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1
Moore, Eric D. « The Crisis of Cooperation : A Critical Analysis of Russian-Iranian Relations in the Post-Soviet Era ». PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/902.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the study of contemporary politics few interstate relationships have proven more instrumental, controversial, and perplexing to global policy makers than that which has persisted between Moscow and Tehran since the collapse of the USSR. Despite the great importance of Russian-Iranian relations to questions of global and regional politics there has, to date, been very little in the way of critical scholarship performed on the subject. While a wide-array of accounts from subject analysts provide a wealth of data on contemporary and historical events which have presumably defined and conditioned bilateral relations, there has been relatively little effort to isolate, examine, test, and evaluate those conditions or variables that are deemed salient to cooperation. In light of these circumstances, this study seeks to initiate a tradition of scholarship on Russian-Iranian relations that appeals broadly to the use of a scientific methodology. The first step of any scientific inquiry requires attention devoted expressly to the development of a dependent variable of bilateral political affinity. While it remains outside the scope of this present investigation to analyze the host of factors/conditions capable of influencing bilateral relations, the formalization of a variable which records changing political affinity is a necessary first step and one that will fill-in a significant gap within the existing literary tradition. Rather than simply dismissing the extant tradition of literature on Russian-Iranian relations, this study seeks to aggregate and transform the subject's many diverse narratives into a user-friendly, quantitative, political metric which can form the basis for future empirical inquiry. Thus this study introduces a new approach to monitoring and measuring changes in Russian-Iranian cooperation known as General Political Affinity (GPA). Represented on the basis of a 21-point scaled indicator of bilateral affinity, GPA succinctly defines cooperation between Moscow and Tehran as the summation of three underlying, persistent issue dimensions: the trade in conventional weapons; cooperation in Iranian nuclear development; and level of agreement on matters of Caspian Sea delimitation. In more generic terms, these three criteria seek to evaluate interstate cooperation, generically, as a product of: defense cooperation; state-sponsored development assistance; and territorial agreement. The unique approach to operationalizing political affinity presented in this study not only functionally improves our ability to explain and predict the course of Russian-Iranian relations, but also provides a new schematic for evaluating bilateral relations among all political dyads.
2
Clary, Eric Michael. « Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy : Regional Power Transition in the Middle East ». PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
3
Volkov, Denis Vladimirovich. « Oriental studies and foreign policy : Russian/Soviet 'Iranology' and Russo-Iranian relations in late Imperial Russia and the early USSR ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/oriental-studies-and-foreign-policy-russiansoviet-iranology-and-russoiranian-relations-in-late-imperial-russia-and-the-early-ussr(8e28977b-999b-419c-8721-b20f22e9b76a).html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Russia and Iran have been subject to mutual influence since the reign of Shah Abbas I (1588-1629). For most of the time this relationship was not one of equals: since the early nineteenth century and lasting at least until 1946, Russia and then the USSR, in strong competition with Britain, had been gradually, and for the most part steadily, increasing its political, cultural and economic influence within Iran up to very high levels. Nevertheless, the history of Russian/Soviet-Iranian relations still remains understudied, particularly in English-language scholarship. One of the main reasons for this gap must be sought in the hampered access of Western researchers to Russian archives during the Soviet time, which made them draw on Russian-language literature, traditionally pre-occupied with the history of social movements, and with the mechanical retelling of political and economic processes. Thus the cultural and political ties of the two countries on institutional and individual levels (especially during the period surrounding 1917), the influence of Russia, and then of the USSR, on Iran and vice versa, in political, economic and cultural spheres through the activities of individuals, as well as the methods and tools used by the “Big Northern neighbour” during the execution of its foreign policy towards Iran did not receive proper attention, and thus lack detailed analysis. This research addresses the lack of detailed analysis of the power/knowledge nexus in relation to Russia’s Persian/Iranian Studies – the largest and most influential sub-domain within Russia’s Oriental Studies during the late Imperial and the early Soviet periods. The specific focus of this study is the involvement of Russian ‘civilian’ (academic) and ‘practical’ (military officers, diplomats, and missionaries) Persian Studies scholarship in Russian foreign policy towards Persia/Iran from the end of the nineteenth century up to 1941 – a period witnessing some of the most crucial events in the history of both countries. It is during this period that Persia/Iran was the pivot of Russia’s Eastern foreign policy but at the same time almost every significant development inside Russia as well as in her Western policies also had an immediate impact on this country – the state of affairs that ultimately culminated in the second Soviet invasion of Iran in 1941. My thesis is based on extensive research in eleven important political, military and academic archives of Russia and Georgia, which allowed me to consult a significant amount of hitherto unpublished, often still unprocessed and only recently declassified, primary sources. While engaging with notions such as Orientalism, my analysis aims at transcending Edward Said’s concept of a mere complicity of knowledge with imperial power. My theoretical approach builds on Michel Foucault’s conceptualisation of the interplay of power/knowledge relations, his notion of discourse, and his writings on the role of the intellectual. While demonstrating the full applicability of the Foucauldian model to the Russian case through the study of the power/knowledge nexus in late Imperial and early Soviet Russia’s Persian Studies, or Iranology, I focus on the activities of scholars and experts within their own professional domains and analyse what motivated them and how their own views, beliefs and intentions correlated with their work, how their activities were influenced by the hegemonic discourses within Russian society. I analyse the interaction of these intellectuals with state structures and their participation in the process of shaping and conducting foreign policy towards Iran, both as part of the Russian scholarly community as a whole and as individuals on the personal level. For the first time my work explores at such level of detail the specific institutional practices of Russia’s Oriental Studies, including the organisation of scholarly intelligence networks, the taking advantage of state power for the promotion of institutional interests, the profound engagement with Russia’s domestic and foreign policy discourses of the time, etc. In addition, the thesis presents a detailed assessment of the organisation of Iranology as a leading sub-domain within the broader scholarly field of Oriental Studies in the period from the end of the nineteenth century to 1941 and analyses the principles and mechanisms of its involvement in Russia’s foreign policy towards Persia/Iran.
4
AKTI, Serkan. « NATO-Russian relation status and prospectives ». Thesis, Monterey, California, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1326.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has attributed great importance to the development of cooperation with Russia. This thesis, first, evaluates the main developments in NATO - Russian relations since 1991. Although Moscow and the Alliance established a NATO - Russia Council (NRC) and asserted the initiation of a qualitatively new relationship, Russia still needs to fulfill some requirements for catching up the Western standards. Russia's external relations and political, economic and security factors internal to Russia will determine the future of the relationship. This thesis examines Russia's political development and transformation of its economic system, and establishes the problems in its political and economic systems. It also examines Russia's problematic external relations in the region, and their impact on the NATO - Russian relationship. It looks into Russia's National Security Concept, explores regional conflicts such as Chechnya and Georgia, and the U.S. - NATO presence in Central Asia. Then, it examines the oil and natural gas transportation problems created by the Russian monopoly, and evaluates Russian technology transfers to Iran, particularly in the nuclear sector. Consequently, it evaluates the internal and external interactions mentioned above and offers conclusions about the prospects for security and stability in Europe.
Lieutenant, Turkish Navy
5
Nocetti, Julien. « La Russie de Vladimir Poutine au Moyen-Orient : analyses d'une ambition de "retour" (2000-2013) ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCF007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le Moyen-Orient représente un « Sud » souvent occulté dans l’analyse de la politique étrangère de la Russie. Or, la politique de Moscou au Moyen-Orient constitue un indicateur souvent révélateur des dynamiques, des atouts et des limites de la puissance russe. Sur la période étudiée (2000-2013), la poursuite d’objectifs « rationnels » – maximisation de la sécurité de l’État dans un système international perçu comme anarchique – n’exclut pas une quête identitaire éclairant la manière dont la Russie se perçoit au monde, souvent en opposition à l’Occident. Notre recherche interroge ainsi le réinvestissement du Moyen-Orient par la Russie de Vladimir Poutine en se penchant sur les logiques internes et extérieures de la politique russe. D’une part, à sa prise de fonctions, Vladimir Poutine est ainsi confronté au double défi d’éviter la polarisation ethnique et religieuse de la population russe et d’améliorer l’image de la Russie dans le monde arabo-musulman après les guerres de Tchétchénie. D’autre part, le Moyen-Orient reste le lieu traditionnel de l’affirmation de la puissance russe. À travers les grands dossiers sécuritaires de la région, Moscou jauge celle-ci à l’aune de l’Occident, en particulier des États-Unis, tout en faisant le pari, depuis la crise financière internationale et la guerre de Géorgie en 2008, d’un déclin inexorable de la puissance américaine. À partir de 2011, les « printemps arabes » révèlent une politique russe conservatrice par instinct, prudente dans son exécution, faite de manœuvres et de compromis si nécessaire et privilégiant les partenariats tactiques aux alliances contraignantesA highly and recurrent belligerent region, the Middle East represents a “South” which is often neglected in the study of Russian foreign policy. However, Moscow’s policy in the Middle East constitutes a particularly relevant indicator of the dynamics, assets, and limits of the Russian power. In our study period (2000-2013) the pursuit of “rational” objectives – the maximization of the state’s security within an international system perceived as anarchic – does not exclude an identity quest which enlightens the way Russia sees itself in the world, often in opposition to the West. Our research thus questions the reinvestment of the Middle East by Vladimir Putin’s Russia by addressing both the domestic and external rationales of Russian policy there. Once elected president in 2000, Vladimir Putin faced the twofold challenge of preventing an ethnic and religious polarization of the Russian population, and of improving Russia’s image in the Arab-Muslim world after the two wars fought in Chechnya. On the other side, the Middle East remains the traditional area for asserting Russia’s power. Through the main security issues in the region, Moscow mainly gauges the Middle East with regard to the West, most notable the United States, while betting, since the world financial crisis and the Georgia war in 2008, an inexorable decline of the American power. Since 2011, the “Arab Spring” uprisings have revealed a conservative by instinct and a cautious in its execution Russian policy, made of maneuvers and compromises if necessary and favoring tactic partnerships to constraining alliances
6
Yusifov, Shahin. « La Turquie dans la politique de l'Azerbaïdjan en 1992-1998 : aspects politique, institutionnel et sécuritaire ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’écroulement de l’URSS à la fin du XX siècle a donné naissance à quinze nouveaux États indépendants sur un large territoire eurasien. Tel est le cas de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des pays du Caucase du sud, qui a regagné son indépendance après l’effondrement du système socialiste en 1991. Grâce à sa situation géographique et à ses richesses énergétiques (pétrole et gaz), l’Azerbaïdjan occupe une place stratégique et fait l’objet d’un « jeu » géopolitique, aussi bien à l’échelle régionale que mondiale entre de grandes puissances telles que les États-Unis, l’Union Européenne, la Russie, la Turquie et quelques autres. En retour, il essaie de jouer son atout, en appliquant une politique étrangère multivectorielle. Parmi eux, la Turquie occupe une place privilégiée dans la politique étrangère de l’Azerbaïdjan, grâce à son histoire, sa langue, sa religion et leurs traditions communes. Cette thèse s’est fixée pour objectif d’analyser les relations qui se sont établies entre l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie, en se basant sur trois axes qui constituent les pivots principaux des relations bilatérales entre les deux États: politique, économique (commercial) et sécuritaire (stratégique)The collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security)
7
Seyfi, Siamak. « Le tourisme iranien à l'épreuve des sanctions internationales : les mécanismes de résilience touristique dans un contexte politique en transition ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H093.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Malgré l'utilisation croissante des sanctions en tant qu’outil de politique étrangère de plus en plus populaire dans le paysage des relations internationales contemporaines, les recherches liant les sanctions au tourisme sont limitées, et ce, malgré leur impact considérable sur les destinations et les flux touristiques. Le tourisme est profondément affecté par les sanctions qui peuvent détériorer profondément l'image d’une destination, restreindre sévèrement les voyages internationaux, et perturber les investissements financiers et les chaînes d'approvisionnement. Des sanctions plus globales peuvent engendrer des difficultés économiques considérables sur les destinations, ainsi que des effets indirects, notamment une baisse de la valeur monétaire et des pressions inflationnistes. Peu de pays ont subi un aussi grand nombre de sanctions que l’Iran. Le pays fait l’objet de longues et lourdes sanctions depuis près de quarante ans. L’accord nucléaire iranien de 2015 a permis un rebond du tourisme iranien. Or, le retrait unilatéral américain de 2018 a brutalement mis fin aux espoirs de développement rapide. À partir de l’analyse des conséquences touristiques des sanctions contre l’Iran, et dans le cadre d’une géopolitique émergente, ce travail propose une double approche de ces relations. La première analyse la littérature des sanctions dans le tourisme, en montrant les différents impacts des sanctions sur l’écosystème touristique définissant le cadre conceptuel et théorique de l’étude. Cette première approche est complétée par l’analyse des entretiens passés avec des acteurs clés en Iran pour décrypter les contraintes des sanctions pour les professionnels iraniens du tourisme. La deuxième s’attache à comprendre les mécanismes d'adaptation des autres destinations ayant subi des sanctions (Cuba, Russie et Turquie) pour répondre aux conséquences touristiques des sanctions. Dans l’ensemble, ce travail de recherche approfondit la connaissance des relations entre la géopolitique, la politique étrangère et le tourisme, fournit une analyse des effets des sanctions internatonales sur les destinations et étudie les phénomènes de résilience touristiqueDespite the growing use of sanctions as an increasingly popular foreign policy tool in the contemporary international relations landscape, there is limited research on sanctions in a tourism context despite their substantial impact on destinations and tourist flows. Tourism is profoundly affected by sanctions impacting tourism and hospitality businesses and destination image, severely restricting international travel, and disrupting financial investment and supply chains. More comprehensive sanctions may lead to substantial economic hardship in destinations as well as indirect effects including decline in the value of currency and inflationary pressures. Few countries have suffered as many sanctions as Iran. The country has been subjected to long and severe sanctions for nearly forty years. The Iranian nuclear agreement of 2015 allowed a rebound of the Iranian tourism. However, the US unilateral withdrawal of 2018 has brutally put an end to hopes for rapid development. From the analysis of the tourist consequences of the sanctions against Iran, and within the framework of an emerging geopolitics, this thesis proposes a double approach of these relations. The first analyzes the literature of sanctions in tourism, showing the different impacts of sanctions on the tourist ecosystem defining the conceptual and theoretical framework of the study. This first approach is complemented by the analysis of interviews with key actors in Iran to decipher the constraints of sanctions for Iranian tourism professionals. The second focuses on understanding the adaptation mechanisms of other sanctioned destinations (Cuba, Russia and Turkey) to address the tourism consequences of sanctions. Overall, this work deepens the understanding of the relationships between geopolitics, foreign policy and tourism, provides an analysis of the effects of international sanctions on destinations and studies the phenomena of tourism resilience
8
Anlar, Aslihan. « Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era ». Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquos self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
9
Morsy, Ahmed. « Bandwagon for profit : Egyptian foreign policy toward Iran ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13077.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What explains the lack of normalized relations between Egypt and Iran? Despite mutual potential benefits Egypt and Iran could have gained from normalized bilateral relations over the past several decades, a range of factors prevented them from doing so, including personality politics, domestic political and economic considerations, as well as regional and external alliances and competing visions of regional order. Accordingly, the trajectory of modern Egyptian policy toward Iran has been non-linear. Realist and constructivist schools of International Relations theory, on their own, cannot adequately explain how Egypt's foreign policy toward Iran varied from times of hostility, friendship, stagnation, and openness under Presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, and Muhammad Morsi. As such, neoclassical realism - with its emphasis on the interaction between geopolitical structural conditions and the roles of leadership and domestic politics in shaping a state's foreign policy - offers the best framework for analyzing Egypt's foreign policy behavior toward Iran.
10
Gasimova, Esmira. « La politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales (1993-2003) ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La présente étude est consacrée à la politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales. Ce pays du Caucase du Sud accédant à l'indépendance en 1991 affirme sa singularité, entre confrontation et coopération avec ses voisins proches ou lointains. La question centrale est donc de savoir comment l'Azerbaïdjan peut justifier et éventuellement renforcer sa présence sur l'échiquier international alors qu'il se trouve au cœur des grands enjeux géopolitiques et économiques. Sa position le place au centre des rivalités entre des puissances telles que la Russie, l'Iran et la Turquie et, au-delà de son voisinage immédiat les États-Unis et l'Union européenne. Le pays est contraint à une politique étrangère équilibrée afin de ne pas s'aliéner les partenaires de l'ouest comme de l'est. Il tente également de tirer profit de l'exploitation des hydrocarbures de la Caspienne en vue de résoudre la question cruciale du conflit du Haut-KarabakhThis thesis deals with the Azerbaijan policy between great powers and regional powers. Since its independence in 1991 the country of South Caucasus asserted its singularity. It sometimes confronts, sometimes cooperates with its neighbors. The key question is, therefore, how Azerbaijan can justify and possibly strengthen its presence on the international stage as it stands at the heart of great geopolitical and economic issues. Because of its location it is the center of rivalries between powers such as Russia, Iran and Turkey or the United States and the European Union. The country is compelled to a balanced foreign policy not to lose the support of either western or eastern partners. Baku also attempts to use the exploitation of Caspian oil in order resolve the crucial issue of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh
11
Zhang, Rong Rong. « Emerging alliance ? :analysis of China-Russia strategic partnership from perspective of balance of threat theory ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335239.
Texte intégral
12
Dinpajouh, Mona. « Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iran Under Vladimir Putin : 2000 - 2008 ». Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610874/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses the foreign policy of Russia towards Iran during Vladimir Putin&rsquos presidency. This thesis examines energy, security and regional issues in relation to the cooperation between these two states. Contrary to the view that Russia&rsquo
s relation with Iran is an example of strategic partnership, this thesis argues that Russia does not consider Iran as a strategic partner due to her own global ambitions. Russia just seeks to keep Iran under her sphere of influence. In fact, Russia&rsquo
s is not willing to consider Iran as a strategic partner due to the differences in state structures and national interests of these states. This thesis has six chapters. The first chapter is the introductory chapter. The second chapter gives a historical background on Russian &ndash
Iranian relations until Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s rise to presidency in 2000. The third chapter discusses the role of energy, while the fourth chapter analyses the importance of security issues and their effects on the dynamics of &ldquo
cooperation&rdquo
between Russia and Iran. The fifth chapter discusses regional dimension of Russia&rsquo
s relations with Iran. Final chapter is the conclusion.
13
Austin, J. William B. « Imperialism, postimperialism and Iran ». Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/50073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The usual explanations of the events leading to the Iranian Revolution have been either an analysis of Iranian culture or an analysis of the exploitation of Iran by imperialist powers. This thesis seeks to expand on imperialist theory by using post-imperialist theory to explore the reciprocal affects of transnational class formation which came about with the growth of transnational corporations. This approach is well suited to the Iranian case because of the strong ties that Iran under the Shah had with the international community.Master of Arts
incomplete_metadata
14
Blumel, Christina M. « A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines ». PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper is a comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran and the Philippines. The question which prompted this research topic was simple: why was the outcome for the United States so different in terms of subsequent relations with each state after the downfall of the Shah and Ferdinand Marcos? Both leaders were important U.S. allies in strategic states that had benefited from foreign aid. Opposition groups in each state resented this support of their repressive leaders. Unlike Iran, good relations with the Philippines continued during the Aquino presidency, without the resentment and mistrust which prevented good relations after the Shah's departure.
15
Netzer, Miriam Sophia. « Strange bedfellows : Russian-Iranian relations from 1941-present ». Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27731.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
16
Samokhvalov, Vsevolod. « Russian-European relations in the Balkans and the Black Sea region ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708856.
Texte intégral
17
Gorska, Joanna Agnieszka. « Dealing with a juggernaut : analysing Poland's policy towards Russia, 1989-2004 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670075.
Texte intégral
18
Pagé, Charles 1978. « Involvement based on identitive affinities : the case of Iran ». Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33918.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the end of the Cold War, considerable attention has been paid to "ethnic" or "identitive" conflicts. Some scholars argue that these conflicts tend to draw in 'kin' states who support the belligerent(s) with whom they share identitive affinities. This thesis examines such involvement, based on identitive affinities, in ethnopolitical conflicts. In particular, it analyses the pattern of involvement of one country: Iran. Specifically, it looks at Iran's policy towards five conflicts: Afghanistan, Nagorno-Karabakh, Iraq, South Lebanon and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.This thesis argues that kinship is only a permissive cause of involvement while the presence and scope of involvement are determined by other factors, in the following order: security threats, non-security interests (influence, economic interests), and ideology. Proximity is of great importance as security threats usually emanate from neighbours and not from far-away enemies.
19
O'Neill, Thomas J. « Business, investment and revolution in Russia : case studies of American companies, 1880's - 1920's ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76751.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study of the American business presence in Russia from the late 19th Century to the early Soviet period, focuses on more than twenty individual firms that operated there or otherwise conducted business with Russia. They are presented as primary and secondary case studies in three distinct groups: financial industries, manufacturing industries, and sales, services and light manufacturing industries.The primary cases, American Express, Case and Vacuum Oil Company, offer a detailed insight into: motives for opening installations in Russia, daily operations, the effects of war, revolution and nationalization as well as business relations under the early Soviet government. The secondary case studies include, Citibank, Chase Manhattan Bank, Morgan Guaranty and New York Life Insurance Company in the financial group; Western Electric, Westinghouse Airbrake and General Electric in the manufacturing group; and United Shoe, Otis, Moline Plow, Kodak, Parke, Davis & Co., Chesebrough-Pond's and Continental Gin in the sales, services and light manufacturing group.
Collectively these firms present a comprehensive account of the largely neglected and misunderstood role of private American business in Russia. The experiences of these companies help dispel conventional notions of U.S. commercial interests in Russia and place American involvement in proper perspective.
20
Williams, Brad. « Hokkaido-Sakhalin subnational government relations : opportunities and limits of kankyo seibi ». Monash University, School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5751.
Texte intégral
21
Dereli, Pinar. « Change And Continuity In Russia' ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607300/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN RUSSIA&rsquoS RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES IN EURASIA (2000-2005) Dereli, Pinar M. Sc., Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assit. Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrisever June 2006, 112 pages This thesis seeks to analyze change and continuity in Russia&rsquo
s relations with the United States (US) in Eurasia under the leadership of Vladimir Putin between 2000 and 2005. The thesis argues that the fundamental change in Russia&rsquo
s relations with the US came immediately after Putin&rsquo
s presidency, rather than 9/11 terrorist attacks, as his foreign policy priorities required the establishment of close relations with the US as much as possible. The September 11 terrorist attacks have only facilitated the implementation of Putin&rsquo
s this pragmatic foreign policy. In fact, the continuation of differences between Russia and the US concerning bilateral and regional issues shows that their strategic partnership is mainly rhetoric driven by the short-term tactical considerations rather than shared global values and long-term interests. For this reason, Eurasia continued to be an area of confrontation in Russia&rsquo
s relations with the US in the post-9/11 era. The thesis consists of four main chapters apart from introduction and conclusion. The first main chapter discusses the evolution of Russian foreign policy towards the US between 1991 and 2000. The following chapter deals with the sources of change in Russian foreign policy towards the US before 9/11 events. The next chapter examines Russian-US bilateral relations after 9/11. Finally, the last chapter discusses the impact of 9/11 on the Russian-US relations in Eurasia. Keywords: Pragmatism, Vladimir Putin, Russian foreign policy, the United States, September 11.
22
Rees, Samuel Huw. « The collapsing pillar : Jimmy Carter and US foreign policy towards Iran, 1977-1981 ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The continuing diplomatic impasse between the United States and Iran dates back to the turbulent events of the late 1970s. Blame for the 'loss' of Iran, which had been one of the 'twin pillars' of US strategy in the Persian Gulf, has inevitably fallen on the White House incumbent at the time, President Jimmy Carter. This thesis offers a reassessment of Carter's decision making and his responses to the fall of the Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the US embassy hostage taking. It demonstrates that the breakdown of US-Iranian relations was not simply a one-president phenomenon and, more significantly, Carter's handling of Iran was not as dire as it is often portrayed. The research is based on a thorough examination of the available archive material, including newly released documents, as well as recent interviews with the major protagonists. When Carter took office in 1977 he inherited a badly creaking Iranian pillar that was soon to collapse altogether. The flawed policies of his predecessors placed strict limitations on his administration and unwittingly created a ticking time bomb in the form of the Shah. Despite these restrictions, Carter battled to reconcile the strategic necessities of Cold War containment with his moral principles in areas such as human rights and arms sales. In an administration seemingly dominated by the disagreements amongst his top two advisors, Carter remained the key decision maker at all times. He recognised the practical limits of American power and assumed sensible positions in response to an ever changing and uncontrollable crisis. Aside from its contemporary significance, Iran is therefore critical to Carter's disputed legacy and how he rates as a foreign policy president.
23
Khatib-Shahidi, Rashid Armin. « German foreign policy towards Iran : the case of the National Bank of Persia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:55dd46e5-2eef-46f6-be8b-ca7bb177a518.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The objective of this thesis is to show that after World War I, the National Bank of Persia emerged as an ideal accessory to Germany's desire to establish a foothold in Iran. It argues that the main motive behind Germany's involvement in the National Bank was to utilise the bank as a vehicle for extending German national interest into Iran. However, although Germany's main interest was to thereby gain economic influence in Iran, the National Bank provided Germany with a tool that furthered its desire for political participation and the establishing of authority within the spheres of interest of Britain and Russia. The objective of this thesis is not to establish a comprehensive and complete overview of German foreign policy toward Iran and its interactions with the National Bank of Persia. It aims rather at highlighting a number of events that are significant for an examination of Germany's policy toward Iran and its evolution up until the outset of World War II. In pursuit of this task, emphasis is given to the opinion expressed at the time, as reflected in German sources, rather than the historical reality behind those sources. German foreign policy towards Iran in the first half of the twentieth century can be divided into three distinct phases. The first phase, which was initiated before Word War I, collapsed as a consequence of the war and the Versailles Treaty, achieving little success. The second, more significant, phase began around 1924, and was marked by the creation of the National Bank of Persia in 1927, the appointment of the German national Lindenblatt as its director, the appointment of his compatriot Schniewind as financial advisor to the Persian government, the contracts granted to German companies and consortiums for the construction of the Trans Iranian Railway, the reestablishment of trade relations between Germany and Iran, and the wide-ranging flight concessions granted by the Iranian government to the German company Junkers. The third phase of Germany's involvement with Iran came about with the achievements that resulted from the trade agreements of 1935. From a German perspective after 1933 diplomacy started to replace the role of the National Bank, as the prime agent of Germany's relations with Iran. This phase lasted until the British-Russian invasion of Iran in 1941, and saw Germany lose almost its entire influence over the National Bank, while its influence over trade with Iran had progressively increased. Germany's foreign political success during the inter-war period resulted in an expansion of its commercial relations, which elevated Germany from a country with almost no trade relations with Iran to its largest trading partner.
24
Tisdale, Tyron Earl Jr. « The United States and Iran, 1951-1953 : The Cold War interaction of national security policy, alliance politics and popular nationalism ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184685.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The years 1951 to 1953 are among the most important and controversial in Iranian history. The period is significant not only for the domestic dynamics of popular nationalism under Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh, but also for the role that United States policy played in an interaction with the conflict between a lingering British economic presence and the Iranian move to nationalize its oil industry. An examination of United States national security policy of that time reveals that policy toward Iran was consistent with the overall post-war policy of the United States, dominated as it was by the central theme of preventing the spread of communism. The task for the men who were charged with the application of U.S. policy in Iran during those years was to accommodate two factors which complicated the search for an order which would ensure post-war national security for the United States: Iranian nationalism as epitomized by Mossadegh; and the economic and diplomatic interests of Great Britain. The United States sought to resolve the conflict so that instability in Iran would not invite communist influence or takeover. United States policymakers were influenced by several factors which combined to eventually decide the outcome. The centrality of the perceived world communist expansion threat, McCarthyism in the United States, the role of several key figures with experience in U.S.-Soviet diplomacy, and the change from a Democratic to a Republican administration at the time Mossadegh was experiencing a deterioration of his own domestic political situation; all worked toward the still-controversial outcome of U.S. policy: the overthrow of Mossadegh. The primacy of containment of communism in United States policy did not preclude variations in its application, nor did this emphasis ignore the forces of Iranian nationalism and self-determination. Nonetheless, given the men involved in the policy decisions, the information available to them and the context of the post-World War II international order, the outcome was predictable and entirely consistent at the time with creating an international order conducive to the national security interests of the United States.
25
Ross, Christopher Nicholas. « Lord Curzon, the 'Persian question', and geopolitics, 1888-1921 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609030.
Texte intégral
26
Paules, Marian Helen Boroujerdi Mehrzad. « United States relations with Iran : American identity, foreign policy, and the politics of representation ». Related Electronic Resource : Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Texte intégral
27
Belousova, Valentina. « U.S. Bilateral Trade with its Major Trading Partners and Russia ». Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29552.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines U.S. exports and imports to/from its major 15 trading partners and Russia. To analyze U.S. export and import flows the gravity model approach is used. Factors affecting U.S. bilateral trade flows with its 16 trading countries are evaluated using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Annual data from 2000 to 2009 are used for this study. Goods traded between the U.S. and its trading partners are disaggregated into three groups based on the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC). Results show that major factors affecting both U.S. export and import flows are distance and change in polity score. Also U.S. exports are influenced by U.S. trading partner Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for agricultural (AGR) and middle sector (MID) groups. U.S. foreign direct investment is a complement for U.S. exports of final (FIN) group and at the same time it serves as substitute for U.S. exports of AGR. On the other hand, U.S. imports of AGR and foreign direct investment (FDI) from 16 trading partners to the U.S. are substitutes. This study also reveals that the U.S. and Russia bilateral trade could be improved through economic growth in both countries, improving political cooperation and increasing inward and outward FDI.
28
Šleivytė, J. « Russia's European agenda and the Baltic states ». Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3611.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Russia has always been a primary factor in the development of the Baltic States. It is
impossible to analyse Baltic security without looking into the processes inside Russia and the prevailing trends vis-a-vis the Baltic States. However, the changes in the Baltic security landscape in the 21st century lack a comprehensive analysis. This
thesis seeks to bridge the gap.
Two key aims are being pursued in this thesis. The first is to present an analysis of Russia's European agenda under President Vladimir Putin and to examine the place of
the Baltic States in this agenda. The second aim is to define Russia-related threats and
challengers to the Baltic States, as well as prospects in Russo-Baltic relations.
To attain these aims, inter-active approach to international relations, comprising three
levels of analysis - the international system, the nation state (domestic level) and the individual (personality) level - has been applied. The neo-realist paradigm of
international relations theory, comparative analysis and the Knudsen model, which
addresses the peculiarities of relations between great powers and small states, are the methodological framework of the thesis.
When analysing the development of Russo-Baltic relations in 1990-2006, this thesis
focuses on the evolution of the Baltic States from factors to actors and their chance of shaping Russo-Baltic relations from within the enlarged EU and NATO. It also
examines possibilities for more active engagement of Russia in the Baltic region.
The thesis concludes with an analysis of perspectives for the Baltic States in
countering Russia-related threats and building cooperativer elations with Russia. The author maintains that 'high politics' in Russo-Baltic relations has ended, yet, the
tensions do remain in 'low politics'. Russia seeks to retain her political and economic
influence in the Baltics by exploiting various tools, primarily economic levers and
Baltic dependence upon Russian energy.
29
Blevins, Jeff T. (Jeff Taylor). « The British Foreign Office Views and the Making of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente, From the 1890s Through August 1907 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279078/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines British Foreign Office views of Russia and Anglo-Russian relations prior to the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente. British diplomatic documents, memoirs, and papers in the Public Record Office reveal diplomatic concern with ending Central Asian tensions. This study examines Anglo-Russian relations from the pre-Lansdowne era, including agreements with Japan (1902) and France (1904), the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05, and the shift in Liberal thinking up to the Anglo-Russian Entente. The main reason British diplomats negotiated the Entente was less to end Central Asian friction, this thesis concludes, than the need to check Germany, which some Foreign Office members believed, was bent upon European hegemony.
30
Gibson, Bryan. « Covert relationship : American foreign policy, intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980--1988 ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27848.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iraq invaded Iran resulting in a costly war from 1980 to 1988, which threatened American interests in the Persian Gulf. From the outset, the stated official American policy was strict neutrality, but this was not the case. The war had provided the United States with an opportunity to improve relations with Iraq, particularly alter Iran reversed the Iraqi invasion in the summer of 1982. Because the Reagan administration could not let Iraq collapse, the United States tilted heavily towards Iraq in defiance of its stated policy. Interestingly, the tilt towards Iraq did not stop the Reagan administration from secretly dealing with Iran in 1985. Consequently, the disclosure of these dealings resulted in the buildup of American naval forces in the region to protect the shipment of oil, and eventually the use of force to end the conflict in 1988.
31
Martin, Jeremy A. « RUSSIA AND THE “WEST:” A USEFUL PARADIGM OR AN IMAGINED ACTOR ? » Miami University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1178124728.
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32
Allgott, Philip. « U.S. diplomatic relations : how has it been used in Iran and North Korea ? / ». Jönköping : Jönköping University. Jönköping International Business School, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:201405/FULLTEXT01.
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33
Hennings, Jan. « Russian diplomatic ceremonial and European court cultures 1648-1725 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609625.
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34
Beaupré, Maxime. « Unwilling foes : Russia's and China's reaction to the challenge of the American ballistic missile defence programme ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83170.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.
35
Etemadi, Farhad. « Le tribunal des différends irano-américains comme processus de réglement pacifique des différends entre les deux pays ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212460.
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36
Eruysal, Esra. « Economic Relations Between Turkey And Iran From 1990 To 2010 : A Turkish Perspective ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613959/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study aims to analyze the transformation of Turkey&rsquos relations with Iran in the 1990s and 2000s from the perspective of &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in a historical framework. In this context, the political and economic relations between Turkey and Iran are discussed by taking into consideration the internal transformation of Turkish economy. This thesis argued that the course of Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 1990s is mainly shaped by the military-political considerations. Not only political but also economic relations between Turkey and Iran were negatively affected by tensions and rivalry between the parties during the 1990s. Despite the counter-efforts of some of the business circles and the political parties, neither the economic nor the political relations did improve. Unlike the 1990s, Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 2000s are largely shaped by economic and commercial considerations. Increasing dialogue and developing cooperation at the political level are positively reflected in the economic relations. As a result of the eagerness of Turkish businessmen towards the development of economic relations with Iran and the intensive support of the political elites, economic relations substantially improved in the 2000s. However, rising foreign trade relations between the parties created an asymmetric dependence to the detriment of Turkey, rather than mutual interdependence as Iran benefits more from this relationship due to its oil and natural gas exports. The increasing relationship between Turkey and Iran supports the argument that Turkey is emerging as a &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in the 2000s.
37
Hoback, Elizabeth Anne. « The past, present, and future of U.S. foreign policy in the states of Iran and Turkey ». Thesis, Boston University, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27674.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (B.A.)--Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
38
Askren, Jillian. « United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
39
Gomari-Luksch, Laleh. « Realism, rationalism and revolutionism in Iran's foreign policy : the West, the state and Islam ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13719.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Iran's foreign policy is consistent and is fundamentally realist with a revolutionist vision while the means are rationalist is the central argument of this dissertation. I make use of the English Schools three traditions of realism, rationalism and revolutionism in analyzing the speeches of Iranian statesmen to identify the ways in which the dynamics of the three traditions have evolved since 1997 and what it means for interpreting the developments of Iran's foreign policy ventures. I utilize both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis in examining the speeches of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, the presidents since 1997. The quantitative method employs a customized software generating figures that represent the recurrence of realist, rationalist and revolutionist terminologies in all the documents downloaded from the official websites of the Iranian statesmen as well as the United Nations and select news agencies and affiliates. The quantitative phase of the analysis, meanwhile, carefully examined selected statements of the supreme leader and the presidents uncovering the foreign policy argumentations and justifications, which were studied alongside foreign policy actions and classified under the three traditions. The findings suggest that Iran's foreign policy is the same as in the other states of international society – it is consistent and dynamic. It is simultaneously realist, rationalist and revolutionist with each tradition serving a specific purpose, which cannot be disentangled from the other two.
40
Kaveh, Moravej Kaveh. « The SAVAK and the Cold War : counter-intelligence and foreign intelligence (1957-1968) ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:138424.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research investigates Iran’s geopolitical importance in the context of the Cold War in the years 1957-1968 that made it a key target for Soviet intelligence and a crucial intelligence battleground with all states that held an interest in Iran. For Iran and the non-Soviet Bloc powers, Iran’s newly established intelligence and national security organisation (SAVAK) had become an entity whose counter-intelligence capabilities were crucial in curtailing the activities of Soviet and Soviet-aligned intelligence officers within Iran. The intelligence agencies of the Soviet Union, the KGB and GRU, were highly active within Iran in both seeking to gather intelligence and to undermine the Pahlavi regime and it was left to the SAVAK’s counter-intelligence directorate to pursue the difficult task of combating these efforts. This Cold War battle extended to Iraq where Iraqi governments were viewed by the SAVAK as being proxies for Soviet interests. As a result of such concerns the SAVAK’s foreign intelligence structure sought not only to gather intelligence but also to directly influence events within Iraq. Iran's counter-intelligence and foreign-intelligence structures therefore played a critical national security role during the Cold War years 1957-1968. This research will firstly explore how the SAVAK’s foreign intelligence activities ultimately led to the establishment and expansion of Iranian intelligence collection and analysis capabilities in its regional sphere of interest. Intelligence theory is also used to examine the SAVAK's counter-intelligence and foreign intelligence structures and operations during the stated period of investigation, together with the influence of Cold War thinking on its activities. The main strands of inquiry in this research will at the outset involve the question of why Iran felt it necessary to establish professional foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence capabilities. The structure and operational methods of these capabilities will then be examined along with the reasons for why the USSR and Iraq were targeted by Iranian foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence. The important relationship between intelligence and policy formulation and execution will also be analysed in this specific period of the Cold War.
41
Matějková, Adéla. « What's at stake of normalized relations between the United States and Iran ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162773.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis tries to identify what's at stake of normalized relations between the United States and Iran since the Iranian revolution in 1979. The thesis tries to find out what are the key issues behind the failed relations between these two countries from the American point of view in order to determine whether normalized relations between these two countries can ever be achieved. It elaborates on four key characteristics of individual level analysis of foreign policy decision making applied on three key Presidents involved in foreign policy making towards Iran since 1979.
42
Karaman, Irfan. « Relations Between Armenia And Russia In The 2000s : From Strategic Partnership To Pragmatic Cooperation ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613658/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to analyze the nature of relations between Armenia and Russia in the 2000s. Contrary to the dominant view that relations between these two countries could be labeled as strategic partnership, this thesis argues that these relations could be characterized as pragmatic cooperation. In fact, both countries having close relations in all fields and refraining from pursuing policies that might harm the other&rsquos interests in the 1990s, gave priority to their own national interests in the diplomatic and economic fields in the 2000s, while maintaining close cooperation in the security field. In the 2000s, Russia started to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy by improving its relations with Azerbaijan that has rich oil and natural gas reserves. Likewise, Armenia has also started to pursue a balanced foreign policy by enhancing its cooperation with the Western countries and international organizations in diplomatic and security fields in the same period. Moreover, Armenia also deepened its cooperation with Iran in the energy sector to decrease its energy dependence on Russia. Consequently, both Armenia and Russia have started to pursue pragmatic policies in diplomatic and economic fields to maximize their own national interests while maintaining close cooperation in security field. Therefore, bilateral relations between these two countries started to take more pragmatic character than a strategic partnership.
43
Kaussler, Bernd. « Defending the "Satanic Verses" : constructive engagement : British-Iranian relations and the right to freedom of expression (1989-2004) / ». Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/538.
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44
Digout, Amy Erica. « Courting the West : Nicholas I, cultural diplomacy and the State Hermitage Museum in 1852 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99366.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg as a royal collection and cultural treasury reveals the aesthetic preferences of a nation that has always stood on the cultural and geographical periphery of Europe. Initially an imperial collection under Peter I, patrons of the Hermitage focused attention on collecting canonical European paintings and also emulating Western models of display. In this way, the Russian aristocracy superimposed itself on Europe's culture through the construction of a collection to rival its great European contemporaries.The development of a standardized practice of display has widely been studied in relation to Western museums but similar attention has not been extended to the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg. I argue that Nicholas was able to use objects of art and strategies of display to assert a greater role in the European state system of the mid-nineteenth century. While the supposed transparency conveyed by the collection's public opening was meant to make Russia seem less threatening to Western powers, in reality the yolk of autocracy was as tight as ever.
45
Stocksdale, Sally A. « British diplomatic perspectives on the situation in Russia in 1917 : an analysis of the British Foreign Office correspondence ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26927.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front.
Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen.
This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
46
Martin, Jeremy Andrew. « Russia and the "West" a useful paradigm or an imagined actor ? / ». Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1178124728.
Texte intégral
47
Baghdadi, Nima. « Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979) ». FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3652.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is an exploration of the dynamics of Iranian-Saudi relations from the earliest days of their encounter in the 1920s through 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. This is a period in the relations of the two states that has rarely been the subject of intellectual inquiry in the existing literature. This present research provides an analytical historiography of Iranian-Saudi relations with an aim to examine the elements constituting the dynamics of their relations. This is attained by contextualizing the milestones of Iranian-Saudi relations, triangulating historical accounts to identify the narrative among alternatives that best fits the meaningful causal processes explaining continuity and change, and weighing the impacts of factors playing a role in any given period of the Iranian-Saudi relations.
48
Gray, Rachael J. « U.S. foreign relations after the cold war : a unilateral approach, an isolationist strategy, a hegemonic goal ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1264.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
49
Shivnani, Annushka. « The Perfect Storm : Failures of U.S. Foreign Policy and the Disintegration of U.S.-Russian Relations ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1711.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the broader relationship between the United States and Russia since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, relations between the U.S. and Russia have seriously deteriorated. This thesis lists the four most important contributing factors: ineffective reforms of the 1990s, NATO’s continued expansion, escalation in Ukraine, and the failure to jointly address the Syrian conflict. It argues that one major consequence of the strained relationship is a stronger Russia-China partnership. If Washington continues to ignore Russia’s security and economic interests, relations are likely to further decline, harming U.S. objectives in the long term. In order to improve relations, this thesis recommends that the U.S. transform its existing NATO policy, reverse sanctions, and reorient U.S. foreign policy to focus less on Russia’s non-democratic system of government and more on geopolitical issues, such as coordinating measures with Moscow to stabilize Syria.
50
Wahlert, Matthew H. « Wishful Thinking in Foreign Policy : A Case Study of the Carter Administration and the Iranian Revolution ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1323036660.
Texte intégral