Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Internet – Government policy – Cross-cultural studies »

As one of the most networked societies in the Asia-Pacific region, Singapore commands a high degree of attention in the information and communication (infocomm) sector. However, internet use, along with the politics of internet regulation, in the high-tech city-state has not been sufficiently critiqued. This paper aims to address this ‘lack’ by examining the politics and policy implications of internet regulatory practices in Singapore. It begins by looking at some development in Singapore's infocomm sector, highlighting political responses to key occurrences over the past decade. Taking on board the discourse of auto-regulation — that regulating the internet and new media in Singapore is mostly about ensuring an automatic functioning of power for political expedience and longevity — advanced by this author (Lee, 2001a, 2001b, 2001c; Lee and Birch, 2000), this paper offers updates and new insights into the normalisation of internet auto-regulation in Singapore. The final section of the paper looks at the fast-developing application of electronic government (e-government) services in Singapore via the national ‘e-citizen’ website. I argue how online extensions of government are really about providing internet users with degrees of structured freedom, while tightening the more permanent and potent strictures of political control.

AbstractUK government policy is firmly directed, through the agencies which control university and research funding, towards a situation in which much academic output will be made accessible to all on the Internet without payment. This has far-reaching consequences for all academic publishers, including the Society, by no means all of which have yet been taken into account by the policy-makers. Members of the Society need to understand the issues and to consider how best to adapt to changing circumstances and to defend its position where necessary.

This article responds to Thomas's (2004) call for investigation into how the internet and World Wide Web are changing government in Australia. It first discusses e-government principles and policies at the federal level, and then investigates initiatives and events in one of Australia's most populous municipalities, the City of Casey in Melbourne's southeast. The objective of this approach is to understand the broader context of e-government policy formulation in Australia, and connect this to the level of local government in order to understand the features and dynamics of existing e-government mechanisms. The evidence generated from this approach reveals an imbalance between service delivery and civic engagement in e-government strategies, with the emphasis on consumer-oriented service delivery far outweighing civic participation and political dialogue. The analysis that follows outlines actual and potential political problems flowing from this imbalance — or ‘digital democratic deficit’ — and offers suggestions on how equilibrium might be restored.

The open internet and net neutrality are intertwined. People debate whether net neutrality safeguards part of the open internet or not. The commercial aspect is paramount. Zero rating is one of these practices that is often discussed, especially in relation to developing countries. The open internet regulation addresses commercial practices. It is, however, vague and can be interpreted in multiple ways. To answer the question if zero rating is going against net neutrality or if it enables net neutrality, five case studies were analysed and 18 experts interviewed. To support the case studies, documents were analysed. In certain circumstances, it is useful to zero rate information. Zero rating mostly violates net neutrality and the open internet, because of its imbedded discrimination. Some zero rating offers are beneficial and do not harm competition. This mostly concerns offers evolving around e-learning, health and government information.

To date, the major deployments of FTTN or its fibre-rich cousin, Fibre to the Premises, have been driven by clear government policy (Republic of Korea, Japan) or competitive pressure from cable television companies (US, Netherlands — planned). Without these pressures, the business case for deploying FTTN is uncertain. The additional revenues from higher-speed internet access are likely to be slight, and new revenues from pay television are uncertain and likely to develop only over the medium term. The business case for investing perhaps A$9 billion or more for an extensive FTTN deployment in Australia is therefore weak. National governments, however, see many benefits in widespread deployment of high internet access speeds and may provide incentives for FTTN deployments if competitive pressures are absent. This article explains some of these incentives in the Australian context, especially the steps taken so far to regulate access to the fibre networks proposed by Telstra and the so-called G9 consortium.

Reports and documents from government and other organisations have existed for centuries, but in the post-war period their production increased significantly. Computers, databases, desktop publishing software and the internet have revolutionised the ways documents can be produced and disseminated, allowing individuals, groups and organisations access to a whole new world of information. The result has been an explosion in online publishing that has transformed scholarly communication. Research reports – or grey literature as they are also known – are now an essential part of many disciplines, including science and technology, health, environmental science and many areas of public policy. While access to these reports has become easier in many respects, online publishing presents many challenges as well, particularly for collecting organisations faced with the task of adapting their systems. The management of grey literature raises many issues that are still not resolved today. This article provides some background to these ongoing challenges in Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom and Europe.

This article analyses developments in Australian communications policy since the March 1996 change of national government. It considers Artsinfo, a new Australian government-sponsored Internet and telephone-based information service, as a product of this conjunction. It argues that Artsinfo is emblematic of the ways in which Internetworking developments are altering social space on local, national and global scales. This article also explores temporal dimensions of these themes. It reviews the Artsinfo launch event as an exercise in nation-building which is suggestive of a paradoxical limit faced by peripheral economies seeking to locate ‘the nation’ in the global ‘information economy’, where that development is contingent upon the privatisation of communications infrastructure. Specifically, what kinds of national public culture can be sustained on the basis of wholly and partly privatised communications infrastructures?

The vexed issues currently surrounding broadband policy in Australia remind us that the public sector has a great track record in building valuable telecommunications infrastructure. One lesson from the past 150 years is the constructive role played by the public sector by providing the vision and seeding capital for the creation of three major communications platforms: Australia's overland telegraph in the 1870s, communications satellites funded by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) from the 1950s, and the early internet, funded by the US government from the 1960s to the 1990s. But times have changed and new policy models have emerged. Australia's telecommunications public policy decisions during the past decade have locked us into having few choices for broadband. The sad irony to date is that the introduction of the open competition model in July 1997, its associated regulatory framework and the full privatisation of Telstra have actually made us less efficient in investment and impeded the development of the broadband networks we need. We might just benefit from revisiting some lessons from history.

Mobile government (m-Government) is highly valued by many countries and governments worldwide for its important technical, economic, and political benefits. A development trend worthy of attention in China is that various public mobile services are provided through the cooperation between governments and Internet enterprises. The m-Government cooperation, as component of the public service system, has both a benefit safeguard function by mitigating transaction hazards and a value creation function by sharing advantageous resources. Previous studies have not explained both functions for m-Government cooperation. This study addresses this research gap. We establish a theoretical model by developing hypotheses from integrating model of Transaction Costs Theory (TCT) and Resource-based Theory (RBT). The OLS and Poisson regression method are used to test the proposed model by using cross-sectional data collected from 284 cities in China. Results show that strategy alliance, technology-specific knowhow, and financial security positively influence m-Government cooperation, asset specificity negatively influences the m-Government cooperation, and environmental certainty has no significant impact on m-Government cooperation. From the perspectives of technology, policy, and culture, the article puts forward suggestions on how to better promote m-Government cooperation in China, including promoting the government’s digital capabilities, improving the citizen’ privacy protection system and cultivating a public-private cooperative culture of mutual trust.

Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) is one of the world's most followed political leaders on Twitter. During the 2014 and 2019 election campaigns, he and his party used various social media networking and the Internet services to engage with young, educated, middle-class voters in India. Since his first sweeping win in the 2014 elections, Modi's political communication strategy has been to neglect the mainstream news media, and instead use social media and government websites to keep followers informed of his day-to-day engagements and government policies. This strategy of direct communication was followed even during a critical policy change, when in a politically risky move half-way through his five-year prime ministership, Modi's government scrapped more than 85 per cent of Indian currency notes in November 2016. He continued to largely shun the mainstream media and use his social media accounts and public rallies to communicate with the nation. As a case study of this direct communication strategy, this article presents the results of a study of Modi's Twitter articulations during the three months following the demonetization announcement. We use mediatization of politics discourse to consider the implications of this shift from mass communication via the mainstream news media, to the Indian prime minister's reliance on direct communication on social media platforms.

Defence date: 17 September 2001
Examining Board: Prof. Richard Breen, European University Institute (co-supervisor); Prof. Gary Chapman, University of Texas, Austin; Prof. Giorgio Natalicchi, Università di Firenze; Prof. Thomas Risse, European University Institute (Supervisor)
First made available online on 11 April 2018
Over the last decade, the Internet has transformed how information can be made available-it is now used to transfer information about things as varied as financial transactions and celebrity gossip and to link and coordinate activities between otherwise isolated people, from protest groups to lonely hearts. This unprecedented ease of access to a wealth of information and contacts presents a challenge to national governments who wish to control and restrain some of this activity. In recent years, Internet control has become one of the major indicators to assess the balance between freedom and security in democracies. This book explores and compares how, why, and to what extent, national governments decide to control the Internet and how this impacts on crucial socio-economic activities and fundamental civil rights. The author provides detailed studies on the US, Germany, Italy and further case studies on Brazil, Canada, India, the Netherlands, South Africa and Switzerland, to address topics such cyberterrorism, the protection of information infrastructure, and the impact on individual privacy and freedom of speech. This is the first cross-country, comparative study on the issue of Internet control. It will be of interest to international relations scholars and students, and particularly those with an interest in the Internet.

M.A.
The problem highlighted above, based on the research done in local authorities (Annexure 1), led to the conclusion that it would be of considerable assistance to local authorities if provided with a guide containing applicable information and practical guidance to address and overcome the problem areas highlighted above. The study endeavours to provide such information and guidance. Based on theoretical research the study gives an overview of affirmative action in the United States of America with specific reference to court cases which deal with contentious aspects of affirmative action also faced by employers in South Africa. It also discusses the legal and developmental environments steering the implementation of affirmative action in South Africa and specifically in local government. In doing so, it focuses on lessons to be learned from the experience of other employers in South Africa with specific reference to local authorities as indicated by research done (Annexure 1). As highlighted guidance in respect of process and content will make a significant contribution to the success of affirmative action in the local government sector and will assist local authorities to avoid some of the problem areas and pitfalls highlighted. Therefore based on legislation and agreements pertaining to local government and practical research (Annexure 1), the study discusses a step-by-step organisation/sector-specific process to be followed in implementing affirmative action in local government and the basic content to be addressed during the various phases of the process. In so doing the study inter alia highlights the procedure to be followed to adopt and give effect to all legislation and agreements in the local government sector in a political and economic balanced manner; focuses on how to establish and task the appropriate and legitimate structures which must champion the process of planning and implementation, provides a working method and framework through which common ground can be reached on the extent and content of affirmative action and commitment obtained therefor, provides the procedures and methods through which perceptions, fears and expectations of employees can be determined and addressed as the basis for establishing a culture and climate conducive for affirmative action, discusses the process to be followed to establish an affirmative action policy and strategic plan including the basic contents of these documents and the specific key performance areas to be addressed and programmes to be developed during planning and implementation; Policy Framework for the Implementation of Affirmative Action in Local Government 6 • through the provision of abovementioned aspects, establishes a framework and methods for the continued evaluation and monitoring of the implementation process. In combining theory and practice to give a holistic perspective of affirmative action within the local government context, the study should make a valuable contribution to the successful implementation of affirmative action in the local government sector in South Africa. Given the historical constraints such as human perceptions and intolerance, cultural diversity, lack of education of certain groups, etc., achieving such a perfect balance will be a laudatory accomplishment in the interest of all South Africans and one that must be pursued. It is believed that through a proper implementation of the process detailed in this study and specifically through the establishment and utilisation of the structures and programmes identified, a workable and balanced implementation of affirmative action can be achieved. This is specifically so since it is a democratic, accountable and transparent process based on constructive engagement of, and consultation with, all the role-players involved in affirmative action.

AbstractThe chapter explores the developmental trajectory of Ukraine’s higher education system since the middle ages. Starting with just a few comprehensive universities in the western parts at first and later Eastern parts of the country, the system gradually evolved into a diverse and differentiated institutional landscape. The variety and scope of HEIs reflects the internal logic of the system’s own development as well as outside factors, including changes of the ruling governments, fluctuations in the demographic trends, shifts in political alliances and cultural and language oscillations, which have been characteristic of the Ukrainian history. The authors elaborate on several policy rationales that came to underpin some of the changes since the collapse of the Soviet Union as well as policy discussions and policy silences (lack of dialog amongst various stakeholders) that have taken a lot of energy and yet have not lead to any noticeable changes in the institutional scene. The chapter also discusses the most recent changes in the legislation and practical implementations leaving space for future research to draw conclusions as to their effectiveness.

In the recent years, employee engagement has become a hot topic of discussion among popular business press and consulting firms. This topic has created interest in various stakeholder groups ranging from scholarly human resource practitioners to policy makers or government agencies. The interest in employee engagement has progressively increased, however, in academic literature: the concept of employee engagement has been studied rarely and comparatively less is known regarding its antecedents and consequences. Recently, a number of researchers have argued that the challenge of engaging the employees is mounting. Although it seems to conceptually overlap with existing constructs, for instance, job involvement, organizational commitment, still some empirical research confirms that engagement is a separate construct. Therefore, this chapter aims (a) to shed some light in this respect by assessing the association between workforce diversity, specifically in terms of their age and employee engagement, and (b) to provide a variety of precursors and outcomes of employee engagement.

Cognitive biases are a mistake in reasoning, evaluating, remembering, or other cognitive processes. They are mental errors caused by our simplified information processing strategies, and can be cultural, emotional, or intellectual predispositions toward a certain judgment, organizational bias, and bias that results from one's self-interest. The chapter explores some case studies in the foreign policy decision-making, distinguished in groupthink and polythink types, such as Pearl Harbor, Cuba Missile Crisis, Iraq Invasion of 2003, and post-9/11 environment.

While much of e-government or e-service research has focused on system or internal efficiency improvement, this study tries to raise another important topic regarding user traits, user perception of quality, and causality. Meanwhile, by integrating different kinds of theories and perspectives, namely sociology, management and informatics, a comprehensive blueprint can be fully discussed. The findings contribute to our knowledge of theoretical development in e-governance, service marketing, and policy marketing. In addition, the empirical results can be used as a general principal reference for other cities planning to implement e-services and can be used as specific evaluation criteria by which the two cities in the cases studies can further understand their users.

This chapter examines the existence of a specific quasi-political entity, the Moravian Landesjudenschaft or, to use the language of Shai takanot, Medinat Mehren (the Land of Moravia). The chapter explores the emergence of this concept and sets it in its political and historical context. First, the chapter describes the Moravian community of the mid-seventeenth century in its historical, political, and cultural context and the relation of the takanot to the General Ordinance Regarding Moravian Jewry of 1754, the Habsburg government's replacement for Jewish internal legislation. It then comments in more detail on the collection of texts now known as Takanot medinat mehren and assesses their textual history and the role of Israel Halperin in preparing the critical edition. After a detailed overview of the collection's contents and language, the chapter analyses how the original Shai takanot regulated one specific issue, namely the authority of community offices and office-holders and, more specifically, how it established a balance of power between the respective communities and districts into which the Jewry of the land was divided.

As an important project for Turkey to achieve Information/Knowledge Society Strategic Goals, the e-Government Gateway currently focuses on the delivery of public services via a single portal on the Internet. In later stages, other channels such as mobile devices will be available for use, underlying a transition towards mobile and ubiquitous government services. In order to provide a supportive base for this transition, the authors develop a modeling of knowledge amphora (@), and link this conceptual model with the e-government gateway. Based on Knowledge Science concepts such as ubiquity, ba (physical, virtual, mental place for relationship-building and knowledge-creation), ma (time-space in-between-ness), reflection and refraction, the modeling of Knowledge Amphora incorporates the interactions @ the Internet and mobile devices that contribute to cross-cultural information transfer and knowledge creation. The paper presents recent electronic and mobile government developments of E-Government Gateway Project in Turkey as an application example of this philosophical and theoretical modeling. The contributed Ubiquitous Participation Platform for Policy Making (UbiPOL) project aims to develop a ubiquitous platform allowing citizens to be involved in policy making processes (PMPs). The resulting work is a practical case study as that develops new m-government operations.

In ‘Good governance in the EU member states’ we investigated the interpretations and implementation of good governance and its principles in the EU member states, taking into account the different functions of government bodies. Good governance implementation is of growing importance on a national level in the fulfilment of public tasks by the public authorities, but also in relation to private institutions, when fulfilling tasks that are in the public interest. The common interest is related to a society’s underlying public values and it is directly linked to the concept of good governance. Good governance has a dual nature: the factual and the ideal. The factual dimension is represented by the realisation of good governance as an administrative fact and the ideal dimension in the element of conceptual (moral) correctness. Once conceptual correctness is acknowledged as a necessary element, the picture fundamentally changes: a non-positivist concept of good governance evolves. Good governance promotes cultural, economic, and social dynamics coherently within a society and in concrete situations. Good governance is the backbone of any modern European state. Also, some studies about good governance in states outside the European Union. Of course, there are important differences between and within continents; nevertheless, we can take a similar approach to other states in Africa, America and Australia. One of the new elements is also the attention to the issue of integrity in relation to the concept of good governance. We will present more clearly the concept of good governance in its concrete sense inside and outside Europe. We found good governance norms specified in legislation, policy documents, and decisions of courts and other controlling institutions like the ombudsmen and the courts of audit. A special point of attention is the link—in both theory and practice—between good governance and integrity.

The rapid change in climate conditions, and the present demand for political and commercial interest in the Arctic region will cause considerable implications on the environment, ecosystem, security, and on the social system in the region. Today, governments, scientists and researchers understand that there is a huge gap of knowledge in the Arctic region and this must be addressed prior to development of the region, or there will be devastating environmental consequences in the future. Existing studies concluded by various organizations including Lloyd’s of London, US Geological Survey and other institutes emphasize that in order to ensure sustainable development in the Arctic, it is important to close the existing gap of knowledge by obtaining accurate scientific data, and make available this data to scientists, researchers and policy makers, for them to take sound decisions on both Arctic challenges and future economic opportunities. The scientists understand that existing lack of knowledge is mainly due to insufficient information in the Arctic and the inability to obtain sufficient scientific data to understand the Arctic region in-depth. Main challenges will be, the vast area of the Arctic, inaccessibility to complex and remote areas, long cold dark winters and short summers, rapid changes of weather conditions etc. Presently, existing satellites provide extremely valuable scientific data, however scientists emphasize that this data would be further analyzed (due to inaccuracy) and collaborated with data on actual close observations, physical sea–ice samples, ice core samples, data from surface and bottom of the sea-ice, glacial ice etc. Collecting data from high altitudes using Unmanned Aerial Vehicles are not new to the Arctic region, and have been used for number of years. The AMAP, (Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program Workshop), Oslo October, 2008, recommended that it is of great importance that scientists use unmanned aerial vehicles in the Arctic to obtain important environment measurements. Further, added to the AMAP work plan for 2011–2013, is to develop safety guidelines and cross-jurisdictional flight pilot projects, to demonstrate the use of unmanned aerial service (UAS) in the Arctic Environmental Monitoring Plan. The Canadian Government also completed the feasibility study to build a “High Arctic Research Station” in the high north to serve the entire world, for scientists to have an opportunity to share data and support the knowledge for researchers to conclude their investigations. The government is further considering purchasing, three large high-altitude Global Hawk drones for Arctic surveillance, and seeking small snowmobiles and remote control aircrafts to monitor the extreme complex landscape of the Arctic. At present, there is no method to obtain accurate surface and atmospheric data in complex and remote areas, and this requirement has become the highest priority and should be addressed urgently. In order to obtain sufficient accurate data from the Arctic surface and atmosphere, EQQUERA Inc. innovated, is designing and developing multipurpose, multifunctional SG EQQ Unmanned Aerial Vehicles that are able to access remote and complex areas in the Arctic, and operate in challengeable weather conditions such as cold long dark nights.

UKAEA’s mission at its Dounreay establishment in the north of Scotland is to restore the site so that it can be used for other purposes, with a minimal effect on the environment and requiring minimal attention by future generations. A Dounreay Site Restoration Plan (DSRP) has been produced. It sets out the decommissioning and radioactive waste management activities to restore the site within the next 60 years. Management of solid low level radioactive waste (LLW) that already exists, and that which will be produced as the DSRP progresses is an essential site restoration activity. Altogether around 150,000m3 (5.3Mft3) of untreated LLW could arise. This will then need to be treated, packaged and managed, the resulting volume being around 200,000m3 (7Mft3). A project to develop a long term strategy for managing all Dounreay’s existing and future LLW was initiated in 1999. The identification of complete solutions for management of LLW arising from the site restoration of Dounreay, an integrated reactor and reprocessing site, is novel in the UK. The full range of LLW will be encountered. UKAEA is progressing this specific project during a period when both responsibility and policy for UK decommissioning and radioactive waste management are evolving in the UK. At present, for most UK nuclear operators, there are no recognised routes for disposing of significant volumes of decommissioning LLW that has either lower or higher radioactivity than the levels set by BNFL for disposal at the UK national LLW disposal site at Drigg. A large project such as this has the potential to affect the environmental and social conditions that prevail in the area where it is implemented. Local society therefore has an interest in a project of this scale and scope, particularly as there could be a number of feasible solutions. UKAEA is progressing the project by following UK established practice of undertaking a Best Practicable Environmental Option (BPEO) study. UKAEA has no preconceptions of the outcome and is diligently not prejudging issues prematurely. The BPEO process draws experts and non-experts alike into the discussions and facilitates a structured analysis of the options. However to permit meaningful debate those options have to be at first generated, and secondly investigated. This has taken UKAEA two and a half years in technical assessment of options at a cost of around £23/4M. The options and issues have been investigated to the depth necessary for comparisons and valid judgements to be made within the context of the BPEO study. Further technical evaluation will be required on those options that eventually emerge as the BPEO. UKAEA corporate strategy for stakeholder participation in BPEO studies is laid out in “Restoring our Environment”, published in October 2002. This was developed by a joint approach between project managers, Corporate Communications, and discussion with the regulators, government departments and Scottish Executive. An Internal Stakeholder Panel was held in March 2003. The Panel was independently facilitated and recorded. Eight Panel members attended who provided a representative cross-section of people working on site. Two External Stakeholder Panels were held in Thurso at the end of May 2003. A Youth Stakeholder Panel was held at which three sixth form students from local High Schools gave their views on the options for managing Dounreay’s LLW. The agenda was arranged to maximise interactive discussion on those options and issues that the young people themselves considered important. The second External Stakeholder Panel was based on the Dounreay Local Liaison Committee. Additional participants were invited in acknowledgement of the wider issues involved. As the use of Drigg is an option two representatives from the Cumbrian local district committee attended. From all the knowledge and information acquired from both the technical and stakeholder programmes UKAEA will build up the objective line of argument that leads to the BPEO emerging. This will be the completion of this first stage of the project and is planned for achievement in March 2004. Once the BPEO has been identified the next stage will be to work up the applications for the authorisations that will be necessary to allow implementation of the BPEO. Any facilities needed will require planning permission from the appropriate planning authority. The planning application could be called in by a Minister of State or a planning inquiry convened. During this next stage attention will be paid to ensure all reports and submissions are consistent and compliant with regulations and possible future legal processes. Stakeholder dialogue will continue throughout this next stage moving on from disussion of options to the actual developments. The objective will be to resolve as many issues stakeholders might raise prior to the submissions of applications and prior to the regulators’ formal consultation procedures. This will allow early attention to those areas of concern. Beyond the submission of applications for authorisations it is unwise to speculate as nuclear decommissioning will be then organised in the UK in a different way. The Nuclear Decommissioning Authority will most probably be in overall control and, particularly for Dounreay, the Scottish Executive may have developed its policy for radioactive waste management in Scotland.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.

Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.