Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : International trade – Soviet Union.
Thèses sur le sujet « International trade – Soviet Union »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « International trade – Soviet Union ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Morriss, Anthony Douglas. « Russia, the Soviet Union and Arms Control 1899-1987 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625609.
Texte intégral
2
Balaev, Mikhail. « International trade ties and democracy in the post-Soviet world-system / ». Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank) Connect to title online (ProQuest), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9149.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2008.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-202). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.
3
Balaev, Mikhail 1976. « International trade ties and democracy in the post-Soviet world-system ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9149.
Texte intégralRésumé :
xiii, 202 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and international economic ties. The effects of economic processes on domestic politics have long been a subject for debate in the literature: some authors argue that economic liberalization advances democracy, while others advocate that economic liberalization impedes democracy. I argue that both sides of the debate omitted an important factor in the analyses of trade ties and democracy. The empirical studies predominantly used the volumes of international trade, without analyzing the structural position of trade partners in the international political arena. I argue that it is not how much a country trades, but the kind of states it trades with that determines its democracy. I analyze the current theories of democracy and identify that the main weakness of these theories is the inability to incorporate international processes and globalization in the analysis of democratization. I show that World-Systems theory (WST) can improve current theories of democracy. I employ WST and a number of alternative theories to create theoretical models of democracy. I then discuss the relevance of the former Soviet states to WST and to the analysis of democracy. I further construct a panel data set and apply pooled time-series regression, using three indexes of democracy as the dependent variables and two sets of theoretically distinct control variables. I find a negative relationship between core-periphery trade and democracy, and a positive relationship between trade openness and democracy in the periphery, which supports my main argument that trade ties must be reexamined based on the structural position of the trade partners. Contrary to conventional application of WST, the structure of the core-periphery trade shows that the core uses its economic ties to politically exploit the periphery, not the other way around. Hence, international trade is identified as a major tool for the modern hegemonies to broaden their political influence. Lastly, I found that both within- and between-states sets of control variables had influential predictors, which points out that modern theories of democracy must be restructured to incorporate multiple international processes in the analysis of the domestic politics of a state.
Advisers: Vallon Burris, Robert O'Brien
4
Copp, John W. « Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970 ». PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
5
Hancock, Kathleen J. « Surrendering sovereignty : hierarchy in the international system and the former Soviet Union / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3027046.
Texte intégral
6
Swann, Peter William. « British attitudes towards the Soviet Union, 1951-1956 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1506/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis is concerned with the British perception of Soviet foreign policy between 1951 and 1956. In particular it examines the understanding that British diplomats, politicians and civil servants had of the process of change which the death of Stalin stimulated in the Kremlin's relations with the outside world. The core of the study centres around 1955, as this was the pivotal point for the British. With the ascendancy of Khruschev there was perceived not only a new emphasis in Moscow on the necessity of avoiding global war between East and West, but also a new interest in economic competition. By 1956 Whitehall had concluded that there were a number of factors informing the Soviet re-evaluation of foreign policy. Among which were: the stabilisation of the Western alliance culminating with West German rearmament in 1955; the cost of defence expenditure both in armaments and in supporting the satellite regimes and China; the development of American and Soviet thermonuclear potentials. The latter was thought by the British to be the most profound in its implications on the Soviet approach to the future of international relations. The Soviet leadership certainly appeared eager to be friendly and particularly to communicate an awareness of the grotesque futility of a war employing the latest weaponry. To this end they agreed to the Geneva Summit of 1955. Anthony Eden and Harold Macmillan were convinced by this meeting that, in Macmillan's words, "there ain't gonna be no war". For a few brief, golden months, it seemed in London as if the Cold War might even be negotiated into history. However, by the end of 1955 it was apparent to the British that Geneva did not mean the Kremlin had given up aspirations to global supremacy, rather that the means to this end were now to be different.
7
Query, Jason. « The Impact of Transportation Costs and Trade Barriers on International Trade Flows ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19256.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Because trade is seen as welfare improving for society, governments have long employed their policy-making powers to increase trade levels. In recent years, no strategy has been more employed by policy makers than free trade agreements. As free trade agreements become more popular, world tariff levels rapidly approach zero. Given this, policy makers must look to other methods to encourage trade. I examine how non-tariff trade barriers impact international trade levels. By better understanding these trade barriers, policy makers will be able to make more informed decisions.
To better understand non-tariff trade barriers, I begin with well-known impediments to trade, including the border effect, transportation costs, and the trade creation and trade diversion effects of regional trade agreements. I then demonstrate and examine heterogeneity in these trade costs.
In Chapter II I examine the often-studied border effect, the notion that regions trade more intra-nationally than internationally. I demonstrate that smaller regions are less attractive to foreign trading partners than their larger counterparts. Fixed costs of crossing an international border, as well as more effective marketing methods, mean economically larger U.S. states or Canadian provinces see a smaller border effect. In Chapter III I look at how transportation costs incurred within the exporting country impact trade levels. Using a unique instrumental variable strategy, I show that the cost of getting a good to a port is a significant hindrance to trade. Finally, in Chapter IV I show that the benefits of joining the European Union are heterogeneous across countries. This means that while the E.U. may be beneficial on average, it may not be beneficial for individual countries.
8
Iandolo, Alessandro. « Soviet policy in West Africa, 1957-64 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2f17b326-8c4e-427a-8ce4-040c34582083.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1957 and 1964 the Soviet Union sought to export to West Africa a model of economic and social development. Moscow’s policy was driven by the conviction that socialism was a superior economic system, and could be replicated in Ghana, Guinea, and Mali. However, Soviet confidence in the project was undermined by the unreliability of local leaders, and then by the Congo crisis. The setback in West Africa taught the Soviet leadership crucial lessons, including the importance of supporting ideologically reliable leaders, and the necessity of building military strength to bolster intervention. Combining Soviet and Ghanaian sources with those more readily available in the UK and the US, this thesis shows the importance of modernisation of the Third World for Moscow’s foreign policy during the Khrushchev era, and contributes to the new sets of literature on the cold war in the third world, and on the Soviet Union’s foreign policy.
9
Lee, Choongbae. « The geopolitics of South Korean trade relations with the former Soviet Union (1988-1993) ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268961.
Texte intégral
10
Croll, Kirsteen Davina. « Soviet-Polish relations, 1919-1921 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2009. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/663/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1921 was a direct consequence of the ideological objectives pursued by the belligerents. Ideology shaped the political agenda and the diametrically opposed war aims of both states, and was implemented through the foreign policy, diplomatic negotiation and military engagements pursued. This proved to be the principal obstacle to the establishment of cordial relations. As western democracy and Russian Marxism battled it out, war was inevitable. Externally, the Paris Peace Conference provided the necessary conditions for the resumption of traditional Russian-Polish hostilities, whilst the Allied States consistently demonstrated their absolute inability to directly influence either the development, or outcome, of the conflict. Redressing the balance of historiography, this thesis includes a greater examination of the conflict from the perspective of the Soviet regime. This firmly controlled the Russian decision-making process. By charting the war, it becomes clear that both states deliberately pursued a dual offensive: traditional diplomatic negotiation and military campaign as conditions dictated. However, in addition, Soviet Russia developed a unique and innovative, revolutionary, agit-prop, diplomatic medium. This enabled adept Soviet diplomats to win the majority of diplomatic battles during the conflict, although often negotiating from a militarily weak position. Nevertheless, the regime ultimately failed in its objective: to ignite socialist revolution in western Europe. The mistaken Soviet decision in July 1920 to cross the ethnographic border to forcefully sovietise Poland, in opposition to Marxist doctrine, irreversibly altered the complexion of the war and proved its pivotal turning point. This culminated politically with the short-lived establishment of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee in Białystok, and militarily, with the decisive defeat of the Red Army at the Battle of Warsaw. It is now certain that the Red Army offensive into Poland in July 1920 aimed not only at the sovietisation of Poland, but at spreading the socialist revolution to Western Europe and overthrowing the Versailles settlement. The European revolutionary upsurge had largely extinguished during the previous year and in August 1920, Communist ideology ultimately failed to inspire the vast majority of the Polish population. Thus, by utilising the Soviet military to secure its war aims, Lenin and the Politburo inadvertently signed the death-warrant of socialist revolution in Poland at the beginning of the twentieth century.
11
Osmar, Christopher M. « Vanguard of Genocide : The Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281029869.
Texte intégral
12
Bayerl, Elizabeth. « USAID projects in the former Soviet Union : policy case studies ». Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32740.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston UniversityThe dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War are widely recognized as watershed events in the history of world affairs. Decision-makers and scholars in many fields are only beginning to understand the profound shifts and realignments in global political and economic relationships in a post-Cold War world. An important link between the United States and the former Soviet republics is the foreign assistance program in the region, since assistance efforts often serve as an important lens through which to view strategic relationships between nations. This evaluative policy research explores that link through qualitative case studies of three US Agency for International Development (USAID) projects in the region. Each qualitative case study represents a distinct approach to foreign assistance delivery in the region: classical technical assistance (represented by ZdravReform in contracts with Abt Associates), formal site partnership (in cooperative agreements with the American International Health Alliance), and experimental technology (a cooperative agreement with the former Selentec, Inc.). Three policy context chapters (Chapters I, II, and III) introduce the case studies, in which historical trends of the assistance effort and of the domestic foreign policy-making framework in Washington, DC, are highlighted. A final chapter (VII) examines the findings from the study and recommends a refocusing of the foreign assistance effort in the NIS toward more long-term developmental strategies. Theoretical and methodological assumptions in the study are informed by the constructionist approach to policy evaluation described by Guba and Lincoln (1989). This broad approach assumes that different constructions or interpretations exist concerning the nature and goals of projects. Unlike typical project evaluations, this approach does not assume that stakeholders in projects share common perceptions of the expected goals for and outcomes of their projects. Constructionist approaches to qualitative study fall within the interpretative stream of social science explored by theorists and researchers from a number of disciplines (Geertz, 1973; Denzin, 1992; Hammersley, 1989; Bruner, 1990). More specific conceptual assumptions also are explored in Chapter I, drawn from the literature on institutional research . Emphasis is placed in the evaluative analysis on how effectively conflicts that arose among the multiple stakeholders in each project were addressed.
13
Dobrenko, Vladimir. « Conspiracy of peace : the Cold War, the international peace movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3479/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee. Chapter 1 outlines the domestic and international context which fostered the peace movement (provisional title) and endeavours to construct a narrative of the political and social situation which the Soviet Union found itself in after World War II (as a superpower and an empire leading the Socialist Bloc) in order to put forward the argument that the motivations for undertaking the project of the 'peace movement', above all, were of an international-political nature, rather than of an internal and domestic nature. Chapter 2 starts off with the Soviet project of establishing an international peace movement, including firstly the World Peace Congress, which simultaneously convened in Paris and Prague, and then proceeds with the institutional, political and social development of the Campaign up to the dissolution of the Cominform in 1956. The task of this chapter is not merely to chronicle the history of the Soviet Peace Campaign, but to extract from the narrative underlying themes and organise them accordingly. Finally, Chapter 3 deals with internal Soviet Peace Campaign. The task here is to construct a historical account of the Soviet anti-war movement from 1949 to 1956 through the institutional history of the Soviet Peace Committee. Furthermore, the aim is to demonstrate the relationship between the Soviet Peace Committee and party and state institutions and its dependency on and implications for political decision-making processes within the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Finally, this chapter will also examine the role of the Soviet Peace Committee and its affiliated institutions in the advancement of Cold War propaganda through the media (i.e. press, journalism, etc.), literature (i.e. novels, poems, etc.), film and political art (i.e. posters, caricature, etc.).
14
Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. « Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.
15
Child, Victoria. « British policy towards the Soviet Union 1939-42 with special reference to the Baltic States ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240246.
Texte intégral
16
Bradshaw, Michael Joseph. « East-West trade and the regional development of Siberia and the Soviet Far East ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26964.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Studies of the role of East-West trade in Soviet economic development often assume that Siberia and the Far East play an important role in trading relations, but few studies have examined the extent of that role and the relationship between trade and economic development within the region. This study addresses two interrelated questions: firstly, what is the role of Siberia and the Far East in trade with the West, and secondly, what is the role of East-West trade in Siberian development.
Regional trade participation data are not available. The study therefore examines the composition of Soviet trade with the West and the industrial structure of the Siberian economy, in order to deduce the extent of regional participation in trade. Soviet exports to the West are dominated by natural resources, while imports from the West comprise machinery and equipment, manufactured goods and agricultural products. Analysis of the Siberian economy reveals a specialisation in the production and processing of natural resources. Estimates of export participation show that since the late 1970s the region has become the Soviet Union's most important source of foreign currency. Imports of Western technology are shown to play an important part in natural resource production and in the creation of Siberia's Territorial-Production Complexes. In many instances compensation agreements tie the use of imports to export production.
Overall the value of Siberian exports exceeds the cost of imports of Western technology, so that the region generates a sizeable foreign currency surplus. In conclusion, a simple model of the trade and development process is presented which relates the pattern of foreign trade participation to the process of regional development. The impact of Western imports is felt mainly in the European core region where they provide additional resources to feed the population and renovate the industrial base; the impact of exports to the West is felt mainly in Siberia and the Far East where they increase demands for natural resource production. Thus, East-West trade serves to perpetuate the existing core-periphery pattern of Soviet regional development.Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
Graduate
17
Simamba, Bilika Harry. « Trade union rights and the international labour organization an African perspective ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5120.
Texte intégral
18
Rosenberg, Hyla. « U.S.-Soviet interchange : an examination of the underlying assumptions of U.S. peace organizations sponsoring contact with Soviet citizens ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4105.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research focus of this study was upon U.S. peace organizations which sponsor face-to-face contact with Soviet citizens. Nine U.S. peace organizations were included in the study, the names of which were acquired through a publication produced by the Institute for Soviet-American Relations. The researcher contacted approximately 28 organizations either by telephone or mail, requesting that organizational literature (program descriptions, newsletters, brochures, pamphlets) be sent to the researcher for the purpose of conducting a rhetorical analysis of such literature.
19
Milushev, Nikola. « Trade relations and the level of integration between Bulgaria and the European Union ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272114.
Texte intégral
20
Zhu, Jiaming. « A Chinese exploration of Sino-Soviet relations since the death of Stalin, 1953-1989 ». Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 1991. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/979/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 1991.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, 1991. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
21
Batyrkhanova, Yekaterina. « Position of Kazakhstan in International Trade and Business ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193370.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis presents an analysis of trends in world and foreign trade of Kazakhstan. It contains the main indicators characterizing the degree of product and geographic diversification of Kazakhstan's exports and imports. The thesis analyses the features, character and prospects of expansion of foreign economic relations of Kazakhstan, issues of strategic partnership, and trends shaping the model of the regional economy within the boundaries of the Eurasian Economic Space.
22
Lyons, Anthony J. « International relations theory and the end of the Cold War : a retrospective step forwards ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340591.
Texte intégral
23
Goldman, Lawrence R. « An Analysis of the Relationship between Cuba and the Soviet Union : 1959-1990 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625685.
Texte intégral
24
Hügens, Jonathan. « A Comparative Analysis of Legal Frameworks for Investments in Africa by China and the European Union ». Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32752.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis presents a comparative analysis of the legal investment frameworks of the European Union and China in African countries. The thesis reviewed financial instruments of foreign direct investments, official development assistance and other official flows. The legal analysis focus on the demand on political conditions to access the financial assistance; under which conditions are the projects tendered; and which labor standards set the parties while the project is implemented. All reflected under the aspect of the fairest condition for African countries. The comparison figured out that the European Union with its demands for the implementation of human rights, democracy and the rule of law facing certain reluctance of most African governments for a full implementation while contrary to that the OneChina principle is broadly acknowledge by African governments to gain investments. When projects are tendered the research presents that the European Union searches for local and regional providers to strengthen African businesses. This with guidelines for core labor laws based on human rights when it comes to the implementation. While China tenders with a strong commercial self-interest and does not set any labor standards relaying on local laws and showing limited interest and understanding when it comes to implementation.
25
Mathieu, Josue. « Fighting unfair trade, leveling the playing field, enforcing trade rights. The construction of trade protection in the United States and the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/284624.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The PhD dissertation studies the construction of trade protection in the United States and the European Union. It focuses in particular on measures of contingent protection, comprising anti-dumping duties, countervailing duties and safeguards. The dissertation adopts a constructivist approach based on narrative analysis: broadening the conventional scope of political economy research on trade, the analysis combines the study of narratives with the concept of ‘discourse coalition’. The period under investigation spans over the period 2010-2014, covering the Obama Administration and the mandate of European Commissioner for trade Karel De Gucht. Adopting a comparative approach of the US and EU trade policy, the dissertation provides a detailed analysis of the US administration’s and the European Commission’s discourses on trade protection, and includes an analysis of a large array of other actors’ alternative, or competing constructions of contingent protection. The dissertation demonstrates that a specific type of unilateral enforcement plays an underestimated role in the construction of contingent protection. It also emphasizes that policy actors consider contingent protection as necessary to convince people that the trading system is fair; the research proposes the concept of ‘discursive embedded liberalism’ to account for this specific construction of trade protection. The research underlines elements of continuity and change, showing that many elements of the current crisis within the international trade regime were already in the making in the period under investigation.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
26
Sheeran, Paul. « Altered states in international relations : the role of counterculture in the disintegration of the Soviet Union ». Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302517.
Texte intégral
27
Leitch, Duncan. « International assistance and the reform of public administration in Ukraine : fiscal decentralisation and regional policy 2000-2012 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6382/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis examines the influence of external advice on domestic reform in a post-communist state following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. As an example of this, the research analyses the role of international assistance in the reform of public administration in Ukraine in the period 2000 to 2012, with particular reference to the relationship between the national and sub-national tiers of government. Two empirical case studies, on fiscal decentralisation and regional policy, are employed to provide an in-depth analysis of reform programmes introduced by the Government of Ukraine and an examination of the contribution of external advice to each. The thesis draws on concepts from Institutional Theory, Comparative Politics and Development Studies to explain the interaction between external donors and the domestic recipients of their advice. It is argued that international assistance to public administrative reform in Ukraine is a form of normative institutional isomorphism involving the deliberate transfer of models of state institutions from donor countries where they are regarded as good practice. The findings of the case studies indicate the narrow circumstances in which this transaction may lead to short-term progress with reform, through the establishment of a policy transfer network linking domestic and external actors. However the case studies also demonstrate that in the longer term both these attempts at reform, and the international advice which contributed to them, failed to achieve a sustained outcome. Employing the political economy analysis of development aid the thesis argues that the international community bears a large share of the responsibility for this owing to the technocratic nature of assistance programmes and their limited engagement with the political realities of reform processes.
28
Netzer, Miriam Sophia. « Strange bedfellows : Russian-Iranian relations from 1941-present ». Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27731.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
29
Fink, Rachael. « France and the Soviet Union : Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism ». Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
Texte intégral
30
Nsanta-Kalimukwa, Natasha. « Trade liberalisation vs public morality : can the European Union seal ban be justified under the GATT Article XX (a) ? » Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12892.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Includes bibliographical references.The objective of the research is to assess the strength of a potential exception available to the EU under Article XX (a) of the GATT. This is not the first time that issues to do with animal welfare are being challenged at the WTO dispute settlement system. Animal welfare issues have been at the centre of conflicts from the times of the GATT through to the creation of the WTO. For example, in 1993 a dispute arose when the U.S. adopted a law known as the U.S. Marine Mammal Protection Act which established standards of harvesting tuna using purse seine nets to prevent the unnecessary killing of dolphins. This law entailed that if a country exporting to the U.S. did not meet the standards as specified in the law, the tuna would be embargoed. The Panel ruled against the U.S although the panel report was never adopted because under the old GATT regime, a decision could be blocked by a member state that was unhappy with the decision and the U.S. blocked its adoption. This scenario is no longer possible because under the WTO because of the negative consensus principle. Further, in 1997, under the United States Endangered Act of 1973, the U.S. imposed a ban on the importation of certain shrimp and shrimp products that were not caught using turtle excluding devices (TED)in their nets when fishing in areas where there a significant likelihood of encountering sea turtles. Although the two cases were brought under Article XX (b) exception, they are still important for the seals case because the main reason the products were banned was because the countries who adopted the bans did not subscribe to the methods used in the hunting which raised concerns in their countries. Seals have also come under contention before when in 1983 the EU banned products from ‘whitecoats’ and bluebacks’ a species of seals also known as harp and hooded seals respectively that have not yet been weaned as a result of concerns over their conservation status. The current seal dispute is therefore important for two reasons. Firstly the study is ofparticular importance because the moral exception under GATT is rarely invoked. It will be the third dispute under the GATT specifically to invoke the public morals exception and the second dispute under the WTO. So there has not been a lot of adjudication on the exception. Secondly, it is the first time that a dispute panel at the WTO is adjudicating upon a trade measure adopted for the protection of animal welfare by a Member State purely based on moral beliefs and indignation.
31
Fodor, Neil. « The Warsaw Treaty Organisation : a political and organisational analysis ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1987. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4359/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis describes the political-military alliance of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation (WTO) from its origins and founding in 1955 to its 30th Anniversary in 1985, and after. In showing how the WTO has developed and operated, its practical application in the fields of joint foreign policy and military affairs is described and discussed. In the light of this analysis, the WTO is placed in its context within the socialist community. The origins of the WTO are shown to be part of a general trend towards closer co-operation between the European socialist countries. The states were formally brought together as a public response to the London and Paris Agreements of 1954, which officially rearmed the Federal Republic of Germany and incorporated it into the Western military alliance system and NATO. The structural development is described and analysed, showing the practice of the official structure largely to be a response to existing ad hoc arrangements. The limitations placed on the Organisation's political and military roles are explained, detailing how the WTO is formally restrained from operating as an efficient or effective multilateral co-ordinating body. Where it does operate, the WTO is shown principally to be a political organisation. The documentary history of the WTO is analysed, to show how the structure works in practice. Particular stress is placed on the role of the WTO in carrying out its claimed purpose of co-ordinating the foreign policies of the members. The conclusion is suggested that the WTO at most co-ordinates the `basic principles' rather than the diplomatic practice of its members' foreign policies. The participating states are shown not to be significantly bound by the WTO in the practice of their national foreign policies, though they are bound by bilateral factors external to the structure of the Warsaw Treaty. The 30th Anniversary of the signing of the WTO, potentially a historic landmark, is shown to have passed with very little pomp or celebration. The treatment of the Anniversary in the Soviet Union and amongst its allies was low-key. The issues covered by the Anniversary speeches and articles are described, and are analysed both for what they said about the WTO, its origins, practice, ansd significance, and for what was not said or done. Changes are analysed that have taken place under the new Soviet leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev, whose accession occurred just before the signing of the Protocol extending the Treaty. The 30th Anniversary soon followed. Structural changes were hinted at but never took place, though the documents issued by the existing bodies have become much more open in their description of the discussions and disagreements that took place. These events, coinciding with other changes in Soviet internal and externalpolicies, were shown to be part of an apparent attempt by the Soviet authorities to consult and co-ordinate its actions with its allies, or at least to appear to be doing so. It is also shown where past practices, such as unilateral Soviet moves on foreign policy and arms control, have not changed. The conclusion is that the real significance of the WTO is ideological, serving to give the impression of unity. The Warsaw Treaty Organisation is just another means in the many forms of alliance indicating, and used to justify, the `socialist community'. Other forms of alliance, both political and military, take precedence over the WTO in all its functions. These are principally bilateral, rather than multilateral, forms, and in many cases they are party, rather than state, forms of alliance. Research into the WTO has not been fruitless, but has proved to be the study of issues other than the foreign or defence policies of a multilateral alliance.
32
Hudson, Victoria Ann. « A study of the civilisational aspects of Russian soft power in contemporary Ukraine ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5134/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis contributes to an in-depth understanding of the concept of soft power, which according to Joseph Nye indicates the ability to achieve foreign policy goals through cultural attraction. For the purposes of this study of Russian cultural influence in Ukraine, soft power is rearticulated to highlight the ability to engage in mean-making and cultural-ideational leadership on the international stage. A critique of Nye justifies a reframing of soft power, which is supplied by drawing on the analytical power of post-Marxist hegemony and discourse theory. The methodology through which this concept is operationalised empirically emphasises outcomes over inputs, thus appraisals of soft power must account for whether the discourses promoted by mean-making initiatives resonate favourably with target audiences. Desk-based and field research supports an argument that Moscow acknowledges the need for soft power, understood here in terms of ‘sovereignty of spirit’. This civilisational approach is explored further, and the target narratives advanced by significant proponents of the discourse, namely the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the Russian Orthodox Church and foreign policy officials, are identified. Insights into the activities of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to promote spiritually-infused discourses are provided, and new developments observed. Finally, the extent of Russian ‘civilisational’ soft power is estimated through surveys and focus groups gauging audience reception to the ideational narratives promoted.
33
McMahon, Margery A. « Changing relations : Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2457/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the period of transition which followed the collapse of the USSR, the states of that region were forced to make many political and economic adjustments. A crucial part of the processes was the restructuring of relations among these formerly fraternal republics and as they became in 1991, independent states. For most states structuring relations with Russian became a priority since it is the largest and most dominant regional actor. Such relations are shaped by a number of factors including historical development, economic legacies and geopolitical concerns. These issues have impacted upon the evolving relationship between Russia and its Slav neighbours, Ukraine and Belarus. Drawing on a common background in terms of historical political, economic and cultural development, Russia's relations with these states developed to the point where they were formalized in a Russian Belarusian Community (1996) and a Russian Ukrainian Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation (1997). The impetus for Russia to renegotiate its relations with the states on its western borders was strengthened by the proposed eastward expansion of NATO. Belarus and Ukraine however benefited from this. Belarus was guaranteed cheap supplies of Russian natural resources, vital for its economy, even if this came at the cost of ceding a degree of sovereignty. Ukraine, still excluded from European political and economic organizations was recognized by Russia as an independent state with significant regional influence. Russia secured a buffer zone on its western borders. Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus are now qualitatively different. Ukraine has emerged as a potential ally and even future rival to Russia while Belarus has opted to become a Russian client state with, it appears, the ultimate goal of union with Russia.
34
Mercado, Simon Anthony. « Trade policy and governance in the European Union : a new institutional approach to the study of commercial policy-making ». Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363327.
Texte intégral
35
Carter, Charles William. « The Importance of Osthandel : West German-Soviet Trade and the End of the Cold War, 1969-1991 ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1346850432.
Texte intégral
36
Brown, James D. J. « The energy impact theory of foreign policy : an analysis of Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1970-2010 ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2011. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=166218.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis addresses the substantive problem: how does variation in energy wealth impact upon the foreign policies of major energy-producing states? To answer this question, the thesis draws upon the ‘resource curse’ literature, as well as existing works of foreign policy analysis, to formulate a new theory. Based on a framework of neoclassical realism, this energy impact theory of foreign policy proposes that energy wealth, conceived as a national capability, has a significant and reliable effect on major energy-producing states’ foreign policies. Specifically, it is hypothesised that increases in energy capabilities amplify the scale and scope of these states’ international activity; promote boldness, ambition, and aggression; and encourage the adoption of unilateralist approaches to foreign policy. Decreases in energy capabilities are anticipated to have the opposite effects. Having delineated the core features of this middle-range theory, the model is tested using an initial, most-likely case study of the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1970 to 2010. The results of this empirical study are enormously encouraging since, following meticulous qualitative analysis of events data, the theory is concluded to have significant explanatory value in this context, as well as substantial promise as a more general model. In this way, the thesis endeavours to make a distinctive contribution, not only to research into the factors shaping Moscow’s international conduct, but also to the broader theoretical literatures on the ‘resource curse’ and foreign policy analysis. It is anticipated that this thesis marks only the beginning of a much more extensive programme of research.
37
Muthee, Karen Wangu. « The effect of the East African community integration process on informal cross-border trade (ICBT) : an analysis of the Customs Union Protocol ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/19787.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Informal cross border trade (ICBT) includes imports and exports that are traded across borders informally by escaping the normal border procedures like customs clearance. As a consequence of the said informality, ICBT is viewed as illegal cross border activities. Despite the fact that it is not possible to give the accurate extent of ICBT in the East African Community (EAC), it continues to grow by the day and has contributed significantly to economic and sustainable growth. It therefore has the potential to support the ongoing initiatives on poverty reduction and raise the standards of living for a majority of the people. In fact, if properly managed, it definitely has the effect of boosting the economies. The concept therefore that ICBT is illegal trade shows that legislators have not fully appreciated the benefits of this trade and the fact that they have downplayed it means overlooking a significant proportion of trade. The main aim of the study therefore is to give an overview of the nature and scope as well as the significance of ICBT in EAC. In this regard, the three major advantages are that it is a source of employment, assists in eradicating poverty and contributes immensely towards food security in the region. The study also analyzes the Customs Union Protocol and highlights opportunities that can be derived from specific articles for the benefit of the informal cross border traders and eventually comes up with policy recommendations to provide a regulatory environment that can accommodate both the formal and informal sector without harming either of the two. The research has also discussed the regional integration initiatives taken with the aim of promoting economic development in the Community and their effect on ICBT. The route taken by Africa as a whole is market integration which has not been without difficulties. As an alternative, regionalism from below could be the better way forward in the quest for regional economic integration considering ICBT has greatly supported the shrinking formal economy. This would mean tapping into this informal trade by building on those informal trade networks to create a robust economy bearing in mind that is where a substantial proportion of cross-border trade is conducted. This would ultimately lead to formalizing ICBT. While it may seem difficult, the study shows that formalizing ICBT and having its official recognition in the Customs Union Protocol would be a stepping stone to realizing economic integration within the Community. It is a kind of trade that is there to stay and as a result of the shrinking formal economy; EAC will with time have to deal with ICBT as a parallel and alternative source of employment in relation to the formal sector. Therefore, it is necessary that the Community deals with ICBT sooner rather than later considering it has become a social-economic lifestyle for a large number of EAC citizens.
38
Nashiraliyev, Yeldos. « Economic integration in the Commonwealth of Independent States : perspectives, problems, solutions : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Public Policy at Massey University, Albany, New Zealand ». Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1080.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It has been 17 years since the Soviet Union broke up and its constituent countries gained their independence. In the beginning years the sovereignty was considered an indisputable priority, resulting in economic matters being put off. However, in the light of slow economic development in the area, it seemed to be imperative for these countries to pursue economic integration. Backed up by political will, several attempts had been made to establish various integration groupings, one of them being the Commonwealth of Independent States. The established organisation’s main aim was to assist countries in preserving the connecting links inherited from the former Soviet Union. Some of the countries in the region managed to achieve relatively high growth rates mainly due to their individual efforts. Unfortunately, so far, none out of a number of proposed integration projects has proven to be an effective and binding tool in the political and economic development of the region. This thesis aims to identify problems standing in the way of economic integration of the Commonwealth of Independent States. As of now, a free trade area – the initial form of economic integration – has not been established. Although trade ties between the member states function, the main export destination of these states is outside the Commonwealth. It is recommended that the initial steps in setting up a free trade area in this territory should begin with developing integration within regional associations, due to smaller numbers of participants and their common interests.
39
Gervásio, Ana Margarida Coito. « A sectoral analysis of Mercosur trade with the European Union ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14576.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mestrado em EconomiaO presente trabalho analisa a estrutura e evolução do comércio internacional entre os países que compõem o Mercosul e o seu principal parceiro comercial, a União Europeia (2001-2016). O principal objectivo é analisar a competitividade internacional do Mercosul, relativamente à União Europeia, a um nível sectorial. Esta analise foi baseada no índice de vantagens comparativas reveladas, calculado para ambos os grupos, para 99 produtos. Os resultados foram trabalhados de forma a identificar os produtos com maior grau de atractividade. Os sectores que revelaram maior potencial foram principalmente animais vivos, vegetais, gorduras animais ou vegetais, produtos alimentares, produtos minerais, produtos da indústria química e pastas de madeira.
The present work analyzes the structure and evolution of the international trade between the countries that are part of the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) and its key trade partner, the European Union (EU), during the period from 2001 to 2016. The main goal of this work is to assess Mercosur's international competitiveness relative to the EU, at a sectoral level. This analysis was conducted with the use of the revealed comparative advantage index, computed for both country blocs, and for 99 product groups. The results were combined, in order to identify the products with a higher degree of attractiveness. The sectors that revealed higher potential to be exported were mostly live animals, vegetables, animal or vegetable fats, foodstuff, mineral products, products of the chemical industry and pulp of wood.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
40
Götz, Linde Johanna [Verfasser]. « Trade policy interventions on agricultural markets in countries of the former Soviet Union and the Balkans / Linde Johanna Götz ». Halle, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1147380600/34.
Texte intégral
41
Petronzio, Edward. « Talking trade over wine assessing the role of trade associations, bureacratic agencies and legislative bodies in the United States-European Union and Canada-European Union wine trade disputes / ». Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1192736566.
Texte intégral
42
Salitan, Laurie P. « An analysis of Soviet Jewish emigration in the 1970s ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f984e4b9-f578-4ee9-89d5-b26a65cca29b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Domestic, not foreign affairs drove Soviet policy on Jewish emigration during the period of 1968-1989. This study challenges the prevailing view that fluctuating levels of exit from the USSR were correlated to the climate of relations between the USA and the USSR. The analysis also considers Soviet-German emigration for comparative perspective. Extensive historical background, with special emphasis on Soviet nationality policy is provided.
43
Olson, Peter Millard. « An analysis of US/Soviet arms control : adding a subsystem perspective ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4300.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Analyses of US/Soviet arms control have usually focused on domestic variables to explain US/Soviet arms control behavior. Partly because the number of negotiating parties is only two, there is a propensity to focus on the bilateral relationship of the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective domestic political situations. Only superficial attention has usually been given to international systems variables that may well influence the domestic political situation and arms control policy.
This thesis broadens the explanatory scope of US/Soviet arms control by showing how the political environment of a trilateral relationship (a subsystem that includes the West European members of NATO as a single actor as well as the United States and the Soviet Union) is a primary motivator of US/Soviet arms control behavior.
44
Olofsson, Casper, et Joel Wadsten. « Forecasting Forestry Product Trade Flow in the European Union : A study using the gravity model ». Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-64159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study was to examine the factors affecting the trade flow on forestry products within the European Union. A gravity model was used to estimate the factors affecting the trade flow. The study used a panel data set with observations of two forestry commodities between 28 EU member countries over the years 2005 to 2014. The commodities are Wood chips and particles and Industrial roundwood. The parameters are estimated with fixed effects, the result indicated for Wood chips and particles that exporting countries GDP affect the trade flow positivly (0.64) and the importing countries GDP affect positively aswell (0.36). For Industrial roundwood the exporting countries GDP affect the trade flow negatively (-0.69) and the importing countries GDP affect positively (0.80). With the estimated parameters a forecast of Wood chips and particles over the years 2015 to 2020 was made, the forecast indicated an increase in the trade flow value with 27.2%
45
Grewlich, Jerome. « International trade in wine and geographical indications : common interests between the EU and South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49995.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MScAgric)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: European-South African trade relations concerrnng wine and spirits are characterized by various opportunities and, at the same time, a range of conflicts. The latter notably relates to the dispute over geographical indications and designations of origin. Considering this confusing amalgamation of discord and harmony, it is the purpose of this study, entitled "International Trade in Wine and Geographical Indications - Common Interests between the EU and South Africa", to understand the rationale for trade in wine from both sides of the coin. Moreover, this research assesses possible multilateral and bilateral solutions for dealing with trade frictions between the EU and South Africa and identifies common interests with a view to establish a lasting foundation for blossoming trade in wine and sustained growth. The underlying methodology is a qualitative interpretative approach and bases on insights into modern marketing and international management theory. On this basis the "objective" interests of the EU and South Africa in trade in wine are analysed in order to assess the coming into existence of the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement as well as the Wine and Spirits Agreement. Pivot of these trade negotiations is the dispute on geographical indications, which is scrutinized by looking into relevant chapters of the WTO and its TR.IPS Agreement. With regards to the Wine and Spirits Agreement it is salient to ask whether it is economically and politically reasonable for South Africa to accept a financial package from the EU to secure the 'voluntary' phasing out of a number of trademarks and geographical indications. The study concludes with an outlook regarding the globalisation of the world's wine market, potential future investment flows between the EU and South Africa and the need for an effective marketing strategy in order to become or remain global player in an increasing competitiveness caused by globalisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Europese en Suid-Afrikaanse handelsverhoudinge in wyn en spiritualieë word gekenmerk deur verskeie geleenthede en terselfdertyd 'n reeks konflikte. Laasgenoemde hou merkbaar verband met die twis oor geografiese indikatore en aanwysings van oorsprong. Gegewe hierdie verwarrende tweedrag en harmonie, is die doel van hierdie studie, getiteld "Internasionale Handel in Wyn en Geografiese Aanwysings - Gemeenskaplike belange tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika", om die 'rationale' agter die wynhandel van twee kante te beskou. Verder ondersoek hierdie navorsing moontlike multi- en bilaterale oplossings vir die handelswrywing tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika en identifiseer gemeenskaplike belange met die doelom 'n fondament te bou vir volhoubare groei in die wynhandel. Die onderliggende metodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe verklarende benadering, gebaseer op insigte uit moderne bemarkings- en bestuursteorie. Op hierdie vlak word die 'objektiewe' belange van die EU en Suid-Afrika in die wynhandel ontleed om gevolgtrekkings oor die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en die Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms te maak. Onderliggend aan hierdie onderhandelinge is die twis oor geografiese aanwysings, wat noukeurig ondersoek is deur relevante hoofstukke van die WHO Ooreenkoms en sy TRIPS-komponent te raadpleeg. Met verwysing na die Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms is dit voor die hand liggend om te vra of dit ekonomies en polities verstandig vir Suid-Afrika is om 'n finansiële pakket van die EU te aanvaar in ruil vir die vrywillige uitfasering van 'n aantal handelsmerke en geografiese aanwysings. Die studie sluit af met '11" blik op globalisering van die wêreld se wynmarkte, die potensiële toekomstige vloei van beleggings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika, en die behoefte aan 'n effektiewe bemarkingsstrategie om 'n globale speler te word.
46
Levermore, Roger John. « The European Union/South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : decision-making, participation and perceived economic impacts ». Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/391.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union-South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (EU/SA TDCA), signed in October 1999, is viewed by some in South Africa as not only one of the most important trade and development agreements entered into by the 'new' South African goverrunent, but also a significant agreement for setting precedents for other bi-lateral trade and development pacts between the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific group of states. This thesis considers two major issues related to the EU/SA TDCA. First, it describes and evaluates the structures that supported the South African side of the TDCA decision-making process. Second, it discusses the potential economic impact of the agreement on South Africa and part of southern African. Prior to the election of the 'new' South African government in 1994, the majority of South Africa's population was excluded - both in terms of access to decision-making structures and from economic prosperity. By exploring the TDCA, the thesis provides a window through wl-dch to examine contemporary access to decision-making processes in South Africa and the likelihood of the TDCA promoting economic prosperity for sections of southern African society, particularly the 'traditionally excluded'. Interviews with key actors who helped formulate the TDCA provide information that enabled the evaluation of the TDCA decision-making process and highlighted potential economic 'winners' and 'losers'. Interviewing representatives of the South African wine and textile sectors provided an opportunity to examine in more detail the likely impact of the agreement and decision-making processes, associated to the TDCA, within South Africa. The results indicate that an overriding message of this thesis is one of complexity. The description of the structures that underpinned the EU/SA TDCA portrayed complex relationships between decision-making 'actors'. In evaluating the inclusivity of the policy formulation process, there was a lack of consensus over who had been included or excluded. Likewise, the identification of potential economic 'winners' and 'losers' proved to be somewhat problematic.
47
Brown, Karen M. « Trade union international solidarity, exploring the uneven development of grassroots solidarity funds within Canadian unions ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0018/MQ49323.pdf.
Texte intégral
48
Ygge, Johan. « The Distance of Trade : A quantitative analysis of how the importance of distance has evolved in international trade ». Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3286.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Distance is of great influence when deciding whom to trade with. This thesis examines how the importance of distance in international trade has evolved. This is done using an extended generalized gravity model, which includes population, real exchange rate and a dummy variable for membership in the European Union. Using data for the EU27 and the four largest economies in the world outside of EU, this model estimates the effect of distance on trade from 1980 to 2005. This thesis shows that the impact of distance has evolved towards having a greater negative effect on trade during the observed years. The reason for this could be a development towards regional trade, at the expense of long-distance trade.
49
Graham, Simon Thomas. « Cold War Collaborations : An International History of East German Intelligence Sharing with Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, 1948–89 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the relationship between the security service of East Germany and its allies in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia during the Cold War, from 1948–89. My use of international history to analyse intelligence-sharing takes us beyond the hierarchical models that typically characterise collaboration and challenge any notion that peripheral Warsaw Pact states were in awe of the Moscow centre. Instead I show that the services were mutually constructed. I analyse how the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) sought to cooperatively establish structures to govern intelligence-sharing processes with the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB) and the Czechoslovakian State Security Service (StB), so that domestic security needs were balanced with the broader alliance’s objectives for collaboration. The tension between national interests and transnational obligations was felt acutely in East Germany and Czechoslovakia. I examine how such tensions were reconciled and, conversely, the effects of failed reconciliation efforts in order to understand the complexities of intelligence collaboration. My research predominantly addresses these questions in relation to the transfer of foreign intelligence. This approach leads me to new sites of intelligence diplomacy as I examine East German diplomacy in the developing world, particularly Zanzibar, and invites reconsideration of old themes, including the Stasi’s role in the 1983 War Scare.
50
Jones, Emily. « The weak vs. the strong : African, Caribbean and Pacific countries negotiating free trade agreements with the European Union ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:10e39b93-ab7c-4160-af54-de39959486ca.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to explain the outcomes of trade negotiations between the European Union (EU) and seventy-six of the world’s smallest developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific (ACP). Puzzlingly, in spite of its vastly greater economic size, the EU was, for the main, unable to realise its objective of concluding six broad and deep free trade agreements with these countries. Deploying first historical institutional analysis then statistical modelling and finally by scrutinising a wealth of primary documents and transcripts of interviews with negotiators, the thesis reveals three factors that influenced outcomes. First, coercive pressure applied by the EU on countries dependent on EU for trade preferences and aid. Second, tactics within the negotiating process, with some ACP countries and regions manoeuvring more effectively than others. Third, differences in the underlying preferences of ACP governments, with most opposing major aspects of the EU’s proposals, but a minority embracing the EPA approach. Probing the underlying reasons, the thesis finds that, contrary to the prevailing literature, lobbying by domestic economic interest groups only provides part of the answer – the analytical and ideational processes within ACP government institutions also exerted an influence. The analysis shows that structural factors, particularly the depth of economic and political dependence on the larger state, establish the range of likely outcomes from a given negotiation. However the preferences of small states and the way in which they interact strategically with the larger state can definitively shape the final outcome. In particular, small states can exercise a degree of resistance and blocking power that is often underestimated. It also sheds light on the formation of trade preferences in small developing countries and shows that in addition to lobbying by external groups, information and ideas within government bureaucracies appear to play an important role.