use of force for self-defence – a doctrine that was soon named after President George W. Bush. The British government anchored its case for war in two previous UNSC resolutions; res. 678 which originally authorised use of force against Iraq in the 1990–91 Gulf War, and res. 687 which suspended res. 678 on a number of conditions including the disarming of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) stockpiles, facilities and programmes. Both the US and British positions were underpinned by intelligence, subsequently proved to be flawed, that Iraq had failed to get rid of its WMD. Opponents of the war disputed this intelligence and, moreover, argued that the Bush Doctrine was plain illegal and ridiculed the British idea of resurrecting twelve-year-old UNSC resolutions.
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ENTESSAR, NADER. « MICHAEL M. GUNTER, The Kurdish Predicament in Iraq : A Political Analysis (New York : St. Martin's Press, 1999), Pp. 191. $39.95 cloth. » International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no 2 (mai 2001) : 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801422069.
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This work is a follow-up to Michael Gunter's earlier book, The Kurds of Iraq: Tragedy and Hope (St. Martin's Press, 1992). In that book, which was published shortly after the first democratic elections in Iraqi Kurdistan and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdish regional government (KRG), Gunter was somewhat optimistic about the prospects for realizing Kurdish national aspirations in Iraq. The book under review, however, strikes a more pessimistic tone based on political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1990s. The main focus of the book is on the causes of continuing conflict between the two major Iraqi Kurdish parties—namely, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—since the end of the 1991 Gulf War and the establishment of the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. The author uses a variety of sources, including interviews with principal Kurdish players and English-language publications.
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Ali, Othman. « A Modern History of the Kurds, 3d rev. ed. » American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no 1 (1 janvier 2006) : 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1642.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This extensive survey of the Kurds’ history is divided into five sections:“The Kurds in the Age of Tribe and Empire,” “Incorporating the Kurds,”“Ethno-nationalism in Iran,” “Ethno-nationalism in Iraq,” and “Ethnonationalismin Turkey.” An introduction on Kurdish identity and social formation, as well as four appendices discussing the Treaty of Sèvres and theKurds of Syria, Lebanon, and Caucasia, are also included. David McDowall,a noted British specialist on Middle Eastern minority affairs and anacknowledged expert on Kurdish studies, has extensively revised the 1996second edition of his book. He provides an analysis of recent Kurdish eventsand a more up-to-date bibliography at the end of each section.This highly detailed history begins in the nineteenth century and ends inthe present day. The author discusses the interplay of the old and new facetsof Kurdish politics: local rivalries within Kurdish society; the enduringauthority of the traditional leadership represented by sheikhs and aghas; thefailure of modern nation states to respond to the challenge of Kurdishnationalism; and the use of Kurdish groups as pawns by major western powersand regional states in the region’s power politics. His methodology is primarilypolitical-historical in nature; however, anthropological and socialanalysis are not totally lacking.As presented by McDowall, a close scrutiny of modern Kurdish historyreveals striking continuities. For example, one pattern has characterizedKurdish-Iraqi relations since 1958: Each Iraqi government pursued peacenegotiations with the Kurds at first, only to fight them when it felt secureabout its rule. This pattern is also found in Iran’s relations with its Kurds.Turkey, however, has pursued a policy that seeks to assimilate and, at times,even ethnically cleanse its Kurdish population.There is also continuity in the major powers’ manipulation of the“Kurdish card” in Iraq. McDowall writes that in 1976, the SelectIntelligence Committee of the House of Representatives reported to theHouse that neither Iran nor the United States would like to see the civil wargoing on in Iraq at that time resolved in a way that would give the Kurds aclear win. Twenty years later, in 1991, the United States implemented a similarpolicy with the Kurds’ so-called “exclusionary zone’’ in northern Iraq.Fearing the consequences likely to follow Saddam Hussein’s overthrow – inparticular, the dismemberment of Iraq and wider regional instability – theUnited States refused to give the Kurds sufficient aid to enable them toestablish an independent homeland ...
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Glennon, Michael J. « The Constitution and Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter ». American Journal of International Law 85, no 1 (janvier 1991) : 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203559.
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Does Security Council Resolution 678, read in conjunction with the United Nations Charter, confer authority on the President under United States domestic law to introduce the United States Armed Forces into hostilities? The operative part of the resolution provides that the Security Council:1.Demands that Iraq comply fully with resolution 660(1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions, and decides, while maintaining all its decisions, to allow Iraq one final opportunity, as a pause of goodwill, to do so;2.Authorizes Member States co-operating with the Government of Kuwait, unless Iraq on or before 15 January 1991 fully implements, as set forth in paragraph 1 above, the foregoing resolutions, to use all necessary means to uphold and implement resolution 660 (1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions and to restore international peace and security in the area;3.Requests all States to provide appropriate support for the actions undertaken in pursuance of paragraph 2 of the present resolution;4.Requests the States concerned to keep the Security Council regularly informed on the progress of actions undertaken pursuant to paragraphs 2 and 3 of the present resolution;5.Decides to remain seized of the matter.
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Abdullah, Farhad Hassan, et Hawre Hasan Hama. « The nature of the political system in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq ». Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no 3 (29 avril 2019) : 300–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119844599.
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The Kurdistan region of Iraq has a substantial number of the customary signs of political system, including the various main branches of the state institutions such as executive, courts, and assembly. Since 1991, the Region has established as certain political system that adheres to a commonly acknowledged type of system of government. Some contend that the political system in the region is a presidential system, however with parliament having had the ability to vote the President in or out for quite a while. Political division, explicitly between the political parties, has ended up being a veritable obstruction to the political advancement and strength of the Region and to concocting a bound together type of political system. The region has suffered from lack of constitution; this has caused political conflicts over the law of the presidency of the region and the ways of electing the President. Therefore, when Barzani's presidency term ended in August 2015, the political parties except the KDP attempted to amend the presidential law and make another law to elect the president inside the parliament until writing the constitution for the Region in which the political parties can agree on the form of the political system and the way of electing the President. This article contends that there is a connection between the nature and structure of the political parties and the political systems that have been proposed as a ruling model for the region. The article also concludes by identifying potential systems of government available to the KRI and the potential consequences of each.
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Wróblewski, Bartosz. « Haszymidzkie Królestwo Jordanii w konfrontacji z ideologią panarabską (1946–1999). Z badań nad stabilnością polityczną monarchii arabskich ». Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no 4 (2022) : 381–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.4.26.
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Since early 1950s military coups were a frequent phenomenon in the Arab world. In consequence of that a lot of monarchies fell and they were replaced with republics. In fact, however, the politics became dominated by violence and the regimes quickly became oppressive dictatorships. The new governments made use of the pan-Arab ideology to legitimize their authority (which aimed at uniting Arabs from Morocco to Iraq). The small Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan became an important place of confrontation between the pan-Arab ideology and the monarchy, with its traditional legitimization of power. Since approximately 1948 until 1990s there was competition between parties and political movements opting for pan-Arabism or the court of the Hashemite. This resulted in severe political crises in 1956–1957, 1966 and 1991. The consequence of that was also the civil war of 1970. The Jordan monarchy succeeded in overcoming these crises and emerged victorious from the ideological struggle. The current monarchy maintained complete authority and recognition, while pan-Arabism underwent marginalization.
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Oeter, Stefan. « Kurds Between Quests for Statehood, Struggle for Autonomy and Denied Minority Rights ». German Yearbook of International Law 63, no 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.63.1.339.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Kurdish question is a heritage of the post-WW1 peacemaking – an unfortunate legacy that has cast a long shadow for a century. The dreams of the Kurdish national movement that had developed in the late phase of the Ottoman Empire to gain its own Kurdish nation-State were disappointed after 1919, instead the Kurdish territories were incorporated into the newly founded States of Turkey, Iraq and Syria. None of these new States was ready to accept political rights for a Kurdish community as a separate people on their territory – just to the contrary, the new Turkish Republic was decided to assimilate Kurds in their ‘great’ Turkish nation, and also the soon forming new States of Iraq and Syria repressed any sign of Kurdish separatism and insistence on Kurdish traditions and a distinct ethnicity. A new situation developed in the aftermath of the US interventions since 1991. The events following these interventions were the starting point for the de facto autonomy that developed in Kurdish Northern Iraq throughout the 1990s. Hopes for an autonomy arrangement for the mainly Kurdish territories in the eastern parts of Turkey were to arise some years later. After 2011, a new opportunity for (factual) Kurdish self-government opened up in Syria as a side effect of the civil war in that State. The paper looks look into the normative benchmarks on how to deal with the Kurdish question. In a first part, the essay will reconstruct the major legal reference points concerning self-determination of the Kurdish people. In a second step, the text will turn to autonomy arrangements as a middle-ground solution for the need for structures of ‘internal self-determination’. In a third step, as a concession to ‘realpolitik’, the minimalist options in the context of minority protection will be mapped, in their potentials, but also in their pitfalls.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. « The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D. » Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no 2 (10 avril 2021) : 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
Thèses sur le sujet "Iraq – Politics and government – 1991-"
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CHAMS, EL DINE Chérine. « Stratégies de survie de l'autoritarisme : gestion de l'élite gouvernante dans l'Irak de Saddam Hussein ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10456.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Hamit Bozarslan, (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris) ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers, (Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence) ; Prof. Eberhard Kienle, (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter, (Institut Universitaire Européen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Au début du 21ème siècle l’autoritarisme semble perdurer dans quelques régions du globe, notamment le monde arabe, où il résiste aux vagues de démocratisation successives. Ce travail s’interroge sur les mécanismes de perpétuation des autoritarismes et tente de comprendre les stratégies qui permettent à ces derniers de se renouveler au jour le jour pour répondre aux défis externes et internes qui mettent en péril leur survie. Ce faisant cette recherche a favorisé l’étude des modes de gestion et de circulation de l’élite gouvernante au détriment d’autres hypothèses expliquant la survie de l’autoritarisme, et a choisi le régime irakien de Saddam Hussein comme cas d’étude, compte tenu de l’habileté dont il a fait preuve pour survivre à des crises déstabilisatrices. Une revue quasi-exhaustive de la littérature sur l’autoritarisme ainsi que sur les théories de « circulation d’élite » permet de rentrer dans le vif du sujet : l’examen des modes de gestion et de la composition de l’élite gouvernante irakienne à travers une étude biographique approfondie de celle-ci. L’objectif de ce travail est d’en extraire un modèle contribuant à l’explication de la survie du régime irakien sous Saddam Hussein.
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Chowdhury, Rashed. « Negotiating identity : the Shī'ite ulama and the colonial state in Iraq, 1914-1924 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99581.
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This thesis deals with the political role of the Shi`te ulama in Iraq between the British invasion of 1914 and the expulsion of leading Shi`ite mujtahids from Iraq by King Fayṣal I in 1924. The thesis argues that the conception of identity propagated by the Shi`te mujtahids underwent a transformation during this period. Whereas the mujtahids stressed the need for Islamic unity and encouraged an Iraqi national identity in the early years of this period, in later years some of them formulated a sect-based Iraqi Shi`ite identity in response to discrimination in favour of Sunnis by the monarchy.
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LaCoco, Kimberly. « British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Decision to Go to War in Iraq : An Evaluation of Motivating Factors ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9842/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Blair sent British troops to join U.S. forces in the invasion of Iraq in 2003 at great political cost to himself. What motivated him to take this step? Sources for this work include: autobiographies and biographies of individuals close to Blair; journal and newspaper articles and monographs on this topic; Prime Minister's speeches and press conferences. Part one is comprised of five chapters including the Introduction; Blair's years at school; Blair's early political career; and From Parliament to Prime Minister. Part two includes four chapters that analyze motivating factors such as, Anglo-American Relations; Blair's personality, faith, and his relationship with Gordon Brown; and finally, Blair's perception of Britain's Manifest Destiny. All of these factors played a role in Blair's decision.
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Shafafi, Pardis. « Secretly familiar : public secrets of a post traumatic diaspora ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11830.
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In 1979, the socio-political landscape of Iran was transformed beyond recognition. After years of conflict between the Shah and a myriad of political opposition groups, it seemed that the people had indeed triumphed over an authoritarian monarch. As is now widely known, their short lived victory transformed into a systematic programme of terror that turned back on and attacked those that the Islamic Republic deemed contrary to its values. The ‘bloody decade' of the 1980s saw thousands of executions and disappearances under the cloak of the war with neighbouring Iraq. The records of these massacres are still largely unreliable and/or incomplete. The programme of terror in question, that ensued and persists up to the present day, has instigated a sprawling transnational Diaspora with a familiar but rarely divulged public secret. My doctoral thesis comprises two main parts in relation to these events. They are connected by the running theme of alternative narratives of past violence, and a post-traumatic political activism. This is an intimate ethnography that examines global processes (revolution, Diaspora, transnational activism) from the vantage point of local and particular histories of Lur, former Fadaiyan guerilla fighters in Oslo. In the second part of this work, these histories are located within the collective movement of the Iran Tribunal, a literal attempt to make secrets public and to bring together subjective experiences of violence into a truth-‐telling process. Opening up a new space for critical reflection, this study proposes an alternative lens of analysis of tumultuous historical processes. With regards to their actors, efforts are made to better understand how lives and narratives are ordered around the characteristic disorder of violence, fear and Diaspora itself, and how subjective traumas manifest into collective, and in this case transnational, movements. My ethnography of disordered and interrupted lives works to inform studies of such critical contemporary realities as well as to ethnographically introduce the Iranian Diasporas' public secret of violence for wider anthropological enquiry, and to contribute towards its critical analysis.
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Jacobsen, Donavan. « The rise and fall of presidential power in Iran / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=116032.
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This project explores the power dynamics within the Iranian political system, asking what accounts for the rise and fall of a president's power relative to the other dominant formal and informal institutions in Iran. Comparing perspectives that focus on charisma, ideology and political bargaining, I argue that the relative power of the president is contingent on a variety of institutional and behavioural factors which define his ability to bargain within an institutional structure of overlapping spheres of control. Within this study, I challenge the traditional emphasis on process as a point of departure for analyses, and stress the need for a change in orientation to effect or output. Finally, I argue that the extensive factionalism within Iranian politics defines the political system and is integral to the cost-benefit calculations of various actors within the institutional matrix of the state.
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Kharazmi, Omid Ali. « Modelling the role of university-industry collaboration in the Iranian National System of Innovation : generating transition policy scenarios ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3060.
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In a knowledge-based economy the collaboration between university, industry and government is vital for growth and innovation (Etzkowitz, 2008). A conceptual model of the relevant macro and micro environment was developed using the theoretical constructs from the literature on systems of innovation theories including, National Systems of Innovation, Porter’s ‘Cluster’ or ‘Diamond’ model, and the ‘Triple-Helix Model’ of university–industry-government interactions. The role of culture and trust in different systems of innovation theories was examined, and the role these elements play in UIC activities was found to be particularly important, though vague on the processes. A generic model of university-industry-government interrelations was developed to aid a systemic understanding of the mechanisms (primary barriers and drivers) for productive collaboration. This systems model was used in the formation of policy instruments designed to improve university-industry collaboration (UIC), and thereby the means of regional economic development. These policy experiments are applied to the case of Iran. However, since the future of Iran in this context is highly uncertain due to cultural, political and economic factors there are few assumptions which can be relied upon as a basis for traditional innovation management practice. Instead, it is intended to use the systems model in a series of scenario-based analyses of the effectiveness of policy instruments on the UIC associated with two Iranian cluster industries. A questionnaire survey and a series of semi-structured stakeholder interview methodology were used to build a basis for these scenario techniques. The method of systems modelling to generate policy change scenarios for UIC is a novel feature of this research. Analysis of the causal relationships of UIC activities in Iran found many were biased to create an established behaviour pattern (culture) which is overwhelmingly negative. This negative behaviour is manifest as a significant lack of trust at all interfaces between the primary actors in the system. According to the results of this research, trust is influenced by many factors including government activities, institutional structure, institutional culture, and also national culture of the country. The systems model is a complex interaction of reinforcing loops that emphasizes the scale of challenge policy-makers face in creating effective innovation systems, and may explain why few developing countries have been successful in achieving economic transition. This research shows how a policy development framework was formed using the UIC systems model to understand the structural problems facing Iran. A set of evolved states (exploratory and future-backward scenarios) served to illustrate the effect of these policy choices, and therefore to inform an improvement agenda for UIC activities in Iran.
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Paberzyte, Ieva. « Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
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This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
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Gallagher, Amelia. « The Albanian atheist state, 1967-1991 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43872.pdf.
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Shortt, Celia M. « The U.S. Government and Journalists‚ Reactance to the News Coverage of the Iraq Wars ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1249393177.
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Page, Michael von Tangen. « The IRA, Sinn Fein and the hunger strike of 1981 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14348.
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This thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.
Livres sur le sujet "Iraq – Politics and government – 1991-"
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1937-, Hussein Saddam, et Moore Fred, dir. Iraq speaks : Documents on the Gulf Crisis. Palo Alto, CA : F. Moore, 1991.
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Musallam, Ali Musallam. Iraqi invasion of Kuwait : Saddam Hussein, his state and international power politics. London : British Academic Press, 1995.
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Musallam, Musallam Ali. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait : Saddam Hussein, his state and international power politics. London : British Academic Press, 1996.
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Ahmed, Hashim, dir. Iraq : Sanctions and beyond. Boulder, Colo : Westview Press, 1997.
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Ḥassān, Muḥsin al-Shaykh Āl. Wa-taḥyā al-Kuwayt : Maqālāt ṣihafīyah. [Jiddah : s.n., 1991.
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Jamāl, Muḥammad ʻAbd al-Hādī. al- Kuwayt wa-ayyām al-iḥtilāl. [Kuwait : s.n.], 1992.
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Sharaf, Aḥmad. Masīrat al-niẓām al-dawlī al-jadīd qabla wa-baʻda ḥarb al-Khalīj. [Cairo] : Dār al-Thaqāfah al-Jadīdah, 1992.
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Saʻīd, Muḥammad al-Sayyid. Mustaqbal al-niẓām al-ʻArabī baʻda azmat al-Khalīj. al-Kuwayt : al-Majlis al-Waṭanī lil-Thaqāfah wa-al-Funūn wa-al-Ādāb, 1992.
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ʻIṭrī, Muḥammad Sāmir. Ḥaqāʾiq fī aḥdāth al-Khalīj : Dirāsah. Dimashq : Dār Majallat al-Thaqāfah, 1991.
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Jamāl, Muḥammad ʻAbd al-Hādī. al- Kuwayt wa-ayyām al-iḥtilāl. [Kuwait : s.n., 1992.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Iraq – Politics and government – 1991-"
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Al Alwan, Nada A. S. « General Oncology Care in Iraq ». Dans Cancer in the Arab World, 63–82. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7945-2_5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe estimated population of Iraq (40,222,493 in 2020) continues to grow at a rate of 2.4% per year; only 5% is over 60 years with a life expectancy approaching 72 years. There are 18 governorates in Iraq. Before 1990, Iraq had the most robust healthcare system in the Middle East. The consequences of the successive wars and political instability yielded a significant shortage in the medical resources and funds. Currently, the government spends 6–7% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on the health sector, providing free of charge services to all citizens through a network of primary healthcare centers and public hospitals. The Iraqi Cancer Board of the Ministry of Health is responsible for implementing the National Cancer Control Plan (NCCP). The latest Iraqi Cancer Registry revealed that the top recorded malignancies among the population are the breast, bronchus, and lungs followed by colorectal cancers, whereas the most common causes of malignant related deaths are cancers of the bronchus and lungs, breast, and leukemia. Overall, there are over 40 public cancer care facilities distributed among the governorates. This chapter illustrates the general oncology care in Iraq; highlighting the implemented elements of the NCCP, the offered specialized cancer services, and the international collaborations on cancer control and research.
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Opoku, Darko Kwabena. « Strains in Government-Business Relations, 1983–1991 ». Dans The Politics of Government-Business Relations in Ghana, 1982–2008, 75–100. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113107_5.
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Kaša, Rita, et Inta Mieriņa. « Introduction ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 1–10. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12092-4_1.
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Abstract This volume contributes to research on migration from Latvia, a country in Central Eastern Europe (CEE), following the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991. The experience of independent Latvia with borders opening up to the world and more specifically to the West has turned out to be both a rewarding and wounding experience for communities in the country. On the rewarding side, individuals have gained liberty – an ability to travel the world freely, to see and live in the countries which were beyond the closed doors of the Soviet Union just some decades ago. This freedom, however, has also brought the sense of cost to the society – people are going abroad as if dissolving into other worlds, away from their small homeland. The context of decreasing birth rates and ageing in the country seems to amplify a feeling of loss which is supported by hard evidence. Research shows a worrying 17% decline in Latvia’s population between 2000 and 2013. One third of this is due to declining birth rates and two-thirds is caused by emigration (Hazans 2016). This situation has turned out to be hurtful experience for communities in Latvia causing a heightened sense of grief especially during the Great Recession which shook the country at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. By 2013 the feeling of crises even larger than the economic downturn came to a head in Latvian society, pushing the government for the first time in the history of independent Latvia to recognise the migration of the country’s nationals and to acknowledge diaspora politics as an important item on the national policy agenda.
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« Government and Politics in Iraq, 1941–1958 ». Dans ‘Independent Iraq’. I.B. Tauris, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755612307.ch-001.
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Dawisha, Adeed. « Potholes in the Democratic Road, 1936–1958 ». Dans Iraq. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0006.
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This chapter analyzes political developments in Iraq from 1936 to 1958. Any growth of democratic ideas and institutions that had been achieved earlier came to an abrupt halt in 1936 following the military coup. Army officers, custodians of political power between 1936 and 1941, cared little, if at all, about democratic institutions and practices. They were succeeded by civilian governments, openly abetted by the Palace, which systematically interfered in the workings of the country's supposed representative institutions. Political parties and groupings operating within the straitjacket of military government and martial law had all but disappeared from the political scene. And successive governments made certain to emasculate Parliament of even the flimsiest pretense of independence and impartiality.
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Coakley, John, et Jennifer Todd. « The Downing Street Declaration and Framework Documents, 1993–1995 ». Dans Negotiating a Settlement in Northern Ireland, 1969-2019, 208–338. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841388.003.0004.
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The Downing Street Declaration of 1993 and the Framework Documents of 1995 mark a new direction in British–Irish policy. After the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, the Irish government had gained a formal voice in the internal affairs of Northern Ireland, but the IRA campaign continued. At the end of the 1980s, a new initiative was launched: an effort to persuade Sinn Féin and the IRA to move to a purely political path. Spearheaded by nationalist leader John Hume, this took the form of successive redrafting of a statement drawn up initially by Hume following his discussions with Gerry Adams. In the resulting Downing Street Declaration of 1993, the two governments agreed to facilitate Irish unity should this be the wish of a majority in Northern Ireland. This was followed—after several months—by an IRA and then a loyalist ceasefire, and it was amplified by the Framework Documents of 1995, which outline a constitutional blueprint for a future settlement. In the witness seminar used to provide an insight into this process, British and Irish officials recalled in detail the painful redrafting and consultation processes that led ultimately to agreement between the governments and acceptance by the parties.
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Dawisha, Adeed. « The Uncertain Nation, 1921–1936 ». Dans Iraq. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses the efforts to create a nation out of Iraq's disparate communities. One of the most urgent and important tasks that was undertaken by the new Iraqi state was to mold disparate communities, divided by ethnicity, sect and tribe, lacking social and cultural connections, into one viable nation. This was no easy task for the King and his government. The state that the British assembled in 1921 had major fissures between Arab and Kurd, Sunni and Shi'ite. These fault lines overlapped with, and indeed were cemented by, the cultural and economic disparities that existed between the urban and rural areas. Of the rural population, much of which was abjectly poor and illiterate, 65 percent was Shi'ite and only 16 percent was Arab Sunni. These communal divisions would prove to be some of the most obstinate hurdles to social and political integration in Iraq during the first decade and a half of the country's life, and even beyond.
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Dawisha, Adeed. « Consolidating the Monarchical State, 1921–1936 ». Dans Iraq. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0002.
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This chapter discusses creation and consolidation of the Iraqi state from 1921 to 1936. The period of gestation for the Iraqi state, from conception to birth, was just under eleven months. While debates and policy conflicts within British policy-making circles over the future of Mesopotamia had raged for much longer, the arrival in October 1920 of Sir Percy Cox as the new High Commissioner of Iraq, tasked with ending direct British military rule and establishing an indigenous government, signaled British determined intent to create a state in the land of Mesopotamia. The form of the political system, namely a constitutional monarchy, took shape at the Cairo Conference in the spring of 1921, and the process was finally crowned with the enthronement of King Faysal on August 23, 1921. However, the effort to accumulate power, as well as to deny it to the other, caused significant tension between the King and the British High Commissioner.
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Dawisha, Adeed. « Framing Democracy with a Certain Indifference, 1921–1936 ». Dans Iraq. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0003.
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This chapter analyzes the democracy and the process of democratization in Iraq. Robert Dahl has identified eight minimal conditions for a functioning democracy: freedom to form and join organizations, freedom of expression, the right to vote, eligibility for public office, the right of political leaders to compete for support and votes, availability of alternative sources of information, free and fair elections, and institutions for making government policies depend on votes and other expressions of preference. However, these “minimal” conditions are only for mature democracies that tend to reside mainly in the Northern Hemisphere. If these “minimal” conditions were to be applied to the developing world, the analyst would be hard put to identify a single democracy, with the possible exception of India. This dilemma is certainly true in the case of Iraq. When set against the rigorous standards of mature Western democracies, monarchical Iraq fell short, indeed way short, of the Western democratic ideal.
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O’loughlin, John. « The Political Geography of Conflict : Civil Wars in the Hegemonic Shadow ». Dans The Geography of War and Peace. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162080.003.0010.
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The attack by the United States on Iraq in March 2003 was atypical of contemporary conflicts. While the attempt to kill Saddam Hussein on March 19 marked the opening of hostilities and was broadcast worldwide instantaneously, a much more destructive conflict that had raged for five years in the Democratic Republic of the Congo continued to receive hardly any notice. The war to depose the Hussein regime resulted in fewer than 12,000 dead (122 U.S. and U.K. troops, 6,000–7,000 civilians, and about 5,000 Iraqi military casualties). The civil wars in the Congo (formerly Zaire) since 1998 have resulted in 3.1 to 4.7 million dead, with 250,000 killed in the fighting near Bunia (eastern Congo) in 2002–2003. Conflict directly caused 300,000 deaths worldwide in 2000, more than half of them in Africa. Conflict directly accounts for 0.5% of all global deaths; the indirect effects are significantly larger. These gruesome comparative statistics on casualties illustrate well the main themes of this chapter about post–Cold War conflicts. First, contemporary wars are disproportionately civil conflicts; only a handful of interstate wars have occurred in the last decade. Second, the United States has been disproportionately involved in both interstate and civil wars, either directly by attacking another country (Panama in 1989, Iraq in 1991, Yugoslavia in 1999, Afghanistan in 2001, Iraq in 2003) or indirectly by supporting governments that are under pressure from rebels (e.g., Haiti, Pakistan, Colombia, Israel, Turkey, the Philippines, Macedonia, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia). Third, civil wars are lasting longer than ever before; the average length is now eight years. Fourth, civil wars are much more destructive of life and property than interstate wars, partly because international structures and rules are either unavailable or ignored. More mechanisms exist to resolve interstate disputes. Fifth, overwhelming U.S. military power and a growing disparity with its opponents have resulted increasingly in asymmetric use of force and “risk-transfer wars.” Tiny U.S. casualties stand in sharp contrast to large numbers of civilian and military deaths in the countries under attack. The gap is expected to grow as U.S. military expenditures soon equal those of all other countries combined and new high-tech weaponry is rushed into production.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Iraq – Politics and government – 1991-"
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« Kurdistan’s Politics Issues Regarding Production Sharing Contract with Iraqi Central Government and Analyses Whether This Contract Best Suits Kurdistan or Iraq as Whole ». Dans International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2018p3.
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Fuentes, Gabriel. « The Politics of Memory : Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba ». Dans 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.
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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, et محمد إسماعيل جمعه. « "Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model" ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
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"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Iraq – Politics and government – 1991-"
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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.
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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.