Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Interstate relationship »

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.<br>Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 210 p.; also includes graphics Includes bibliographical references (p. 204-210). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2007.<br>"Department of Educational Administration and Higher Education." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-178). Also available online.

La tesi si propone di mettere in luce gli aspetti più caratteristici e rilevanti dei trattati di aderenza nella loro declinazione visconteo-sforzesca, con l’obiettivo di evidenziare lo sviluppo e, soprattutto, i caratteri innovativi di un legame che, destinato a perdurare nell’età moderna, offre una rinnovata chiave interpretativa dei processi genetici di una “nuova” statualità alla fine dell’età di mezzo. Vincoli elastici, flessibili e ritagliati direttamente sulle base delle contingenze in cui venivano stipulati, i trattati di aderenza (o colleganza, accomandigia, raccomandazione, …) conobbero una vasta diffusione nell’Italia bassomedievale e rinascimentale, in particolar modo dalla metà del XIV secolo, e avevano lo scopo di coordinare i principali poteri degli scacchieri italiani e le realtà minori che allignavano dentro o al di fuori degli stessi, in particolar modo i signori rurali o, in qualche caso, le comunità: riassumendo ai minimi termini, il principalis si vedeva infatti garantito sostegno militare, mentre l’adherens riceveva protezione e legittimazioni di vario tipo. L’utilizzo che i signori – e poi i duchi – di Milano fecero di tale strumento risulta di grande interesse, in quanto Visconti prima e Sforza poi ricorsero con particolare costanza al legame sia per consolidare i processi di state-building interni allo stato, sia i processi di espansione esterni ai confini del principato. Sin dalla metà del Trecento, infatti, i signori di Milano utilizzarono frequentemente i trattati di aderenza per individuare alleati direttamente a ridosso – se non addirittura all’interno – dei territori nemici. Tale meccanismo fu particolarmente sfruttato durante l’età di Gian Galeazzo Visconti, che rese la pressione dei suoi aderenti quantomai efficace contro le potenze avversarie (in particolare Firenze) innervando di sostenitori aree strategiche come la Romagna e la Lunigiana. Con la morte del primo duca di Milano nel 1402 il vincolo attraversò un lungo periodo di crisi, dovuto alla debolezza di Giovanni Maria Visconti, e fu solo in seguito alla sua violenta scomparsa (1412) che Filippo Maria Visconti poté ricostruire, al pari dello stato, anche la rete di aderenti, declinata dal terzo duca in senso difensivo piuttosto che offensivo. Nel momento in cui la dinastia si estinse e il ducato cadde nelle mani degli Sforza, il legame si ritrovò inserito all’interno dei delicati equilibri della Lega italica: l’aderenza divenne così un modo non più per aggredire i nemici o per difendersi, per definire e profilare la propria sfera di influenza, ormai in qualche modo “stabilizzata” e non più sottoposta a eccessivi scossoni. Dal punto di vista nei processi di state-building, invece, il legame mantenne caratteristiche costanti nel corso del tempo: tramite le accomandigie i signori e i duchi di Milano riuscirono infatti a meglio vincolare a sé le animate famiglie signorili che punteggiavano gli spazi dello stato, in particolare in aree come il Piemonte e l’Emilia. Lì i trattati, che pure non persero le loro caratteristiche militari, rivelarono tutto il loro potenziale come elementi di coordinazione e di disciplinamento: la loro fortuna risiede proprio nelle loro caratteristiche elastiche, che se da una parte rendevano il vincolo così costruito instabile, dall’altra ne sostanziano l’effettiva modernità, e che ne garantirono la lunga durata (seppur con alterne fortune) ancora per tutto il ‘500 e oltre.<br>The research proposes to investigate the most characteristic and relevant aspects of the treatises of adherentia under the Visconti and Sforza, with the aim of highlighting the development and, above all, the innovative characteristics of a bond which, destined to last in the modern age, offers a new interpretative key to the genetic processes of a "new" statehood at the end of the Middle Age. Those treaties were elastic, flexible and tailored directly on the basis of the contingencies in which they were stipulated, and the bonds of adherentia (or collegatio, accomandatio, recomendisia, and so on) knew a wide diffusion in medieval and renaissance Italy, especially from the middle of the 14th century: they had the aim of coordinating the main powers of the Italian chessboards and the minor realities inside or outside them, especially the rural lords or, in some cases, the communities; summing up, the principalis was guaranteed military support, while the adherens received protection and legitimations of various kinds. The use that the lords – and then the dukes – of Milan made of this instrument is of great interest, as Visconti and Sforza resorted with particular constancy to the link both to consolidate the state-building processes inside the state and the expansion processes outside the principality's borders. Since the middle of the fourteenth century, in fact, the lords of Milan frequently used treaties of adherentia to identify allies close to – or even inside – enemy territories. This mechanism was particularly exploited during the age of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, who made the pressure of his adherentes as effective as possible against the opposing powers (in particular Florence) and made strategic areas such as Romagna and Lunigiana a source of supporters. With the death of the first duke of Milan in 1402 the bond went through a long period of crisis, due to the weakness of Giovanni Maria Visconti, and it was only after his violent death (1412) that Filippo Maria Visconti was able to rebuild, like the state, the network of adherentes, which the third duke declined in a defensive rather than offensive way. When the dynasty became extinct and the Duchy fell into the hands of the Sforza, the bond found itself inserted within the delicate equilibrium of the Italic League, thus becoming a way no longer to wage war, but was rather used to define and profile the spheres of influence, now somehow "stabilised" and no longer subject to excessive shocks. From the point of view of the state-building processes, on the other hand, the bond maintained constant characteristics over time: through the accomandigie, the lords and dukes of Milan managed to better bind the restless noble families that dotted the spaces of the state, particularly in areas such as Piedmont and Emilia. There the bonds, which did not lose their military characteristics, revealed all their potential as elements of coordination and discipline: their fortune resides precisely in their elastic characteristics, which, if on the one hand made the bond so constructed unstable, on the other, substantiated its effective modernity, which guaranteed its long duration (albeit with alternating fortunes) throughout the fifteenth century and beyond.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>In the wake of the attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States of America embarked upon a major counter-terrorism campaign against al Qaeda and its affiliates. The conflict has involved ground combat operations in Afghanistan, as well as ancillary actions in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. In all of these theaters, the use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) has increased dramatically; in recent years, armed UAVs have been used to conduct strikes in Yemen and Pakistan. The rapid growth of UAV operations shows no sign of slowing, and the implications of their use need to be continually examined if the United States wishes to achieve its policy objectives in Pakistan and Yemen. Comparing these cases will help bring together knowledge gained in studying each case separately. This thesis investigates how the use of UAVs as part of the counter-terrorism campaigns in Yemen and Pakistan has affected U.S. relations with those countries and whether the current arrangements are the best policies to combat terrorism in these countries.

L’augmentation des moyens relatifs aux droits de l’homme devant la Cour internationale de Justice pose la question de la forme juridique que prend leur application dans le cadre d’un contentieux de la responsabilité interétatique et généraliste. La procédure de la Cour, conçue en vue de la défense d’intérêts étatiques subjectifs, paraît impropre à tenir compte des relations juridiques complexes dans lesquelles s’établit la responsabilité de l’Etat pour violation des droits de l’homme « internationalement garantis », et se limitant aux rapports de responsabilité bilatéraux entre les Etats parties au différend. Pourtant, au lieu de penser les liens juridiques en cause en fonction des seuls Etats parties au litige et dans des termes d’extériorité de l’individu, la Cour raisonne dans une logique de corrélation. Des relations tripartites émergent entre l’Etat auteur de la violation, les autres Etats également créanciers et débiteurs des obligations, et l’individu titulaire de droits. Mais alors qu’elle est prête à préciser ces relations juridiques, voire à les conceptualiser, la Cour n’en dénature pas pour autant sa fonction juridictionnelle traditionnelle. L’individu est certes pris en compte dans l’engagement de la responsabilité entre Etats : il n’en reste pas moins marginalisé au stade de la mise en oeuvre proprement dite de la responsabilité, mise en oeuvre centrée sur l’Etat et définie par le droit international public. Cette conception particulière de la responsabilité de l’Etat pour violation des droits de l’homme souligne que celle-ci ne saurait être réduite à la relation entre l’individu et l’Etat, dont les autres Etats ne seraient au mieux que les garants désintéressés, mais qu’elle détermine aussi et directement les rapports entre Etats<br>The increasing number of human rights based claims before the International Court of Justice raises the question of their implementation in the framework of generalist and interstate litigation. The procedure of the Court has been thought and conceived for the defense of subjective interests of States. Therefore, the Court seems unable to take into account the complex legal relationships in which lies State responsibility for “internationally guaranteed human rights” violations and its scope, limited to bilateral responsibility amongst State parties. But, instead of conceiving the legal connections in dispute as to the only State parties or as external to the individual, the Court endorses a correlation approach. Tripartite relations emerge between the State perpetrator of the human rights violation, other States which are equally creditor and bearer of the obligations infringed and the individual who holds the rights. However although the Court is ready to clarify or even conceptualize the legal relationships involved, it does not distort its traditional judicial function. While the individual is taken into account in the incurrence of State responsibility it is nevertheless marginalized in its implementation, which continues to be centered on the State and defined by public international law. This particular conception of State responsibility for human rights violations underlines that it cannot be reduced to the relation between the individual and the State, for which other selfless States would stand guarantor as the most, but that it also and directly determines interstate relations

Thesis (LLM. (Development and Management Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2017<br>This mini-dissertation looks into the relationship between the different spheres or organs of the state, which is elaborately provided for in Chapter 3 of the Constitution. In particular, this mini-dissertation scrutinizes the propriety of the relationship between provincial and local government, using case law to analyze and examine conflicts within the organs of government. The critical question that is posed is whether the mechanisms provided for in the Constitution and legislation are working appropriately to foster cooperation between the spheres of government or whether they are inadequate to address these challenges. An argument that this mini-dissertation raises is that, in spite of the laws that have been put in place to resolve conflict within the state organs, the mechanisms provided for are inadequate and need to be strengthened if there is going to be proper and better cooperation between the spheres of government. The gap is more glaring in cases involving intervention by provincial governments into the functional terrain of local government. It has been observed that there is lack of willpower from the different role players to ensure the improvement of intergovernmental relations and cooperation as espoused by the Constitution. A comparative analysis was done, hence the mini-dissertation utilises the jurisprudence of the United Kingdom and Canada and draws useful lessons for South Africa. This paper therefore concludes that there is a need for legislative reform that will compel organs of government to avoid costly litigation against one another. It is recommended, also, that there should be effective inter-sphere communication so as to make plain the expectations of one sphere over another.