Thèses : « International relations and culture – History – 20th century »

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Widmaier, Wesley William. « A constructivist theory of international monetary relations monetary understandings, state interests in cooperation, and the construction of crises (1929-2001) / ». Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3036613.

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Dumitrescu, Theodor. « The early Tudor court and international musical relations / ». Aldershot [u.a.] : Ashgate, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016142806&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Revised Thesis (doctoral)--University of Oxford, 2004.
Foreign cultural models at the English royal court -- International events and musical exchanges -- Building a foreign musical establishment at the early Tudor court -- Anglo-continental relations in music manuscripts -- English music theory and the international traditions. Includes bibliographical references (p. [297]-315) and index.

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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. « The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959 ». Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

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Bruneau, Quentin. « Knowing sovereigns : forms of knowledge and the changing practice of sovereign lending ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:127b0026-030f-417d-9cb8-f871936d6227.

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This thesis examines how sovereign lending, i.e. the practice of lending capital to sovereigns, has changed since the early nineteenth century. It tackles this question by investigating how lenders have thought about sovereigns for the past two centuries, focusing on the tools they have used to know and represent them. I argue that there was a critical shift in the early twentieth century in terms of the kinds of knowledge lenders deployed to know sovereigns. This shift differentiates the old sovereign lending from the new. In the old sovereign lending, merchant banking families such as the Rothschilds knew sovereigns through intensely personal relations based on gentility, whereas in the new sovereign lending, joint stock banks, credit rating agencies and international institutions largely came to know sovereigns through statistics. Though difficult to imagine nowadays, the description of sovereigns through quantifiable facts (the original definition of 'statistics') was revolutionary for early twentieth century lenders. Despite constituting the origins of sovereign credit ratings, this key shift has been overlooked in all major studies about sovereign debt. The new sovereign lending rose to prominence from the interwar period to the 1970s and now defines our world. The identification of this crucial shift is based on the development and application of the concept of forms of knowledge. Forms of knowledge refer to enduring ways of knowing and representing the constituent units of the international system used by international practitioners (e.g. diplomats, military strategists, financiers, and international lawyers). Examples of forms of knowledge include, but are not limited to, modern cartography, international treaties, statistics, gentility, and heraldry. The use of this concept is that it leads to a better understanding of how international practitioners and their practices undergo radical changes. In so doing, it provides a firmer empirical grasp on the question of how fundamental discontinuities arise in international relations.

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Johnston, Seth Allen. « How NATO endures : an institutional analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711650.

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Lin, Lidan. « The Rhetoric of Posthumanism in Four Twentieth-Century International Novels ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278990/.

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The dissertation traces the trope of the incomplete character in four twentieth-century cosmopolitan novels that reflect European colonialism in a global context. I argue that, by creating characters sharply aware of the insufficiency of the Self and thus constantly seeking the constitutive participation of the Other, the four authors E. M. Forster, Samuel Beckett, J. M. Coetzee, and Congwen Shen all dramatize the incomplete character as an agent of postcolonial resistance to Western humanism that, tending to enforce the divide between the Self and the Other, provided the epistemological basis for the emergence of European colonialism. For example, Fielding's good-willed aspiration to forge cross-cultural friendship in A Passage to India; Murphy's dogged search for recognition of his Irish identity in Murphy; Susan's unfailing compassion to restore Friday's lost speech in Foe; and Changshun Teng, the Chinese orange-grower's warm-hearted generosity toward his customers in Long River--all these textual occasions dramatize the incomplete character's anxiety over the Other's rejection that will impair the fullness of his or her being, rendering it solitary and empty. I relate this anxiety to the theory of "posthumanism" advanced by such thinkers as Marx, Bakhtin, Sartre, and Lacan; in their texts the humanist view of the individual as an autonomous constitution has undergone a transformation marked by the emphasis on locating selfhood not in the insular and static Self but in the mutable middle space connecting the Self and the Other.

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Cole, Laura A. « Civil-military relations in Guatemala during the Cerezo presidency ». FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2404.

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In 1986 Guatemala experienced a transition from authoritarian rule. Many issues affected the democratization process, but I argue that an essential aspect was civil- military relations. Thus, the principal question answered in this thesis is: How have civil-military relations determined the extent and nature of transition towards democracy in Guatemala from 1986-1990? Adopting Alfred Stepan’s model to examine civil-military relations, the prerogatives and contestation of the Guatemalan military were examined. Prerogatives exist when the military assumes the right to control an issue, while contestation involves open articulated conflict with civilian government. High military prerogatives and low contestation indicate a situation of unequal civilian accommodation, where civilians do not effectively control the military. Civil-military relations in Guatemala from 1986-1990 reflect a pattern of unequal civilian accommodation. This illustrates the lack of civilian control over the military and continued military dominance of the political system in Guatemala.

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Alvarez, Luis Alberto. « The power of the zoot : race, community, and resistance in American youth culture, 1940-1945 / ». Thesis, Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008265.

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Martin, William R. « Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936 ». PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.

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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.

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Boauod, Marai. « The Making of Modern Egypt : the Egyptian Ulama as Custodians of Change and Guardians of Muslim Culture ». PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3102.

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Scholarship on the modern history of the Middle East has undergone profound revision in the previous three decades or so. Many earlier perceptions, largely based on modernization theory, have been either contested or modified. However, the perception of the Egyptian ulama (the traditionally-educated, religious Muslim scholars) in academic scholarship remains largely affected by the legacy of hypotheses of the modernization theory. Old assumptions that the Egyptian ulama were submissive to political power and passive players incapable of accommodating, let alone of fathoming, conditions of the modern world, and who chose or were forced to retreat from this world, losing much, if not all, of their relevance and significance, still infuse the scholarly literature. Making use of materials obtained from the Egyptian National Archives, this study offers an examination of modern legal reform in Egypt from the nineteenth century through the first part of the twentieth century with the ulama and their legal institutions in mind. As the findings of this study effectively illustrate, the Egyptian ulama were by no means submissive. Rather, they were patient. Far from being passive agents of the past, the Egyptian ulama were active participants who played a critical role in the building of modern Egypt. The ulama had at their disposal sustained social and moral influence, a long-standing position as community leaders, a reputation as defenders and representatives of Islam, the power to validate or invalidate the political establishment by means of public and doctrinal legitimization, and the final authority over laws of family and personal status. Through these strengths, the ulama were able to influence the direction of change and to impact its scope and nature during transitional period that witnessed the making and remaking of modern Egypt. Considering the nature of changes that they allowed to be introduced to the shari-based justice system and the ones they resisted, as well as their stance regarding social matters, the Egyptian ulama comprehended and recognized modernity as useful. Advanced techniques had to be embraced to strengthen state institutions. However, the ulama thwarted massive and sudden adoption of modernity's cultural elements, so that Egypt would not become a chaotic country and go astray. On the weight of their position as the ultimate authority over family law, the Egyptian ulama blocked rapid social change imposed from the top. Alterations to family law and the social structure were undertaken gradually and with a great deal of delicacy. Therefore, the long-standing social order was not suddenly destroyed and replaced with a new one. Instead, changes to the long-standing social structure were allowed to evolve slowly, while the core was largely preserved. The ulama's far-reaching plan, which was realized in the long run, was to maintain Islam's position in modern Egypt as a guide and as the main source of legitimacy. As will be shown in this study, the history of the Egyptian ulama reveals not passivity, detachment, or submission but careful, and deliberate action.

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Kiddle, Amelia Marie. « La Politica del Buen Amigo : Mexican-Latin American Relations during the Presidency of Lazaro Cardenas, 1934-1940 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193655.

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Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) did more than any other president to fulfill the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, by nationalizing the oil industry, establishing rural schools, distributing an unprecedented amount of land to peasants, and encouraging the organization of workers. To gain international support for this domestic reform programme, the Cardenas government promoted these accomplishments to other Latin American nations. I argue that Cardenas attempted to attain a leadership position in inter-American relations by virtue of his pursuit of social and economic justice in domestic and foreign policy. I investigate the Cardenas government's projection of a Revolutionary image of Mexico and evaluate its reception in Latin America. In doing so, this dissertation expands the analysis of foreign policy to show that Mexico's relations with its Latin American neighbours were instrumental in shaping its foreign relations. I argue that the intersections between culture and diplomacy were central to this process.

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Tollardo, Elisabetta. « Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.

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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.

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Anafak, Lemofak Antoine Japhet. « La Belgique et l'Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme ? dynamique de la politique de coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies, 1960-1990 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210145.

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Le travail de recherche intitulé :«La Belgique et l’Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme ?Dynamique de la coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies (1960-1990) » s’interroge sur la mise en œuvre et le déploiement de la coopération belge en Afrique centrale principalement au Cameroun. Il développe cette politique au Cameroun sous un regard global des intérêts belges dans son pré carré c'est-à- dire dans ses anciennes colonies dans le contexte de guerre froide et de construction européenne. C’est également le contexte de la mise en place du marché commun, de la signature des accords de Yaoundé entre la CEE et EAMA (Etats Africains et Malgaches Associés). Les aspects analysés prennent aussi en compte la France autre ancienne métropole de la région.

Cette thèse insiste sur les éléments de mise en place et les fondements de la politique étrangère de la Belgique en Afrique centrale. Elle analyse sa présence depuis la colonisation du Congo, du Ruanda-Urundi et développe le processus de mutation de la Belgique dans la sous-région à la faveur des indépendances. Cette accession à la souveraineté des territoires leur attribuait le statut d’acteur de la communauté internationale. L’adaptation de la Belgique à cette nouvelle donne l’oblige à étendre son espace de captation d’intérêts par l’établissement des relations diplomatiques avec de nombreux pays de la région parmi lesquels le Cameroun. Le choix du Cameroun comme pays d'appui à la politique belge dans la région en dehors de ses colonies est le fait de nombreuses justifications que cette thèse démontre.

Ce travail insiste sur les rapports politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique notamment les éléments expliquant la coopération diplomatique et politique entre le Cameroun et la Belgique. Celle-ci était basée sur un soutien mutuel dans la lutte contre les mouvements rebelles procommunistes au Cameroun et au Congo dans les années 60. Cet ouvrage développe l'organisation de l’action conjointe de la Belgique et du Cameroun dans la lutte contre le communisme en Afrique centrale principalement au Congo en période de guerre froide, les éléments prouvant le soutien de la Belgique au Cameroun dans sa lutte contre les activistes nationalistes de l’UPC et réciproquement, les actions montrant la collaboration et la compréhension du Cameroun envers la Belgique dans la gestion des conflits d’après indépendance au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi.

De plus, cette thèse évoque la dynamique de la politique étrangère de la Belgique à partir de 1965 dans la région. Dans cette section marquée par l’arrivée de Mobutu au pouvoir et le coup d’Etat de Micombero au Burundi, ce travail détaille les éléments qui justifient le renforcement des relations politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique après 1965 par l’analyse du contexte national et international de mise en place de cette politique après 1967. Un contexte marqué par la réélection d’Ahmadou Ahidjo et le renforcement de son pouvoir et le départ du socialiste Paul-Henri Spaak, remplacé par le démocrate-chrétien Pierre Harmel. Ce dernier instaure une nouvelle politique dite de diversification et de distanciation envers le régime de Mobutu. Le constat est que cette diversification a profité au Cameroun, devenu progressivement un partenaire privilégié de la Belgique dans la région après la visite officielle d’Ahidjo de 1967 à Bruxelles.

Ce travail analyse les rapports qu’entretenaient la Belgique et le Cameroun dans les organisations internationales en rapport avec la situation interne de son pré-carré d’Afrique centrale, notamment les circonstances du soutien de la candidature du Zaïre à l’entrée dans l’Union Douanière et Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UDEAC) et plus tard dans la création de l’Union Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UEAC) en 1969. Le soutien mutuel des candidatures belges et camerounaises dans les instances internationales à partir des années septante, les incidences de l’entrée du Royaume-Uni de Grande Bretagne et l’Irlande du Nord au sein de la Communauté Economique Européenne (la convention de Lomé I) sur la politique étrangère belge menée par Renaat Van Elslande, les implications de la zaïrianisation sur les relations belgo-zaïroises, l’arrivée au pouvoir de Juvénal Habyarimana au Rwanda et la renégociation des accords d’indépendance entre le Cameroun et la France. La Belgique et ces pays souhaitaient une approche plus consensuelle des grandes questions internationales, notamment le nouvel ordre économique international, le conflit du proche orient, la question de la décolonisation des territoires portugais d’Afrique centrale, la généralisation des conflits armés et des assassinats politiques.

La présence militaire belge en Afrique centrale est un fait colonial. Un rappel nécessaire de cette présence militaire depuis la période coloniale nous a permis de nous interroger sur la gestion difficile du devenir de ces soldats après les indépendances du Congo, du Rwanda et du Burundi, notamment pendant la crise Katangaise. Ces difficultés rencontrées au Congo poussent la Belgique à trouver des dérivatifs pour se désengager militairement au Ruanda-Urundi après l’indépendance en 1962. La visite officielle de juin 1967 d’Ahmadou Ahidjo en Belgique marque le début d’une intense coopération militaire entre la Belgique et le Cameroun. Les deux pays coopèrent pour la livraison du matériel de guerre par la Fabrique d’Herstal à Liège, et dans la formation les officiers camerounais en Belgique. Plusieurs facteurs justifiant cette coopération avec le Cameroun sont énumérés dans cette thèse. De plus, ce travail retrace l’implication de la Belgique dans les guerres du Shaba et ses initiatives en faveur d’une paix globale dans la région autour les années 80.

Le troisième grand axe de cette thèse développe la présence de la Belgique en Afrique centrale dans le cadre de la Communauté Economique Européenne. Après avoir expliqué l'historique et l'évolution du FED, nous avons exploré le poids de la présence belge au sein du Fond Européen de Développement par rapport à la France et les autres Etats de la CEE pour constater sa faiblesse dans cette institution contrôlée par la France l’Allemagne. Ce qui justifie son choix de renforcer la coopération bilatérale dans la région. Enfin, ce thèse insiste sur ces relations économiques bilatérales de la Belgique en Afrique centrale, principalement au Cameroun en comparaison avec les anciennes colonies pour voir l'influence de la Belgique au Cameroun, au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi depuis les indépendances jusqu'aux années nonante.

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. « Workers of the Word Unite ! : The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001 ». PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4162.

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The labor movement's groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers' pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell's Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5. Local 5's successful union campaign at Powell's Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5's internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell's efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union's bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5's contract success was the union's partnership with Portland's social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell's Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation's labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland's revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell's agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years. This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell's booksellers, communicated through workers' essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5's creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city's liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union's presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell's iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5's complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.

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Cheze, Mathilde. « La France en Grèce : étude de la politique culturelle française en territoire hellène du début des années 1930 à 1981 ». Phd thesis, Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales- INALCO PARIS - LANGUES O', 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00966630.

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Ce travail se propose d'étudier les ambitions, d'envisager les modalités et enfin de mesurer les résultats de la politique culturelle française menée en Grèce du début des années 1930 à 1981 (date d'entrée de la Grèce dans la Communauté Economique Européenne). Durablement implantée comme culture étrangère dominante depuis la fin du XVIIIème siècle, la culture française se heurte, en Grèce, au cours d'un long XXème siècle à une rude concurrence et connaît une période de déclin au profit de la culture américaine après 1945. Cette étude présente donc le double intérêt de mettre en exergue à une "échelle locale", traversée par les influences de nombreuses puissances étrangères, l'évolution de la diplomatie culturelle française. Partant du postulat d'une "décadence" de la politique étrangère française à partir des années 1930, ce qui se joue en territoire hellénique serait, à bien des égards, le reflet de ce qui se joue plus globalement au niveau mondial pour le rayonnement français.

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Furlet, Brooke (Brooke Gardiner). « The Influence of Naval Strategy on Churchill's Foreign Policy : May - September 1940 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501254/.

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This study examines Churchill's struggle during the summer of 1940 to preserve Britain's naval superiority worldwide, through the neutralization of the French fleet and by securing the active participation of the United States. Sources consulted included autobiographies of the participants, especially those by Churchill, Reynaud, Baudouin, and Weygand, document collections, and British and American official histories. This study is organized to give a chronological analysis of Churchill's efforts from 10 May to 2 September 1940, ending with the United States' acceptance of the destroyers-for-bases agreement. This act committed them to shared strategical responsibilities with Great Britain. The thesis concludes that Churchill's efforts in this period laid the foundation for later Allied victory.

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Ozdoba, Marie-Madeleine. « « Tomorrow’s Life Today ». Le mythe de l’architecture ultra-moderne dans la presse américaine (1947-1964) ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0064.

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Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, dans les plus grands titres de la presse américaine, les nouveaux immeubles équipés de murs rideaux et de l’air climatisé sont présentés comme un « futur déjà arrivé dans le présent ». Le récit médiatique des projets de Mies Van der Rohe, S.O.M. ou Welton Becket est instrumentalisé à des fins de publicité et de divertissement, comme espace de projection dans le futur pour un public en mal d’horizons concrets. Cette thèse interroge la place de l’architecture dans une profonde reconfiguration du régime d’historicité, dans le sillage de l’imaginaire technoscientifique débridé qui caractérise la période – à l’instar de l’Atomic Age, du Space Age ou du Jet Age. Suivant une définition anthropologique de la culture comme production sociale de sens, la thèse met en évidence le rôle des professionnels de l’image (photographes et illustrateurs), de la communication et de l’édition dans le succès de l’architecture ultra-moderne comme proposition culturelle. Le principal cadre méthodologique du projet est la description du contexte de production et de réception du récit de l’architecture ultra-moderne dans la presse grand public. L’analyse conjugue une prise en compte des situations, des processus et des jeux d’acteurs propres au projet d’architecture et à sa médiatisation, avec un appareil interprétatif issu de l’histoire et de la théorie des arts et des images. A l’aune de son récit médiatique, l’architecture ultra-moderne apparaît comme un support de croyances et d’aspirations qui tenaient du mythe, autant que du projet technologique et rationnel revendiqué par les architectes. En tissant l’histoire de l’architecture, l’histoire du récit médiatique, et l’histoire du rapport au temps, cette thèse entend forger un cadre pour l’historiographie des mythes. La mise en œuvre des images d’architecture dans le récit du futur, qui s’appuie sur un imaginaire de la concrétisation, offre un prisme inédit pour revisiter la question de la performance des images, au cœur du champ des études visuelles
In the aftermath of the Second World War, in the headlines of the American press, new buildings equipped with curtain walls and air conditioning were presented as a "future already arrived in the present". The media account of the projects of Mies Van der Rohe, S.O.M. or Welton Becket was used for publicity purposes, as a space for future projections for an audience lacking concrete horizons. This thesis questions the place of architecture in a profound reconfiguration of the regime of historicity, in the wake of the unbridled technoscientific imagination that characterized the period – in the same way as the Atomic Age, the Space Age or the Jet Age. Following an anthropological definition of culture as a social production of meaning, the thesis highlights the role of photographers and illustrators, public relations and publishing profesionnals in the success of ultra-modern architecture as a cultural object. The main methodological framework of the project is the description of the context of production and reception of the narrative of ultra-modern architecture in the mainstream press. The analysis combines a consideration of the situations, processes and agents specific to the architectural project and its publicity, with an interpretative apparatus based on the history and theory of arts and images. In the light of its media narrative, ultra-modern architecture appears to be a support for beliefs and aspirations akin to a myth, as much as the technological and rational project claimed by the architects. By weaving together the history of architecture, the history of media narrative, and the history of the relationship to time, this thesis aims to forge a framework for a historiography of myths. The implementation of architectural images in the narrative of the future, which is based on an imaginary of concretization, offers a new prism to revisit the question of the performativity of images, at the heart of the field of visual studies

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Vercauteren, Pierre. « Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS : la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.

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Feinman, David Eric. « Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences

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Fahlbusch, Markus. « European integration in the field of human rights protection : the interaction on the basis of different constitutional cultures ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209162.

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The present thesis suggests that judicial interaction can benefit constructive solutions of concrete human rights problems as a specific way of integrating European human rights protection. This affirmation is substantiated by case studies examining the interaction of the European Court of Human Rights with the UK House of Lords and Supreme Court on the one hand and with the German Federal Constitutional Court on the other. Yet, the manner in which the courts proceed in their interaction, notably in view of their potentially conflictual stances, can deflect from the concentration on constructively solving the substantive human rights problem with which the courts are confronted. Accordingly, the courts might be inclined to preserve the status quo of their initial positions and to resort to a mere compromise between the different interests involved.

This thesis identifies two major factors in the courts’ reasoning that inhibit the fruitful discussion of the substantive human rights questions brought up by the cases: the reference to “culture” and the focus on their institutional relationship with the balancing of possibly conflicting interests. By way of analysing practical cases against a legal- and political-theoretical backdrop, this work develops how these two factors contribute to the obstruction of a constructive interaction between the courts and to the shielding of controversial views from being discussed and challenged. In response, also by reference to the concrete practice of the courts, this thesis puts forward an approach to the interaction which avoids this inhibiting effect and therefore allows for a comprehensive, deep and critical discussion on how to solve the specific human rights problems raised by the cases./La présente thèse soutient que l’interaction judiciaire peut bénéficier à des solutions constructives des problèmes concrets de droits de l’homme comme une forme spécifique d’intégration de la protection européenne des droits de l’homme. Cette affirmation est corroborée par des études de cas qui examinent l’interaction de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme avec la House of Lords et la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni d’un côté et avec la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale de l’Allemagne de l’autre. Pourtant, la manière dont les cours procèdent dans leur interaction, notamment au vu de leurs points de vue potentiellement conflictuels, peut détourner l’attention de la solution constructive des problèmes substantiels des droits de l’homme auxquels les cours font face. En conséquence, il se peut que les cours soient susceptibles de préserver le statu quo de leurs positions initiales et d’avoir recours à un simple compromis entre les différents intérêts en cause.

Cette thèse identifie deux facteurs majeurs dans le raisonnement des cours qui entravent la discussion fructueuse des questions substantielles soulevées par les cas :la référence à la « culture » et la concentration sur leur relation institutionnelle avec le balancement des intérêts possiblement conflictuels. Au moyen de l’analyse des cas pratiques sur le fond de la théorie juridique et politique, ce travail fait ressortir comment ces deux facteurs contribuent à l’obstruction d’une interaction constructive entre les cours et à la protection des opinions controversées contre leur discussion et défi. En réponse, également en se fondant sur la pratique concrète des cours, cette thèse avance une approche quant à l’interaction qui évite cet effet inhibant et, par conséquent, permet une discussion complète, profonde et critique de comment résoudre les problèmes spécifiques de droits de l’homme posés par les cas.

Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Korf, Lindie. « D.F. Malan : a political biography ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.

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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.

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BEREAU, Stéphanie. « Modalités de valorisation de l'art africain en occident dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle : étude critique des conditions historiques de réception et de valorisation del'art africain en occindent, dans les musées d'histoire naturelle ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6911.

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Defence date: 27 November 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Pascaline Winand, Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence (Superviseur) ; Prof. Bogumil Jewsiewicki, Université Laval, Québec (Co-directeur) ; Prof. Antonella Romano, Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence ; Prof. Laurick Zerbini, Université Lumière Lyon 2, Lyon
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
En 1905, après une après-midi de peinture plutôt éprouvante sous la chaleur de la campagne parisienne, Maurice de Vlaminck s’arrête pour se rafraîchir dans un bistro d’Argenteuil. Sur le bar qui lui fait face, perdus entre les bouteilles d’alcool, trois objets africains attirent son attention : deux pièces Yoruba du Dahomey et une pièce de Côte-d’Ivoire. En échange d’une tournée générale, le propriétaire accepte de les lui céder. C’est en les montrant à un ami de son père venu visiter son atelier en mars 1906, qu’il obtiendra de ce dernier deux autres statues africaines, ainsi qu’un masque blanchâtre assez quelconque, qui pourtant fascina son alter ego fauviste, le peintre André Derain, dès qu’il le vit. Pressé par des soucis financiers, Vlaminck repoussera une première offre d’achat de son ami pour mieux accepter celle qu’il lui fit quelques jours plus tard. Début avril 1906, pour 50 francs, Derain était entré en possession de son célèbre masque Fang1 et l’accrochait aux murs de son atelier de la rue Tourlaque.

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Graham, Sarah Ellen. « Narrating hegemony : cultural diplomacy, international information and the language of power in US foreign policy, 1936-1953 ». Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148193.

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Weber, Peter C. « The Praxis of Civil Society : Associational Life, the Politics of Civility, and Public Affairs in the Weimar Republic ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5603.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This dissertation analyzes the efforts to develop a pluralistic political culture and democratic practices of governance through the training of democratic leaders in Germany's first school of public affairs, the German School of Politics. The investigation of the thought-leaders that formed this school illustrates two main points. First, through the prism of the School, I detail the efforts to develop a conception of civil society that, by being grounded in civility, could retie social bonds and counter the brutalization of politics characteristic of the post-World War One years. By providing practical knowledge, courses in public affairs could not only free Germans from the blinders of ideologies, but also instill in them an ethos that would help viewing the political enemy as an opponent with an equal right to participate in the political process. Secondly, I point to the limits of trans-national philanthropy in supporting the development of civil society in young democracies. By analyzing the relationship between U.S. foundations and the School, I focus on the asymmetry that existed between American ideals of democracy and the realities of the German political system. This study thus focuses on the dynamics between the actions of institutions and organizations, and the broader social behaviors that constitute public life.

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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. « The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959 / Joseph Askew ». Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21830.

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"June 2002"
Bibliography: leaves 229-270.
ix, 270 leaves ; 30 cm.
This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 2002

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BRAAT, Eleni. « Disarmament, neutrality and colonialism : Conflicting priorities in the Netherlands, 1921-1931 ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10396.

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Defence date: 24 November 2008
Examining Board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (European University Institute) - supervisor Prof. Georges Dertilis (École des hautes études en sciences sociales) Prof. Kiran Patel (European University Institute) Prof. Henk te Velde (Universiteit Leiden)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The decade after World War I saw the daring creation of the League of Nations: West European security had to be preserved through cooperation in transnational networks instead of through traditional multilateral expedients, and a new generation of diplomats had to enhance open diplomacy, push away the international, aristocratic elite, and democratize politics. Peace movements appeared on the international stage, and blew a fierce ideological wind over Europe. This hopeful change experienced its halcyon days around 1925-1928, when Europe as well as the Pacific encountered a true détente. This thesis deals with these changes in international security matters, incited by World War I and the subsequent creation of the League of Nations, and their consequences for Dutch foreign policy.

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Gronbeck-Tedesco, John A. 1976. « Reading revolution : politics in the U.S.-Cuban cultural imagination, 1930-1970 ». 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/18432.

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This dissertation examines U.S.-Cuban cultural exchange around the Cuban revolutions of 1933 and 1959. It argues that the historical period from 1930-1970 represents a critical juncture in global politics, when fascination and dismay for Cuban revolutionary struggles spawned new ideas about art, aesthetics, governance, and jurisprudence as part of new state functions and cosmopolitan publics. Drawing from U.S. and Cuban sources, this project documents the ways in which cultural producers from across the political spectrum used the language of revolution to craft claims about race, class, gender, empire, and nationhood. It explains the fractured relationship following the 1959 revolution by beginning in the 1930s, when narratives of U.S.-led Pan-Americanism splintered and frayed within the broader project of neocolonialism. Cultural expressions--from folksongs and poems to presidential speeches and tourist literature--demonstrate multiple ideological positions and aesthetic forms that reveal a tension between Pan-American camaraderie on the one hand and neocolonial violence on the other. I use poetry, journalism, plays, federal policy, music, and radical literature to illustrate ideas about Cuba that spanned the ideological gamut--from socialist utopia to the tragedy of dictatorship--and their location in the generational transition from the Good Neighbor policy to Cold War containment. In the United States, these two political moments were anchored between the New Deal coalition and rise of the Old Left on the one hand, and the dawning of Kennedy/Johnson liberal internationalism and the New Left on the other. At the same time in Cuba the revolutionary culture industries restructured nationalist narratives and political ambitions based on anti-Yankee opposition, which ultimately ushered in a new Cuban state that self-fashioned itself as a leader of the Third World. I present a case study that reveals how political and cultural vectors operate in multiple directions, creating the overarching conditions that enable "minor" states to exert gravitational pull on superpowers in the production of new local tastes and sensibilities from Harlem to Havana.
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GLYNN, Irial. « International trends and national differences in asylum policymaking : Australia, Italy and Ireland compared, 1989-2008 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13276.

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Defence date: 23 November 2009
Examining Board: Prof. Jay Winter (Yale) [supervisor]; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI); Prof. Gil Loescher (University of Oxford); Prof. Leo Lucassen (Leiden)
First made available online 20 March 2019
The primary purpose of this interdisciplinary study is to show the value of history in investigating asylum policymaking from 1989 to 2008. Chapter 1 provides a short summary of asylum before 1989. It focuses especially on the power, influence and composition of actors who advocated for generous asylum policies and actors who proposed restrictive asylum policies at crucial times throughout the twentieth century. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 analyse the case studies of Australia, Italy and Ireland. By setting traditional emigration countries against a traditional immigration country, EU countries against a non-EU country, Catholic countries against a multidenominational country, islands against a peninsula, common law states against a civil law state, as well as countries where boat people drove asylum debates against one that lacked boat people, many divergences and convergences emerged. Every country had, to a certain degree, a unique asylum system based on its own history, identity and geography. The comparative Chapter 5 reveals that despite inherent national differences, noticeable international asylum trends also appeared during this period. In contrast to people who applied for asylum during the Cold War, asylum applicants in the 1990s provided limited political and economic returns for receiver states. Accordingly, governing political parties inclined towards the formation of more restrictive asylum policies. But secular and religious NGOs, INGOs and certain opposition political parties loudly protested by referencing humanitarian ideals, national commitments to human rights and the rule of law. Acknowledging the challenges posed by actors sympathetic to asylum seekers, governments in the 2000s attempted to securitize and externalise asylum, reduce the influence of the courts, and expedite the deportation of rejected asylum seekers. The conclusion suggests that governments in Europe, North America and Australasia are likely to build on advances made through the 2000s to restrict asylum even further in the next decade, especially in the wake of the economic crisis of 2008- 09.

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HADJIKYRIACOU, Achilleas. « Men in crisis : representations of masculinity and gender relations in Greek cinema, 1950-1967 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14482.

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In 2012 the author was awarded The James Kaye Memorial Prize for the Best Thesis in History and Visuality.
Defence date: 28 June 2010
Examining Board: Prof. Giulia Calvi (EUI, supervisor); Prof. Anthony Molho (EUI); Prof. Penelope Corfield (Royal Holloway, University of London and University of Leicester); Dr. Yannis Tzioumakis (University of Liverpool)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The deconstruction of masculinity crisis in Greece during the 1950s and 1960s has a central part in the research objectives of the current project. More precisely, the main research questions of my study are as follows: - How are hegemonic and subordinated types of masculinity represented in Greek popular films? - How are gender relations represented in Greek popular films? - What is the impact of cultural transfers on the cinematic representations of masculinity and gender relations? - How do films represent the negotiation of tradition with modernity with regard to changes in masculinity and gender relations? - How do the representations of masculinity and gender relations relate to those of class and locality? - How do cinematic representations of masculinity and gender relations connect to their historical context?

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Salter, Mark B. « On barbarians : the discourse of ’civilization’ in international theory ». Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10090.

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Unsatisfied with critical responses to Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations?" this dissertation attempts to trace two central elements of his argument. First, "On Barbarians" traces the evolution of the civilized/ barbarian dichotomy from its origins in the nineteenth century to its recent incarnations in International Relations theory. The relevance of Europe's imperial heritage is emphasized, along with certain thematic threads in popular discourse: demography, surveillance, and the distinction between popular and elite culture. The ubiquitous self/other dichotomy, which is central to political identity, has been understood in European imperial discourse to mean European civilization and barbaric others. This rhetoric remains powerful, even in current IR discourse. By reinscribing this civilized/barbarian dichotomy, Huntington in effect uses International Relations theory as a form of identity politics. Second, this dissertation analyzes the presence of culture and identity in the discipline of International Relations theory. Despite specific empirical considerations, Huntington's underlying interest in culture and identity is well-founded, which this dissertation attempts to demonstrate using material from the history of International Relations, post-colonial, and critical theorists. In sum, "On Barbarians" illustrates the critical benefit of studying culture and identity to LR through a critical examination of the civilized/barbarian discourse.

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SIX, Pierre-Louis. « The party nobility : Cold War and the shaping of an identity at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (1943-1991) ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49328.

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Defence date: 15 December 2017
Examining Board: Prof. Stephen Anthony Smith, Oxford University (Supervisor); Prof. Michel Offerlé, Ecole Normale Supérieure (Ulm) (Co-supervisor); Prof. Alexander Etkind, European University Institute; Prof. David Priestland, Oxford University
The Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) was founded after the Soviet victory at Stalingrad in 1943 with the mission of training a new generation of flag bearers of Communist ideals and Soviet State interests on the international scene, the so-called meždunarodniki. Often cited as the alma mater of most of the leading figures involved in the conduct of the Soviet diplomacy during Cold War, the MGIMO has received paradoxically little attention from scholars. Most researchers who have mentioned it present the Institute either as a crucible of social reproduction in the 1970s Soviet Union or as a subversive place, whose ‘net thinking’ paved the way to Gorbachev’s perestroika. For their part, numerous meždunarodniki describe the MGIMO as a Soviet Tsarskoye Selo or a Communist Lyceum: they surprisingly refer to their experience at the Institute in terms redolent of Russian imperial history, stressing the fact that they were much more than experts in foreign affairs and that they occupied a distinct place within the Soviet elite. Ranging from the end of World War II to the collapse of the USSR, this research aims at analyzing the making of a hybrid social category, what I describe as Party nobility in the Soviet Union, the identity of which shaped and was shaped by the Cold War. How did an institution and its alumni form a distinct social group that sat at the very core of the Cold War enterprise? How did MGIMO become the place where a specific praxis of foreign affairs was inculcated, based on the hybridisation of aristocratic manners and communist ethics during the Khrushchev and the Brezhnev era? Why was the loyalty of both the institution and the social group put into question during perestroika as early as 1985? These are some of the main questions this research will answer.

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WEGENER, Jens. « Creating an 'international mind' ? : the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Europe, 1911-1940 ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40749.

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Defence date: 12 June 2015
Examining Board: Professor Kiran Klaus Patel, Maastricht University (external supervisor); Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (second reader); Professor Sven Beckert, Harvard University; Professor Gary Gerstle, University of Cambridge.
How do non-governmental actors exert power beyond the confines of nation-states? Examining the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) and its network of European foreign policy elites, I argue that non-governmental actors developed transnational political agendas in part to counter the democratizing and social shifts of the early 20th century. Throughout the interwar period the CEIP emerged as a key participant in cultural internationalism by providing financial and logistical aid for transnational outreach. Well connected to social elites in several countries, the CEIP's emergence illustrates how internationalism was inexorably structured by economic, social and cultural capital. As formerly marginalized social groups—e.g. women, organized labor and ethnic minorities became more integrated into national decision-making processes, traditional elites began to erect new barriers around transnational spaces to preserve existing power structures. The project investigates how the CEIP fostered the construction, transformation and circulation of expertise among the technical experts. Starting in the mid-1920s, the foundation promoted networking between economists, international lawyers and other specialists who staffed foreign ministries and international organizations such as the League of Nations, the International Labor Organization and the Permanent Court of International Justice. The CEIP used these connections and the power of the purse to stimulate the development of professional communities with the ultimate goal of reaching policy consensus on the divisive issues of the time thus in effect promoting the development of alternative governance mechanisms. This attempt to construct a techncratic "international mind" faltered with the beginning of the Second World War. Yet, tracing the careers of CEIP-connected experts into the post-war planning projects, the thesis ultimately challenges "creationist" narratives of international financial, human rights and security regimes after 1945. Many of the international policies implemented in the second half of the 1940s did not represent a clean break with a failed past. They were legacies of an attempt to make the world safe for a return to the liberal capitalist order that had marked the long 19th century.

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Swart, Marilette. « Verstotelingstate in die post-koue oorlogse internasionale politiek ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6118.

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M.Litt et Phil.
In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat normaalweg ook deur die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) as verstotelinge beskou word (Geldenhuys, 1997:15). Vir die doel van hierdie studie word hierdie nege beskou as die post-Koue Oorlogse verstotelingstate. Die meeste van hulle word nie slegs deur die VSA as verstotelinge behandel nie, maar deur verskeie ander state, en in sommige gevalle selfs deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bree.

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34

« 迷失的发展 : 泉州的现代化、城市规划与文化遗产保护 ». Thesis, 2011. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075093.

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In order to explore the changing spatial politics and the changing ideas of "right to the city", I look in particular at how different ideologies have been used in different historical periods in planning the city, as well as the practices that led to spatial change. Using Henri Lefebvre's theory of the "right to the city", I suggest three dimensions in observing the right to the city, namely, the right to settle, the right to be different from the "modem city", and the right to keep the structure of meaning with regards to daily life and local space. By examining historical materials and using field work data, I show how "the right to the city" was ignored by the central and local governments during the planning process. I point out that the state always acts as the main factor that shapes the space of the city. The urban planning process was affected by the change of spatial politics, the politics of heritage, and the production of space from the state. Despite this, residents' daily lives help to shape the structure of meaning between their lives and their local space. Thus, the local residents have been able to find their own space in the city.
Quanzhou is a medium-size ancient city in Fujian, and as with other old cities in China today, its urban space became the arena of negotiation between different local and global social forces and the state. There is also great deal of politics and ambiguity around the concepts of "cultural heritage", and "modernization".
This research studies the changing spatial politics from the traditional to the modem state, and the factors that affect the form of space in Quanzhou's different historical stages. The central questions are: how have spatial politics led to the changes of local culture; in what ways have the local residents had their own right to the city and how have they reacted to the state's spatial politics?
罗攀.
Adviser: Joseph Prosco.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: .
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 216-225).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Luo Pan.

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35

Sullivan, Katie Helen. « The evolution of India's great power identity : a powerful performance ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151758.

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This research shows how Indian self-conceptions of 'greatness' have been derivative of India's own readings of an appropriate global role for itself at different periods during its history, rather than sourced from the dominant norms of 'great powerhood' in international society. It attempts to show how apparent shifts in India's identity can most aptly be understood as a process of India acquiring the material markers of a great power rather than actually becoming a great power. According to this reading, the Indian case diverges from the processes of socialisation typically associated with rising powers, whereby great power aspirants internalise the norms articulated by the existing community of great powers. In theoretical terms, the process of negotiation between the norms and values inherent in an Indian international self (an identity which I show to be relatively stable over time) and the norms and values of an international group of prominent states from which India seeks recognition of its 'right' to lead, is revealed as more complex than we might expect. By acquiring a deeper understanding of Indian conceptions of greatness, it is possible to reveal a more nuanced narrative of India's global ascendance and access complexities in India's conduct of external affairs that are sometimes missed by dominant frames of understanding in International Relations. The study demonstrates how attempts to narrate, observe or predict India's ascendance in the language of great powers can only incompletely capture the nuances of India's changing international identity and its potential role in the international system. As such, the research as a whole points to limitations in the theoretical rigour and the explanatory capacity of current dominant understandings of greatness as they are applied to rising powers such as India.

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36

« 權力均衡 : 釣魚台事件 : 從釣魚台事件看中、美、日、台的關係 ». 1998. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5889532.

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顔鳳儀.
論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部, 1998.
參考文獻: leaves 127-139.
中英文摘要.
Yan Fengyi.
Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1-6
Chapter 一、 --- 研究重點 --- p.2-3
Chapter 二、 --- 研究原因 --- p.3-4
Chapter 三、 --- 硏究方法
Chapter 甲、 --- 硏究性質 --- p.4-5
Chapter 乙、 --- 資料來源 --- p.5
Chapter 第二章 --- 評述權力均衡理論及探討基辛格對均勢外交理念的構想 --- p.7-26
Chapter 一、 --- 權力均衡理論
Chapter 甲、 --- 現實主義學說 --- p.7-9
Chapter 乙、 --- 權力均衡理論槪念之釐淸 --- p.9-16
Chapter 二、 --- 均勢外交理念的構想
Chapter 甲、 --- 尼克遜與基辛格在七十年代制定美國外交政策的關鍵角色 --- p.17-19
Chapter 乙、 --- 均勢外交之構想 --- p.20-26
Chapter 三、 --- 分析架構 --- p.26
Chapter 第三章 --- 歷史史實的描述 --- p.27-61
Chapter 一、 --- 釣魚台的歷史背景
Chapter 甲、 --- 一九七二年前的釣魚台歷史背景 --- p.27-33
Chapter 乙、 --- 九十年代的釣魚台事件 --- p.33-35
Chapter 二、 --- 一九七二年前的中、美、日、台的關係
Chapter 甲、 --- 七十年代前的中美關係 --- p.36-42
Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代前的美日關係 --- p.43-49
Chapter 丙、 --- 七十年代前的的中日關係 --- p.50-54
Chapter 丁、 --- 轉變中的中、美、日關係 --- p.55-61
Chapter 第四章 --- 運用權力均衡槪念去剖析釣魚台事件 --- p.62-116
Chapter 一、 --- 美國一一「均勢體系」中的「均衡者」 --- p.62-79
Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.62
Chapter 乙、 --- 聯中制蘇 --- p.62-63
Chapter 丙、 --- 釣魚台事件
Chapter 1. --- 釣魚台對美國國防的重要性 --- p.64
Chapter 2. --- 安撫日本 --- p.65-66
Chapter 3. --- 均勢戰略考慮的長遠計謀
Chapter (I) --- 遏制中國 --- p.67-74
Chapter (II) --- 制約日本 --- p.75-77
Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.77-79
Chapter 二、 --- 日本一一「均勢體系」中的「從屬者」 --- p.80-95
Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.80
Chapter 乙、 --- 釣魚台對日本國防及經濟的重要性 --- p.80-82
Chapter 丙、 --- 日本謀求成爲亞洲政治及軍事大國之野心
Chapter 1. --- 美蘇冷戰格局下日本經濟迅速復興，在九十年代成爲第二經濟大國 --- p.82-83
Chapter 2. --- 日本經濟蓬勃發展後，日本出現謀求成爲政治大國的野心 --- p.83-84
Chapter 3 . --- 新保守主義思潮的興起 --- p.84-87
Chapter 4 . --- 日本謀求成爲政治及軍事大國的障礙 --- p.87-89
Chapter 5 . --- 日本明白美日同盟的重要性 --- p.89-91
Chapter 丁、 --- 九六年日本遏制中國時機之來臨
Chapter 1 . --- 《美日安保條約》的重新訂位 --- p.91-93
Chapter 2 . --- 橋本內閣的重組 --- p.93-94
Chapter 戊、 --- 小結 --- p.94-95
Chapter 三) --- 台灣一一「均勢體系」的「從屬者」 --- p.96-104
Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.96
Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 --- p.97-98
Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析
Chapter 1. --- 釣魚事件牽涉了兩岸關係 --- p.99-100
Chapter 2. --- 爭取美日友好，以擴展台灣的國際生存空間 --- p.101-103
Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.104
Chapter 四) --- 中國一一「均勢體系」的「被敵視者」 --- p.105-116
Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.105
Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析 --- p.105-108
Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析
Chapter 1. --- 出兵的顧慮 --- p.109-113
Chapter 2. --- 不出兵的顧慮 --- p.113-115
Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.116
Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.117-126
Chapter 一、 --- 中、美、日、台在釣魚台事件上所扮演的角色 --- p.118-121
Chapter 二、 --- 「權力均衡」理論之適用性及現實性 --- p.121-126
主要參考書目（中文）
主要參考書目（英文）
主要參考報章雜誌

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37

Way, Wendy Aileen. « The ideas of F. L. McDougall : a biographical approach ». Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150508.

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38

DÜR, Andreas. « Protecting Exporters : discrimination and liberalization in transatlantic trade relations, 1932-2003 ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5258.

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Defence date: 7 July 2004
Examining board: Prof. Walter Mattli (St. John's College, Oxford) ; Prof. Gerard Schneider (University Konstanz) ; Prof. Daniel Verdier (Ohio State University, supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The liberalization of transatlantic trade relations since the Great Depression is one of the key developments in the global political economy of the last hundred years. This period has seen the negotiated reduction of both tariffs and nontariff barriers among developed countries, which allowed for the rapid expansion of trade flows, a driving force of economic globalization. In Protection for Exporters, Andreas Dür provides a novel explanation for this phenomenon that stresses the role of societal interests in shaping trade politics. He argues that exporters lobby more in reaction to losses of foreign market access than in pursuit of opportunities, thus providing a rationale for periods of acceleration and slowdown in the pace of liberalization. Dür also presents hypotheses about the form in which protection for exporters is provided (preferential or nonpreferential) and the balance of concessions that is exchanged in trade negotiations. Protection for Exporters includes case studies of major developments in international trade relations, such as the passage of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act in the 1930s, the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in the 1940s, the Kennedy Round in the 1960s, the debate over Fortress Europe in the 1980s, and U.S.-European competition over access to emerging markets in the early 2000s. Dür's rigorous argument and systematic empirical analyses not only explain transatlantic trade relations but also allow for a better understanding of the dynamics of international economic relations.

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39

Daniels, Barbara A. « Diplomacy and its discontents : nationalism, colonialism, imperialism and the Cyprus problem (1945-1960) ». Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3130.

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40

STUMMVOLL, Albert Alexander. « A living tradition : the Holy See, Catholic social doctrine, and global politics, 1965-2000 ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25195.

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Examining Board: Dr. Mariano Barbato, Universitatea Babeş-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca/ Universität Passau; Professor Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Dr. Scott Thomas, University of Bath/University of London, Heythrop College (External CoSupervisor).
Defence date: 30 November 2012
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In this thesis I explore the question of how the Holy See translates its own normative vision into concrete diplomatic practice. Drawing upon Alasdair MacIntyre’s concept of a ‘living tradition’, I argue that Catholic Social Doctrine (CSD) is an exemplary case of a ‘historically extended, socially embodied argument’ about the good life that provides the Holy See with a source of inspiration and advice, shapes its perception of global politics, constitutes its identity and preferences, and constrains its diplomatic practice. However, due to its ‘living’ nature, CSD does not provide blueprints for action and falls short of determining papal diplomacy in global politics. A living religious tradition needs to be inherited, interpreted, and incarnated. This process is complicated and leads to political and ethical policy dilemmas as well as to changing patterns of conflict and cooperation with other international actors. I will examine this problematique in the context of four major case studies of papal diplomacy in the post-Second Vatican Council era: the Vietnam War, the Polish crisis in the early 1980s, the United Nations (UN) conferences on population control and women in Cairo and Beijing in the mid-1990s, and the Jubilee 2000 anti-debt campaign. My research findings have four broader implications. First, they will lay out a more fine-tuned approach to the study of religious traditions in IR. Second, they suggest a need for the field of religion and politics to avoid reducing the impact of religious ideas and practices to their causal impact on outcomes. Third, they undermine the analytical accurateness of widespread invocations of ‘holy alliance’ arguments for characterising Holy See diplomacy. Fourth, they provide good reasons for a more holistic perspective on CSD in particular and religion and politics in general.

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41

Hoskins, Ty. « United States grand strategy and Taiwan : a case study comparison of major theories ». Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3792.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Many authors, critics, and policy makers question the presence of a unified grand strategy with which the United States has striven toward in recent years. This is a topic worthy of pursuit since such a strategy is responsible for identifying how this nation intends to accomplish its goals. This thesis defines what, if any, grand strategy the United States is currently pursuing. It observes several prominent theories of grand strategy, from both the realist and liberal perspectives. This analysis is set in context of historical grand strategy decisions since World War II and uses the framework of Taiwan as the case study. The thesis then compares the three theories, Selective Engagement, Offshore Balancing, and the Liberal Milieu and their recommendations to real-world activities of the United States with a focus primarily on military deployments and national objectives. The study reveals that of the three in question, the Liberal Milieu grand strategy is the only one that is supported by ongoing deployments in the East Asia region as well as by the national rhetoric which define our policy objectives.

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42

Grossberg, Matthew M. « Yalta, a tripartite negotation to form the post-war world order : planning for the conference, the big three's strategies ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/7978.

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British influence on the diplomacy of WWII, as it relates to postwar planning, is underappreciated. This work explores how the use of astute tactical maneuvering allowed Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden to impact the development of the post-war world in a greater degree than is typically portrayed in the narratives of the war. Detailing how the study of business negotiations can provide new insights into diplomatic history, Yalta exposes Britain’s impact on the creation of the post-war order through analyzing the diplomacy of WWII as a negotiation. To depict WWII post-war planning diplomacy as a negotiation means that the Yalta Conference of 1945 must be the focal point of said diplomacy with all the negotiations either flowing to or from the conference. This analysis reveals that Britain harnessed the natural momentum of the negotiation process to create bilateral understandings that protected or advanced their interests in ways that should not have been afforded the weakest party in the Grand Alliance. By pursuing solutions to the major wartime issues first and most stridently through the use of age-old British diplomatic tactics, they were able to enter into understandings with another member of the Grand Alliance prior to the tripartite conferences. Creating bilateral understandings with the Americans on the direction of military operations and the Soviets over the European settlement produced the conditions under which the tripartite negotiations transpired. Options available to the excluded party were thus limited, allowing for outcomes that aligned more favorably to British interests. A synthesis of diplomatic documents, diaries, and memoirs with historical writings as well as research on business and international negotiations brings to life the diplomatic encounters that led to the creation of the post-war order. To provide the reader a basis for analysis of wartime diplomacy, this work is broken down into two parts. Part I focuses on the strategies created for Yalta. Part II (future doctoral dissertation) will use these strategies to evaluate the performances of each party. Combined the two parts expose that British diplomatic maneuverings is an undervalued aspect of wartime diplomacy.

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Thèses sur le sujet « International relations and culture – History – 20th century »

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