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1
Rymkevich, Olga. « 13th World Congress of the International Industrial Relations Association (IIRA) ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 20, Issue 2 (1 juin 2004) : 305–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2004017.
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The 13th IIRA World Congress held in Berlin on 8-12 September 2003 attracted participants from all over the world. In the course of five days a wide range of topics relating to the changing profile of industrial relations was covered. Due to the large number of papers, we focus here only on the contributions presented during the plenary sessions. The conference was opened with a speech by Professor Manfred Weiss, president of the IIRA Association, who drew attention to the variety of challenges industrial relations face today, underlining the need for scientific and practical discussion that could be of a great use for the all the parties concerned. During pre-congress the problems of codetermination in Germany were addressed by Jörg Sydow (Chairman of the German Industrial Relations Association), Nikolaus Simon (Director of the Hans-Böckler Foundation), Otto Jacobi (Laboratorium Europa), Walther Müller-Jentsch (Ruhr-University Bochum, Germany), Hansjörg Weitbrecht (University of Heidelberg, Germany), Michael Fichter, (Organizing Committee, GIRA), followed by visits to leading German companies.
2
Ibragimov, Farkhad Elshan Ogli. « Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects) ». Вопросы безопасности, no 4 (avril 2022) : 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2022.4.39069.
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The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis of the 2000s largely followed the example of Washington due to Germany joining the latter's power diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are: The future of German-Iranian relations will depend on a number of international, regional and domestic factors, the development of which is difficult to predict with any certainty; besides Germany, the positions of Great Britain and France in relation to Iran matter to a lesser extent; Iran's geopolitical attractiveness, along with Iran's willingness to welcome Germany as an active player in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as well as pressure from the country's economic groups to develop trade relations with Iran, encourage Germany to take the lead in European foreign policy towards Iran ; With the start of nuclear talks in 2013, Berlin played a positive role in the negotiations that culminated in the nuclear deal in July 2015. Since then, close cooperation has been established both in industry and in the field of education; The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the results of the study can be applied in the strategic planning of international relations with Iran.
3
Kryvonos, Roman. « What Ukrainian Diplomats Need to Know about Germany’s Foreign Policy in its Relations with Ukraine ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 704–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46.
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The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a powerful tool for the transformation of the country. However, Ukraine’s admission to the European Union in the near future is not an option. It is argued that part of the population and politicians in Germany believe that Russia has legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space. However, after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Germany gave wide support to the European choice of Ukraine and became one of the main allies and assistants of Ukraine in reforming public administration and economy. Germany was involved in Minsk-1 and Minsk-2. Emphasis is attached to the vigorous development of economic cooperation between the two states. Summing up, the author draws several conclusions. Firstly, there is a gradual intensification of bilateral relations. Germany, along with the United States, provides Ukraine with transformational assistance, which began before the proclamation of its independence in 1991. Additionally, the undeclared Russian aggression against Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 have amply demonstrated that political power factors continue to be the key tools of international politics. Ukrainian vector was not clearly conceptualized in the German foreign policy till the Russian aggression of 2014, and it was in the circum-stances of the Russian aggression that Germany opted for political support to Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, Germany, Russia, international relations.
4
Vonnard, Philippe, et Sébastien Cala. « Playing with or without Politics : Studying the Position of East Germany within the FIS and FIFA from a Long-Term Perspective (1924–1962) ». Sport History Review 51, no 1 (1 mai 2020) : 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/shr.2019-0025.
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The present paper looks at the different positions two major international sport federations, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) and the Fédération Internationale de Ski (FIS), took with respect to East Germany during the 1950s. Because these positions were greatly influenced by FIFA’s and the FIS’s prior relations with Germany and by the challenges posed by global politics, this study begins by examining these relations during the interwar period. By combining information from the FIFA, FIS, and International Olympic Committee (IOC) archives with documents from the German national archives and articles published in Switzerland’s sporting press, the authors were able to highlight differences between the two federations’ approaches and show the need for studies to go beyond an IOC-centric approach.
5
Richter, Hedwig. « De-Nazification, Socialism and Solidarity : Re-Establishing International Relations in the Moravian Church after 1945 ». Journal of Moravian History 3, no 1 (2007) : 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41179831.
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Abstract Despite the fierce animosities between Germans and Americans during the Second World War, a surprising sense of international fellowship developed between Moravians in the USA and in East Germany, even before the war had completely ended. The author shows how this new relationship evolved and how much East German Moravians depended on transatlantic help to rebuild their churches and communities. The old concept of an international Moravian "Unity" was revived by establishing and inventing new common traditions. The renewed international unity of the Moravian Church is placed in the context of the general awakening of internationalism after the Second World War.
6
Martynov, Andriy. « US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, no 9 (2020) : 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.
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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.
7
Chapin, Wesley D. « The Turkish Diaspora in Germany ». Diaspora : A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, no 2 (septembre 1996) : 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.2.275.
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At the beginning of 1995, nearly two million Turkish nationals were living in Germany. While this represents only about 2.5% of the total population, the Turkish minority significantly influences German politics. As the single largest group of “foreigners” living in Germany, the Turkish population is a prime target of rightwing violence. Questions regarding Turkish rights to residency, work permits, and citizenship are controversial domestic political issues and their presence affects international relations between Germany and Turkey. This article examines the Turkish diaspora in Germany and its implications for Germany’s domestic and international politics. The first section identifies the status of the Turks living in Germany. The second traces the growth of the Turkish population in Germany. The third evaluates the domestic political and economic effects that the Turkish presence engenders, as well as prospects for assimilation. The fourth section identifies ways that international relations are influenced by the Turkish minority in Germany.
8
Kravchenko, Valeriy, et Iryna Stasiukevych. « DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGES IN GERMAN POLITICS ». Strategic Panorama, no 1-2 (15 décembre 2019) : 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2019.03.
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The article analyzes the current foreign policy of Germany and how it is influenced by domestic political developments as well as changes in the international arena. Germany, as a key player in Europe, remains declaratively consistent in its support for Ukraine and condemnation of Russian revisionism. However, a deeper analysis of the geopolitical and domestic position of Germany demonstrates certain risks to the stability of Ukraine-Germany relations.Attention is given to the dependence of Ukraine-Germany relations of Russia-Germany relations. Traditionally active economic ties between Berlin and Moscow have been increasing despite European and American sanctions against Russia. This leads to the strengthening of the pro-Russian lobby in German political circles. It is highlighted that the planned completion of the construction of Nord Stream-2, the dependence of Germany on the supplies of Russian hydrocarbons and the augmentation of net direct investments of German companies in Russian economy illustrates German endeavor, primarily in its geopolitical interests, to normalize relations with Russian Federation. Moreover, the article emphasizes the crisis of German political leadership which is connected with the end of the 4th mandate of the chancellor Angela Merkel in 2021 and the rise of anti-system and populist movements in Germany that may shatter political support of Ukraine. The changes in the Euro-Atlantic region are mentioned separately, namely the issue of defence spending of Germany in the framework of NATO and the consequences of Brexit.In the context of the mentioned elements of German politics, several challenges for Ukraine, that may significantly weaken its position in the international arena, are determined. A complex foreign and domestic situation can remove Ukrainian issue from the agenda and encourage Berlin to take quick «comfortable» measures in the context of the war in the East of Ukraine. On this basis, the article suggests recommendations on ways of reacting to the current developments in Germany from the side of Ukraine as well as on adjusting foreign policy towards this state with due regard to the mentioned tendencies.
9
Belov, V. B. « German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges ». Journal of International Analytics 12, no 3 (20 octobre 2021) : 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.
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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
10
Kokeev, A. « Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy ». World Economy and International Relations 59, no 11 (2015) : 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.
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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.
11
Lakishyk, Dmytro. « German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s ». European Historical Studies, no 16 (2020) : 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.
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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.
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Leonov, E. S. « The Origin of German-American Relations as a Partnership of Unequal Parties ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 6(45) (28 décembre 2015) : 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-15-22.
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Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cultural and ideological expansion. In the latter case it was an important role played by the American course on the formation of the renewed German nation by means of work with the German youth and the control over the sphere of education. In fact, at the end of the war US authorities started in West Germany experimental project from scratch, since there were no state institutions in postwar Germany in principle. At the same time, German foreign policy takes shape in the 1950s in the spirit of «Atlantic solidarity» as a result of falling into the trap of Euro-Atlantic partnership. Hopes of attainment of foreign policy independence as a result of German reunification did not come true - the United States haven’t yet set Germany free from the sphere of its geopolitical influence. American military forces with nuclear component continue to be based within the territory of Germany. In addition, in the 1990s. Germany finds itself in even deeper trade, investment and financial bondage. The article analyzes the origin of German full-scale dependence on U.S. foreign policy.
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Galimzyanova, A. « Sino-german cooperation as a factor in the formation of a multipolar world ». Diplomatic Service, no 3 (1 juin 2020) : 14–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2003-02.
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The article deals with the key components of the Sino-German bilateral relations. Much attention is given to the successes achieved in cooperation in 2019. It is spoken in detail about the importance of "panda diplomacy" in bilateral relations between China and Germany, as well as in relations with Russia and the United States. The author comes to the conclusion that China and Germany are the guarantors of the stability of international relations and contribute to the multipolarization of the world.
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Pukhovskaya, Natalia E. « The Weimar Republic and France : Relationship Problems Between Two Bitter Rivals in the Post-Versailles Period ». IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no 4 (208) (23 décembre 2020) : 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-4-91-101.
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The article considers the process of difficult, confrontational interaction between two long-standing Euro-pean rivals, France and Germany. Using specific historical examples and events, the author explores not only the style of political and diplomatic behaviour of the two countries, but also the deep-rooted collective perceptions of the French and Germans in relation to each other. The specific historical analysis carried out within the framework of this article allows concluding that a stable stereotype of the ‘enemy’ was formed and rooted in the people’s minds on both ends of aggravated Franco-German relations. The study of the phenomenon of Franco-German relations in the post-Versailles period makes it possible to assess the political and diplomatic, emotional and psychological, socio-economic and international consequences of the confrontation between the two countries, the basis of which was a the collective confrontation saturated with mutual dislike and hostility.
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Ratmanov, P. E., et Yu V. Kirik. « Представительство народного комиссариата здравоохранения рс фср в германии (1921–1929 гг.) в контексте международных связей советской россии ». Dalʹnevostočnyj medicinskij žurnal, no 4 (30 décembre 2019) : 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35177/1994-5191-2019-4-41-46.
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The paper is devoted to the activities of the Representative Office of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in Germany during the period of active economic, scientific and technical cooperation in the 1920s. The large-scale cooperation between Soviet Russia and Germany in healthcare actually began only after the 1922 Rapallo Agreement and the significant improvement in bilateral relations. The representative office of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in Germany published articles on health issues in the USSR in German press, promoted bilateral cooperation in social hygiene, collected and systematized information from German medicine and healthcare sources, assisted Soviet physicians sent from the USSR to Germany, provided invitations to Soviet specialists to German medical congresses, and invited German doctors to medical congresses in the USSR. In 1930 the representative office of the People's Health of the RSFSR in Germany was merged with the representative office of the Union of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. « FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD ». Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no 3 (2021) : 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Kudryachenko, A. « FRG-GDR : the Experience of Unification and the Role of International Actors in It ». Problems of World History, no 6 (30 octobre 2018) : 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-11.
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The article analyzes the practice and course of the events of 1989-1990 concerning the achievement of German state unity in terms of the coordination of foreign policy issues of the entry ofEast Germany (GDR) into the West Germany (FRG). The approaches of different states that were participants in the negotiation process are revealed, with regard to the harmonization of the foundations of the peaceful change of borders, while at the same time strengthening stability and confidence in a renewed Europe. Separately, the transformation of the conceptual approaches of the Soviet leadership to the settlement of the German question of the post-war era and the period of block confrontation is revealed. The article analyzes the situation regarding the dynamic changes in the position of leading actors, overcoming their stereotypes and ideological stamps, the search for ways to reconcile the views of interested states in overcoming the split of the German nation in the plane of achieving a non-confrontational system of relations on the continent. The analysis is conducted in terms of the need for the experience of uniting Germany, overcoming its national split and the role of international actors in these processes. It is noted that the historical practice of post-war Germany, the experience with the recent overcoming of the dual power of the Germans, may and must serve in a certain way Ukraine and the international pro-Ukrainian coalition in overcoming modern problems and challenges, as well as in achieving peace and national unity on our land.
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Basov, F. « Cooperation of Russia and Germany in Energy and Ecology ». World Economy and International Relations, no 8 (2011) : 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-101-109.
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Energy cooperation between Russia and Germany is a pragmatic basis of the Russian-German relations and also the key factor for Russia-EU relations. The author makes an attempt to consider German national interests in energy sphere and actual tendencies of energy cooperation in Europe. Energy is inseparably linked with ecology. The interaction of Russia and Germany in environmental sphere is also covered.
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Whitworth, William. « West German Rearmament Protests and the Reframing of Germany as Pacifist ». European Review of International Studies 8, no 2 (26 août 2021) : 166–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-08020013.
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Abstract This paper tracks the reactions of British and U.S. officials to a wave of anti-rearmament protests in West Germany in the early 1950s. The conversations that these protests encouraged were significant in that they represented the beginning of a gradual change in the reputation of the German people – whereas in 1945 the Germans were widely considered a militaristic and aggressive people, by the end of the Cold War they were seen as largely pacifist. This change speaks to the power of social movements to drive new trends in international relations.
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Nagdaseva, A. P. « Sanctions as a Socio-Political Factor of International Cooperation (on the Example of the Influence of Modern Russian-German Relations on the International System) ». Discourse 5, no 4 (29 octobre 2019) : 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2019-5-4-73-85.
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Introduction. The research work defines the current significance of international sanctions, examines the types of sanctions, the goals of their imposition and the consequences for the international system. As an example, anti-Russian sanctions and retaliatory measures are being analyzed, as well as their influence on relations between the states. In the study an assessment of the development of Russian-German cooperation in various fields before and after the imposition of sanctions is given.Methodology and sources. Such research methods as analysis, synthesis, comparison, statistical methods are used in the research work. Import-export relations between Russia and Germany are analyzed in the paper.Results and discussion. Russia incurs heavy losses from sanctions compared to the European Union. Anti-Russian sanctions do not contribute to the development of free international trade. The European Union is having difficulty maintaining transatlantic economic relations. The imposition of US extraterritorial sanctions is detrimental to German and other European companies. Both European countries and Russia have internal problems, which are aggravated by the sanctions confrontation.Conclusion. Despite all the existing problems and obstacles that stand in the way of bilateral relations, there are positive trends in them. Russia and Germany, in general, have adapted to the sanctions regime. Anti-Russian sanctions will probably not be lifted in the short term.
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Golik, Katarzyna. « W trójkącie współzależności. Relacje gospodarcze Polski z Niemcami i Chinami oraz ich znaczenie polityczne ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no 29 (14 septembre 2021) : 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2021.29.06.
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In the following text I will analyse the selected aspects of economic relations between Poland, Germany and China. I am going to compare elements of discourse with political actions and, above all, with economic realities. Clearly in economic terms, Chinese direction is not an alternative to Germany for Poland, but it may become a necessity in terms of diversification of international economic relations. Particularly in the context of forthcoming electromobility revolution, the crisis could affect the German automobile industry, spilling over into other sectors related to Poland’s export. In the medium term, economic processes are likely to be loosely linked to political processes. Poland's interests in the international arena are more related to political integration with Germany than to a strong rapprochement with China. However, the former are unlikely to support Poland's emancipation in independent economic and trade policy. This may result in a two-pronged approach (separation of economic policies from political relations) to relations between the two countries.
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von Beyme, Klaus. « Elite Relations in Germany ». German Politics 10, no 2 (août 2001) : 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/772713261.
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Łysek, Wojciech. « Nazizm i imperializm niemiecki w przedwojennej publicystyce Juliusza Mieroszewskiego ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no 29 (14 septembre 2021) : 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2021.29.02.
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The main purpose of the article is to present the pre-war views of Juliusz Mieroszewski on Germany. The research problem will be considered in relation to the international situation, the development of the Nazi system and German-Polish relations. The article aims to verify the hypothesis that Mieroszewski aptly recognizes contemporary trends. Mieroszewski’s journalism analysis and archival sources were used to present the research problem.
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James, Peter. « An Election with No Losers : The 1994 Federal Elections in the New Germany ». Politics 16, no 1 (février 1996) : 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00143.x.
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The German federal election in October 1994, just four years after German Unity, revealed that clear divisions between east and west Germany still exist. Whilst the PDS on the left of the political spectrum was supported by around one fifth of east German voters, the parties on the right gained negligible support in Germany as a whole. The federal German electoral system, based on a personalised sytem of PR, again played a key role; it is, however still too early in the development of the new Germany to speak of a single new party system.
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HENTILÄ, SEPPO. « Maintaining Neutrality between the Two German States : Finland and Divided Germany until 1973 ». Contemporary European History 15, no 4 (6 octobre 2006) : 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730600350x.
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After the end of the Second World War, when Finland sought to redefine its position vis-à-vis Germany, negotiations were dogged by the fact that Finland had been a close ally of Hitler's Germany in 1941–4 in the war against the USSR. In April 1948 Finland signed a Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance (FCMA) with the USSR, in which the military articles were based on the need to counter a potential German attack on the Soviets via Finland's territory. Finland's international position was so difficult that it became the only country in the world that did not establish full diplomatic relations with either of the German states. It was also the only country in the world to pursue a policy of absolute neutrality vis-à-vis both Germanys. When the Finnish government offered to host the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in May 1969, its main preoccupation was the German question, and it succeeded in fending off Soviet pressure to recognise the GDR. In 1973, with West German Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt's Neue Ostpolitik easing tensions with regard to the German question, Finland was able to establish full diplomatic relations with both German states simultaneously.
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Trunov, F. « German Participation in International Crisis Management (1991–2012) ». World Economy and International Relations, no 9 (2014) : 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-34-44.
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The article discusses the participation of the Federal Republic of Germany in the struggle against new challenges of the world security sphere. In this regard the main focus is on the usage of German armed forces (Bundeswehr) for International Crisis Management (ICM), first of all – outside the NATO area. Although Germany has been taking part in this type of activities since 1991, only in 1994 German Bundestag formulated and approved the mechanism of parliamentary control over the Bundeswehr usage outside the NATO area. The author attempts to define the periods of this process and cover practical German involvement in ICM activities of the NATO, the European Union and the United Nations Organization. In this sense it is necessary to compare the forms and the average number of soldiers, which were used by Germany in ICM operations by each of these three international structures. It is also rather important to define the main regions (countries) where German troops were used in ICM activities, and the reasons for it. Yugoslavia was the first region where Bundeswehr served for stabilization of the situation in areas of internal military conflicts. By the year 2014, the main regions of the German International Crisis Management participation became Afghanistan and Horn of Africa.The article also examines the perspectives of the Federal Republic of Germany’s involvement in ICM, considering the current and possible future results of the Bundeswehr reform, while Bundesehr was and is the main country’s instrument in ICM.
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Pavlica, Branko. « Germany as a contract partner of Serbia and Yugoslavia 1882-1992 ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no 112-113 (2002) : 287–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0213287p.
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Continuously from 1882 to 1992 (till the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia), Germany was the contract partner of Serbia, that is The Kingdom of Yugoslavia, that is the SFR of Yugoslavia. In spite of belligerent relations (disruption of diplomatic relations, discontinuity of contract practice) Germany occupied an extremely significant place within the international contract capacity of Serbia in the 19th century, that is of The Kingdom of Yugoslavia between the two wars, and specially in the period from 1934. to 1941, that is of Yugoslavia in the period from 1949 to 1990. Precisely the history of international contracts - bilateral Serbian/Yugoslav-German contracts - is also the "history of (their) inter-state relations". Diplomatic political, trade, war or any other relations - one could always find their traces in bilateral contracts; the contracts regulated these relations and it could be said that the bilateral contracts are today the most important source of comprehensive and developed relations between the two countries. Actually bilateral contracts are the legal instruments for the regulation of relations between states.
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Belov, Vladislav. « THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no 1 (28 février 2022) : 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.
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On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the same time, the provisions enshrined in the coalition agreement are based on the foundation of bilateral relations built by the last two cabinets of ministers under the leadership of A. Merkel, incl. during 2021, the year that marked the end of the era of the former Chancellor. Just a week after the start of the government, bilateral relations were tested for strength in the political and economic spheres. The new year 2022 began in difficult conditions of escalating confrontation between the collective West, including Germany, and official Moscow. Under these conditions, on January 18, the German and Russian foreign ministers held talks, clarifying their mutual positions on the most important issues on the bilateral and international agenda. On February 15, Russian President V.V. Putin and Chancellor O. Scholz continued to discuss the most important topical issues of cooperation. The author sums up the political and economic results of cooperation between the two leading countries of the European continent in 2021, and also analyzes its prospects in 2022, paying special attention to the role of Germany and the Russian Federation in resolving the intra-Ukrainian conflict.
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Muñoz, Pedro Felipe, et Stefan Rinke. « Latin America in the global exchange of the German Hygiene Museum in Dresden (1919-1930) ». Revista Tempo e Argumento 14, no 35 (30 avril 2022) : e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180314352022e0104.
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In 1912, Karl Lingner created the German Hygiene Museum Dresden profiting from the Dresden International Hygiene Exhibition 1911. Lingner aimed to build a permanent building for the museum, but due to the Great War and post-war economic crisis in Germany, the permanent building was not opened until 1930. In the Weimar Republic, the museum circulated internationally through traveling exhibitions and the sale and donation of collections and exhibits. This circulation comprised a global exchange promoting health education that included Latin America. In keeping with German foreign cultural policy of the period, the German Hygiene Museum played an active role in the transatlantic cultural relations and the German-Latin American exchange, functioning as "a cultural propaganda institute". In this article, we explore the transnational circulation of objects and collections between Dresden and Latin America which was also associated with international efforts to promote public health. Keywords: Public Health; Health Education; Cultural Propaganda; German-Latin American Relations; Transnational and Global History.
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Саликов, А. Н., И. Н. Тарасов et Е. Е. Уразбаев. « The Baltic policy of Germany and current international relations ». Baltijskij region 8, no 1 (février 2016) : 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2074-9848-2016-1-5.
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Salikov, A., I. Tarasov et E. Urazbaev. « The Baltic policy of Germany and current international relations ». Baltic Region 1, no 8 (2016) : 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2016-1-5.
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Panara, Carlo. « In the Name of Cooperation : The External Relations of the German Länder and Their Participation in the EU Decision-Making ». European Constitutional Law Review 6, no 1 (février 2010) : 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019610100042.
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‘Foreign relations power’ (auswärtige Gewalt) in the Federal Republic of Germany strongly centralised by the Lindau Agreement in 1957 – Although the German Länder still retain some rights to act at an international level, the Federal Government is the dominant player in the foreign relations of the state – Introduction of Länder participation in European Union law-making and policy-making; new opportunities for them to perform a role in external relations – Cooperative character of German federalism confirmed
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Trunov, F. « Relations between Germany and the Countries of North Africa ». World Economy and International Relations 65, no 8 (2021) : 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-61-71.
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The article examines the process of the growing German political and military activity in North Africa during the second half of the 2010s. The first key reason of this process was the new awareness of the regional role in the ensuring of Germany’s and the EU security. During and after the “Arab Spring”, the interstate “corridor of instability” arose. It went from Mali further to Niger and Libya which has been facing permanent instability after the intervention of the group of Western countries (2011, without German participation). The full-fledged functioning of the “corridor of instability” could cause the worse version of the refugee crisis and growing terrorist activity than it was in the EU in 2015–2016. The second reason was the necessity to ensure Berlin`s strong political-military positions in North Africa for the realization of Germany`s ambitions as a future world power. The research examines the features and “narrow places” of interstate cooperation in the security sphere between Germany and Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria. Germany became a senior partner for Tunisia in 2015–2017, and positioned these relations as exemplary. Since 2015–2016, Germany and Egypt have been supporting the realization of each other’s leadership ambitions. The key elements of this tactic have been the cooperation in Syrian and Libyan armed conflicts regulation and launch of the EU–LAS negotiation format (2019). The article also shows the dynamics of partnership between Germany and Algeria, paying special attention to bilateral cooperation in the sphere of the Mali, Libyan and Western Sahara conflicts regulation. The transition of Germany’s bilateral relations with Egypt and Algeria to the level of advanced cooperation in the second half of 2010s caused a powerful growth of the FRG`s arms export to these countries. At the beginning of 2020, Germany launched the multilateral Berlin conference for resolution of the Libyan conflict. Germany’s late but rather successful involvement in the Libyan conflict management should ensure its efforts to become the external participant of the North African regional security system. The paper concludes about the perspectives of the FRG`s political-military line in the region considering the factor of COVID 19 pandemic.
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Ritscher, Christian. « COVID-19 and International Crimes Trials in Germany ». Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no 5 (1 novembre 2020) : 1077–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa055.
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Abstract With the appearance of the COVID-19 virus, the world faces new challenges in almost every area of social life. Social distancing and protection measures provide new challenges in business relations. This also holds true for criminal trials in general, and for international criminal trials, in particular. In Germany, several trials concerning charges of crimes under international law, established by the German Code of Crimes Against International Law (Völkerstrafgesetzbuch), are currently in progress. In particular, the trial against two former Syrian intelligence officers, which is currently taking place before the Higher Regional Court in Koblenz, has received international attention and will possibly be affected by the restrictions imposed.
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James, Peter. « Germany united : The 1990 all‐German elections ». West European Politics 14, no 3 (juillet 1991) : 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389108424869.
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Obszarski, Piotr. « Relacje niemiecko-namibijskie jako przykład stosunków specjalnych ». Prace i Studia Geograficzne 67, no 3 (30 décembre 2022) : 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.48128/pisg/2022-67.3-02.
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The article is focused on the issue of bilateral relations, using the concept found in the study of international relations, which is special relations. The shape of German-Namibian relations is discussed, taking into account the special place that the Republic of Namibia holds in the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. For this purpose, the theoretical approach to the concept of special relations, the historical background of the relationship, as well as its contemporary shape are presented. The article presents arguments in favor of the thesis that Namibian-German relations can be described as special relations.
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Dolata-Kreutzkamp, Petra, et Veronica Kitchen. « Canada, Germany, Canada-Germany ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 63, no 3 (septembre 2008) : 527–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200806300302.
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Gärditz, Klaus Ferdinand. « Shepherd v. Germany ». American Journal of International Law 109, no 3 (juillet 2015) : 623–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.3.0623.
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In Shepherd v. Germany, the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) issued a preliminary ruling requested by a German administrative court in an asylum case brought by a United States Army service member. Applying the relevant asylum law of the European Union (EU), the ECJ held that, under certain circumstances, a conscientious objector who has deserted from his military unit may claim international refugee protection. It also clarified the conditions under which the basically legitimate prosecution of military deserters must be qualified as illegitimate persecution under international refugee law.
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Belov, Vladislav. « THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS. UKRAINIAN FACTOR. PART 3 ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 27, no 3 (30 juin 2022) : 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran320227082.
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The Russian special military operation in Ukraine has had a negative impact not only on German-Russian relations in the political and economic sphere, but also in the field of scientific, educational, cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The decision to terminate cooperation with the Russian Federation was made both at the level of the structures of the German government, and at the level of individual non–governmental organizations and institutions – leading scientific societyes, universities and colleges. It affected hundreds of existing joint programs, including international ones. The participation of the Russian Federation in scientific projects-lighthouse projects – the construction of a laser in Hamburg and an accelerator in Darmstadt, where it is one of the most important partners, has been frozen. An exception was the International Space Station, the operation of which was impossible without Russia. Since the end of February this year in Germany spread «denial of Russian culture» by leading German media. Representatives of Russian culture who did not condemn the SVO received a «professional ban» in the Federal Republic. Belonging to «Russian» turned out to be poisonous. Many representatives of the German establishment have massively declared their contribution to the development of German-Russian cooperation in recent decades to be wrong. The author analyzes the current situation in the field of cooperation between Germany and the Russian Federation in the field of science, education and culture and gives a forecast for its further development.
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T. M. F. « Wilsonianism Redux : Inadvertent Publication of Secret Protocol, Hungarian-East German Agreement on Visa Requirements ». American Journal of International Law 84, no 1 (janvier 1990) : 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203031.
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This treaty between the (East) German Democratic Republic and Hungary concerning visa requirements was deposited with the United Nations in accordance with Article 102 of the UN Charter. When the Government of Hungary decided to permit East Germans visiting Hungary to emigrate to the Federal Republic of Germany (West), the authorities in Budapest informed the East German authorities that the treaty had become inoperative. Among the reasons cited was its inconsistency with the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, to which Hungary had acceded on March 14, 1989.
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Lehman, Brittany. « West German-Moroccan Relations and Politics of Labour Migration, 1958–1972 ». Journal of Migration History 5, no 1 (25 avril 2019) : 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00501001.
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In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article provides a discussion of Moroccan labourers access to and legal status in West Germany, demonstrating how international and economic interests as well as cultural stereotypes of both Moroccans and Arabs shaped West German migration policies. In so doing, the article emphasises the West German federal and the North Rhine-Westphalian state governments’ different goals, revealing that the West German government was not a monolithic entity; it was in fact defined by multiple, sometimes contradictory, viewpoints and pressures.
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DELMARTINO, BART. « The End of the Road for the Prince ? Sixty Years after the Czechoslovak Confiscation of Liechtenstein Property ». Leiden Journal of International Law 19, no 2 (juin 2006) : 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156506003372.
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In 1945 Czechoslovakia confiscated Liechtenstein property as reparation for the damage done by Nazi Germany. Private claims failed before the courts of Czechoslovakia, and international law did not provide Liechtenstein with a means of action against Czechoslovakia. When the property was on loan in Germany, a private case for recovery was declared inadmissible by the German courts, in line with Germany's international obligations. The European Court of Human Rights accepted these decisions. Liechtenstein, on the other hand, considered them to violate its sovereignty. In 2005, the International Court of Justice decided that it lacked temporal jurisdiction to rule on the issue.
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Lehrs, Lior. « A Last-Minute Private Peace Initiative : Albert Ballin’s Mediation Efforts between Germany and Britain, 1908-1914 ». Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no 3 (7 août 2018) : 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341373.
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Summary As relations between Germany and Britain were deteriorating during the years 1908-1914, Albert Ballin, a German businessman, became concerned and decided to promote Anglo–German talks on naval arms limitations in order to halt the naval arms race and improve relations between the two states. This article analyses Albert Ballin’s — and his British friend Ernest Cassel’s — private peace initiatives during the years 1908-1914 as a historical example of ‘unofficial diplomacy’ long before this term was discussed in International Relations literature. It examines the tools and conditions that created the basis for Ballin’s initiatives and explores his role in the diplomatic processes between Germany and Britain before the First World War. Ballin’s and Cassel’s unofficial, persistent peace efforts had some effect on the official diplomatic sphere and led to official negotiations, but they ultimately failed in their attempt to promote an agreement or to prevent the war.
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Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. « German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world ». Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no 2 (2022) : 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.
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The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.
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Sharikov, Pavel. « AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no 6 (31 décembre 2021) : 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620214149.
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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, including those related to domestic policies and international relations. Domestically there have appeared contradictions between Democratic and Republican parties on a number of priority issues on the bilateral agenda. In particular, the main differences were related to the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation in Afghanistan remains an urgent problem for both sides. It is noteworthy that following the results of the last elections in the United States, the German Caucus again became active in Congress, including both democratic and republican politicians. It is clear that Biden’s administration pursues the developing of economic ties with Germany.
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RYNHOLD, JONATHAN. « The German question in Central and Eastern Europe and the long peace in Europe after 1945 : an integrated theoretical explanation ». Review of International Studies 37, no 1 (19 juillet 2010) : 249–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000501.
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AbstractWithin the field of International Relations, theoretically informed explanations of the long peace in Europe since 1945 tend to focus on Western Europe, especially the revolution in Franco-German relations. In contrast, German relations with Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are ignored, despite the fact that this nexus was a major cause of instability prior to 1945. This article focuses on why the German question in CEE ceased to threaten the stability of Europe after 1945. The article empirically examines the development of the German question in CEE since 1945, which refers here mainly to the Oder-Neisse line and the plight of ethnic Germans expelled from CEE after World War II. It provides a theoretically integrated and chronologically sequenced explanation. First, it argues that Realism primarily explains the successful containment of the German question in CEE between 1945 and the late 1960s. Second, it argues that the Constructivist process of cultural change, which altered German intensions, was primarily responsible for subsequently increasing the depth of peace and stability between Germany and CEE, especially after the Cold War. Finally, it is argued that prior Realist factors and Liberal processes constituted a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for cultural change.
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Gehrig, Sebastian. « Informal Cold War Envoys : West German and East German Cultural Diplomacy in East Asia ». Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no 4 (2022) : 112–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01092.
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Abstract The bifurcation of Germany during the Cold War induced the two German states to compete around the world over German cultural sovereignty, as they offered rival conceptions of what it meant to be German. The contest over this matter was fueled not only by the division of Germany but also by the military occupation. With restrictions imposed on both governments in their foreign policy activities during the early Cold War, foreign cultural diplomacy (auswärtige Kulturpolitik), a form of proxy diplomacy developed in the interwar period, became a crucial means of forging ties with countries outside Europe. This article traces how the two German governments sent language teachers, artists, academics, musicians, and exchange students to Asia as cultural ambassadors in a bid to reestablish a German presence. Divided countries along the Bamboo Curtain, especially the People's Republic of China, became the most important battlegrounds in the competition for hegemony in representing Germany in Asia. The need to engage in foreign cultural diplomacy also brought Asian ideological conflicts home to Germany. Exchange visitors and their governments tried to achieve their own interests by steering a middle course between the two German states. Foreign cultural diplomacy thus was an essential—and complicated—part of “soft power” for both German governments in trying to win over foreign audiences.
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Biba, Sebastian. « Germany's relations with the United States and China from a strategic triangle perspective ». International Affairs 97, no 6 (1 novembre 2021) : 1905–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab170.
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Abstract As the Sino-American Great Power competition continues to intensify, newly-elected US President Joe Biden's administration now seeks to enlist the support of its allies and partners around the world. As Europe's largest economy and a, if not the, leading voice within the European Union, Germany represents an important puzzle-piece for Biden. But Germany, at least under outgoing chancellor Angela Merkel, has been reluctant to take sides. It is against this backdrop that this article looks into Germany's past and present trilateral relationships with the US and China through the theoretical lens of the so-called strategic triangle approach. Applying this approach, the article seeks to trace and explain German behaviour, as well as to elucidate the opportunities and pitfalls that have come with it. The article demonstrates that Germany's recently gained position as a ‘pivot’ (two positive bilateral relationships) between the US and Chinese ‘wings’ (positive bilateral relations with Germany and negative bilateral relations with each other) is desirable from the perspective of the strategic triangle. At the same time, being pivot is also challenging and hard to maintain. Alternative options, such as entering a US–German ‘marriage’ directed against China, are also problematic. The article therefore concludes that Germany has tough decisions to take going forward.
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Stankov, Nikolai N. « Habsburgs’ Attempts of the Restoration in Hungary in 1921 and the International Relations in Central Europe (based on the Czechoslovak diplomatic documents) ». Central-European Studies 2021, no 4(13) (2021) : 207–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.9.
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The author of the article investigates the reaction of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania, Austria and Germany on Charles Habsburg’s restoration attempts to retrieve the Hungarian crown in March, April and October, 1921. The work is based on archival and published documents. The author pays special attention to the diplomatic, political and military collaboration of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and Romania and to the forming of the Little Entente as a military and political alliance. The influence of the position of the Austrian government during Charles Habsburg’s first putsch on the domestic situation in that country and the international relation in Central Europe is analysed in the paper. The author of the article also demonstrates the character of the international negotiations in the issue dealing with Burgenland, Beneš’s attempts to be a moderator during the negotiations and the reaction of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania and Italy to them. The changes of the international relations in Central Europe at this time are also investigated in details. Besides that, Czechoslovakia was making attempts not only to strengthen the cooperation of the members of the Little Entente but also to isolate Hungary and to weaken its relations with Austria and Poland. The politicians in Prague achieved this purpose by concluding the treaties with Poland on 6 November 1921 and Austria on 16 December 1921. The successes of the Little Entente in the resistance against the Habsburgs’ restoration in Hungary dealt with the enforcement of its international, political and military positions in Central Europe. The German diplomats considered the activity of the Czechoslovakia and its country members as an attempt to isolate Germany. Under those conditions Germany and Hungary were both interested in cooperation. The negotiations between Hungary and Germany during the autumn of 1921 and the co-ordination of these states’ attitude with a number of international problems are analysed in the article.
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Andreeva, Elena, Artem Ratner et Andrei Sobolev. « Impact of Renewable Energy Development in Germany on Russian Energy Export ». Contemporary Europe 104, no 4 (1 août 2021) : 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope420217182.
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The development of renewable energy is the most prominent global trend. Germany pursues an active environmental policy. On July 3, 2020 Germanу passed legislation to close all coal-fired power plants by 2038. The development of renewable energy sources and advanced technologies in this segment will lead to a decrease in demand for some Russian energy products (coal, oil), reorient the supply to developing countries and generate a demand for the use of new advanced technologies in Russian fuel and energy export. The article is based on the international, German and Russian statistics and legal acts. The main global trends in consumption of traditional energy sources and forecasts of a number of agencies regarding their development are explored. The trends of renewable energy sources in Germany and the economic incentives for their development have been explored. An impact of renewable energy on the dynamics and structure of Russian energy exports to Germany is revealed.