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1
Madida, Ngqabutho. « A history of the Colonial Bacteriological Institute 1891-1905 ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10767.
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Bibliography: leaves 84-88.Africa was not a white man's grave just because it killed people, it was a white man's grave because it threatened to destroy the crops and animals that were the basis of the settlers' survival. Thus in 1891 the first research institute of its kind in Southern Africa if not in Africa was established in South Africa to deal with this threat. Its life span of fourteen years was accompanied by both personal and institutional achievement. Although still within the original aim of research, there was pursuit of 'breakthrough glory' that led to blunders and, in part, to the downfall of the man and the closure of the institute. The Colonial Bacteriological Institute (CBI) sometimes known as the Colonial Institute was the first bacteriological research laboratory set up in the Cape Colony to investigate human and stock diseases. This dissertation seeks to examine the history of that institute, from its beginning in 1891 to its closure in 1905.
2
Turing, John M. F. « The construction of colonial identity in the Canadas, 1815-1867 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4f76c2a-9be0-46c4-9d4c-938378ac06e4.
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This thesis examines the construction and contestation of Anglo-Canadian identity from the end of the War of 1812 until Confederation in 1867. It argues that the conflict between English- and French-speakers in the Canadas was by no means inevitable but a function of the institutional and political circumstances of the time. It seeks to complicate the picture of the British in Canada by demonstrating that they were a diverse community of different groups, institutions and religions that only through struggle and the incentives of party politics were able to unify themselves into a single culture. The development of party politics not just coincided with the creation of Anglo-Canadian identity but played a fundamental role in creating it. Through the burgeoning newspaper industry, the Reform and Tory parties spread their ideas of what it meant to be British, loyal and Canadian to a widespread English-speaking audience. Canadian history in this period is better understood not in the traditional dualist framework of British against French but as the complex interactions of many different groups, including the English, the Scots, the Irish Protestants, the Irish Catholics, the Americans and the French-Canadians. The thesis seeks to deconstruct the terms ‘British’ and ‘loyal’. Both terms were appropriated by various individuals and groups seeking to gain benefits by defining themselves as such. Until the early 1830s, attempts were made to include certain classes of French-Canadians within the broader British polity and identity. The 1837 rebellions marked the ‘othering’ of French-Canadians. Meanwhile the Upper Canada rebellions presented an enemy in the United States and a new strain of anti-Americanism, separate to that of the loyalists, was developed. By 1849, the moment of the rebellion losses crisis, the fundamental tenets of the Anglo-Canadian identity had been established: anti-Americanism, a concern about French political influence and a sense of kinship with English speakers across the province of United Canada. These three periods are shown to have played a crucial role in the development of an anglophone identity that encompassed the whole of United Canada.
3
MacDonald, Andrew Scott. « Colonial trespassers in the making of South Africa's international borders 1900 to c.1950 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610898.
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Taylor, Rebecca Susan. « International trade in British West Africa during the colonial era : Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast and the Gambia ». Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343392.
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Raza, Muhammad Ali. « Interrogating provincial politics : the Leftist Movement in Punjab, c. 1914-1950 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fdc1fc64-98d7-46e1-8cee-387fa56dfa7e.
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This thesis examines the development of the Leftist movement in British Punjab and the insights it provides into the political spaces it inhabited and the actors it engaged with. Broadly speaking, this is an attempt at uncovering lesser fragments that offer the possibility of complicating our understanding of Punjabi and South Asian History. In doing so, I seek to uncover a socio-political arena which played host to a multiplicity of contested identities, notions of sovereignty, and political objectives. I thus seek to explore this complex and fluid arena through the study of a variety of movements and intellectual strands, all of which can collectively be labelled as the ‘Left.’ I begin by situating the Punjabi Left within the wider global arena and then shift to examining it within the province itself. I then explore the Left’s acrimonious relationship with the Colonial State as well as its tortured engagements with ‘nationalist’ and ‘communitarian’ movements. Taken together, this thesis, aside from enhancing our understanding of the ‘Left’ itself, also contributes to regional studies in general and questions historiographical demarcations and the categories that are normatively employed in standard political histories.
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Andrioni, Fabio Sapragonas. « Quando a história também é futuro : as concepções de tempo passado, de futuro e do Brasil em Herman Kahn e no Hudson Institute (1947-1979) ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-25052015-161036/.
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O objeto desta dissertação é uma ideia de futuro, ou seja, como o futuro foi compreendido dentro de um dado momento histórico e de acordo com certas condições. A ideia de futuro aqui analisada centra-se em torno de Herman Kahn, físico, estrategista militar e futurista. A constituição dessa ideia de futuro, contudo, não ocorreu afastada de uma compreensão de história. Para entendermos como ocorreu esse diálogo entre passado, presente e futuro, baseamo-nos nos conceitos propostos por Koselleck de espaço de experiência e horizonte de expectativa, assim como em alguns pontos do que o autor propõe como história dos conceitos. O início da formulação da ideia de futuro aqui analisada se deu no famoso think tank estadunidense que prestava consultoria à Força Aérea dos EUA, a RAND Corporation. Nesse período, o futuro é interpretado no curto prazo e pensado, no máximo, quinze anos à frente, e a história usada é recente, remetendo às I e II Guerras. Portanto, são questões restritas à segurança nacional e à defesa dos EUA e às relações com a Ásia e a Europa. Porém, ao lançar o seu primeiro e polêmico livro, On thermonuclear war, em 1960, no qual analisava, com detalhes, as possibilidades de uma guerra nuclear e como o país poderia se reerguer após ela, Kahn saiu da RAND e fundou seu próprio think tank, o Hudson Institute, em 1961. Acompanhando uma mudança de orientação de governo dos EUA e passando por dificuldades financeiras ao longo da década de 60 e 70, o Hudson Institute e Herman Kahn ampliaram, pouco a pouco, o tempo futuro analisado, chegando, em 1976, no livro The next 200 years, a prever duzentos anos à frente. Correspondendo a isso, havia também um recuo para o passado, alcançando o ano de 8000 a.C. Nesse momento, o Hudson Institute não mais trabalhava somente com as questões estadunidenses, mas também tinha uma atuação em âmbito mundial, visando influenciar empresas multinacionais e governos de outros países. Entre os governos pretendidos, estava o brasileiro. Porém, com projetos polêmicos e dados incertos e cambiantes, Kahn e o HI sofreram uma crítica impiedosa, sarcástica e agressiva no Brasil, o que nos permite verificar as falhas do método futurológico de Kahn e a política do governo brasileiro por trás das críticas. Por fim, toda essa exposição dos estudos futuros elaborados por Kahn desde 1947 até 1979 também nos permite refletir sobre a história e suas relações com o presente e o futuro e propor que para uma formulação sobre o futuro ou sobre o passado há, embutida, outra formulação sobre o tempo oposto.The object of this dissertation is an idea of future or, more specifically, how the future was comprehended in a given historical moment and under certain conditions. This idea of future in our analysis is centered on Herman Kahn, a physic, military strategist and futurist. The constitution of this idea of future was not separated from a comprehension of history and it established a link between among past, present and future. To build it we based on Kosellecks concepts of space of experience and horizon of expectation and we used some ideas from Kosellecks conceptual history. Kahns idea of future started at RAND Corporation, the famous American think tank that advised the US Air Force. At that period, the future was only short term, it was thought at most fifteen years ahead and historical references were also recent, going back only until I and II Wars. Thus, the questions were restricted to the national security, the US defense and the relations with Asia and Europe. After his first book, On thermonuclear war, in 1960, Herman Kahn abandoned RAND. The book was very polemical. Kahn analyzed and accounted in details how a nuclear war could happen and how the country could rise after it. Out of RAND, Kahn established his own think tank, the Hudson Institute, in 1961. Hudson Institute and Herman Kahn widened the time analyzed, reaching two hundred years to the future and ten thousand year to the past in the book The next 200 years, in 1976. This broadened future accompanied a change of US government orientation and some financial difficulties faced by Hudson Institute that stretched for the sixties and the seventies. Beyond that, Hudson Institute was operating not only with American issues, but it was also working with world issues intending to influence multinational corporations and other countries. One of these countries was Brazil. However, in Brazil, Kahn and Hudson Institute suffered ruthless, sarcastic and aggressive critics due to polemical plans and changing and uncertain data. So the Brazilian critics were based on some mistakes of Kahn future study method, but they were based in an emphatic Brazilian government policy. We believe this exposition and analysis of Herman Kahns future studies since 1947 to 1979 provide us a deep reflection about history and the relations among past, present and future, so it is possible to state that some future or past formulation has embedded an implicit formulation about the opposite time.
7
Devenish, Annie Victoria. « Being, belonging and becoming : a study of gender in the making of post-colonial citizenship in India 1946-1961 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8fbbf3b1-bb13-47a4-aee2-dd7b5dfb7804.
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Concentrating on the time frame between the establishment of India's Constituent Assembly in 1946, and the passing of the Dowry Prevention Act in 1961, this thesis attempts to write an alternative history of India's transition to Independence, by applying the tools of feminist historiography to this crucial period of citizenship making, as a way of offering new perspectives on the nature, meaning and boundaries of citizenship in post-colonial India. It focuses on a cohort of nationalists and feminists who were leading members of two prominent women's organisations, the All India Women's Conference (AIWC) and the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), documenting and analysing the voices and positions of this cohort in some of the key debates around nation building in Nehruvian India. It also traces and analyses the range of activities and struggles engaged in by these two women's organisations - as articulations and expressions of citizenship in practice. The intention in so doing is to address three key questions or areas of exploration. Firstly to analyse and document how gender relations and contemporary understandings of gender difference, both acted upon and were shaped by the emerging identity of the Indian as postcolonial citizen, and how this dynamic interaction was situated within a broader matrix of struggles and competing identities including those of minority rights. Secondly to analyse how the framework of postcolonial Indian citizenship has both created new possibilities for empowerment, but simultaneously set new limitations on how the Indian women's movement was able to imagine itself as a political constituency and the feminist agenda it was able to articulate and pursue. Thirdly to explore how applying a feminist historiography to the story of the construction of postcolonial Indian citizenship calls for the ability to think about the meaning and possibilities of citizenship in new and different ways, to challenge the very conceptual frameworks that define the term.
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Venosa, Robert Donato. « "Freedom Will Win—If Free Men Act!" : Liberal Internationalism in an Illiberal Age, 1936-1956 ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1588271691660565.
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Kennedy, Kate. « Britain and the end of Empire : a study of colonial governance in Cyprus, Kenya and Nyasaland against the backdrop of the internationalisation of empire and the evolution of a supranational human rights culture and jurisprudence, 1938-1965 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7f88699-7476-4a3d-b19e-ddbec50decf8.
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This thesis traces British colonial governance and the workings of the late colonial state from 1938 until the end of empire in the early 1960s in Cyprus, Kenya and Nyasaland. It proposes that colonial governance operated in place and time back and forth across a spectrum, typified by polarities of (i) 'soft' management and regulation of colonial populations in the 1940s, and (ii) 'hard' control exemplified by the use of harsh physical coercion in the 1950s, although both 'soft' and 'hard' approaches - and hybrid variants somewhere in between - were always, in truth, sides of the same coin. British colonial governance is examined through the filter of three approximate, although not rigidly linear, 'phases': (1) a 'soft' phase of development and welfare from 1938-45, during which the rhetoric of governance was distinguished by the language of benevolence, in the attempt to re-legitimise empire, (2) the post-war period from 1945-1950, when Britain played a leading role in establishing supranational institutions promoting universal human rights and also, and however reluctantly, extended a modified human rights regime to its colonies, and (3) the swing to 'hard' governance during emergency periods in Cyprus (1955-59), Kenya (1952-60) and Nyasaland (1959-60), during which Britain strove to resolve the dichotomy between competing domestic and international demands of (a) maintenance of empire, often through the use of coercive physical measures, and (b) promotion of universal human rights on the world stage. This was all played out, at least in part, as an albeit muted ideological confrontation between opposing post-war visions of global order - the very survival of the old imperial system pitched against the implicitly decolonising thrust of the universal human rights movement as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and the European Convention on Human Rights (1950). This thesis argues that by 1959 and in part as a consequence of the cumulative political impact of allegations of human rights and other abuses during emergency periods, Britain could no longer reconcile these competing visions of colonial governance and world order, nor sustain its empire and colonial rule by force.
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Dundon, Colin George History Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. « Raicakacaka : 'walking the road' from colonial to post-colonial mission : the life, work and thought of the Reverend Dr. Alan Richard Tippett, Methodist missionary in Fiji, anthropologist and missiologist, 1911-1988 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of History, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38694.
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This thesis contributes to the literature on the history of the transition from colonial to post-colonial in the Pacific. It explores the contribution of an individual to this transition, Rev. Dr. Alan Richard Tippett, as a focus for illuminating the struggles in the transitions and the development of post-colonial theory for mission. Alan Richard Tippet sailed to Fiji as an ordained Methodist missionary in 1941. He was a product of a Methodist parsonage and heir to the evangelical and revival tendencies of the Cornish Methodism of his family. He began his missionary career steeped in the colonial visions of the mission enterprise fostered by the Board of Missions of his church. He was eager to study anthropology but was given no chance to do so before he left Australia. He pursued his study of anthropology and history in Fiji and began to question the paternalism of colonial theory. Early in his time in Fiji he made the decision to join with those who sought change and the death of colonial mission. In his work as a circuit minister, theological educator, writer and administrator he worked to this end. He developed his talent for writing and research, encouraging the Fijian church to take pride in its past achievements. He became alienated from the administrators of the Australasian Methodist Board of Missions and could find no place in the Australian church. In 1961 he left Fiji and began a course of study at the newly formed Institute of Church Growth in Eugene, Oregon. This led him into the orbit of Donald McGavran and the newly emerging church growth theory of Christian mission. Although his desire was to enhance the study of post-colonial mission in Australia he could not find a position to support him even after he gained a PhD in anthropology from the University of Oregon. After research in the Solomon Islands he returned to the USA to assist Donald McGavran in the formation of the now famous School of World Mission at Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena. While at Fuller he exercised considerable influence in the development of missiological theory and especially the application of anthropological studies in post-colonial mission. Although he contributed to both the ecumenical and evangelical debates on mission, he found himself caught up in the bitter debates of the 1960s and 1970s between them and, despite all efforts to maintain links, lost contact with the ecumenical wing. Retiring to Australia in 1977 he found that his world reputation was not recognised in his native land. He continued his work apace, although he was deeply saddened by the ignorance he found in Australia and by his continued rejection. He finally donated his library to St. Mark???s National Theological Centre. He died in 1988 in Canberra.
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Stanski, Keith Raymond Russell. « 'Warlord' : a discursive history of the concept in British and American imperialism, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:303a15ac-8f59-4861-9cc0-e514193e1e17.
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The renewed interest in empire, particularly in its British and American variants, has brought into sharper relief the difficulties both metropoles faced in projecting order in the global south. Far from cohesive entities, the British and American empires tried to manage territories that defied many of the political, economic, and legal systems, as well as normative and moral understandings, that enabled their imperial ascendancy. Despite a considerable literature about how metropoles comprehended these frustrated imperial plans, limited insights can be found into the way Britain and the United States coped with the influence of war in the uneven expansion of order. This challenge is brought into focus by examining one of the most direct formulations of the relationship between war and order in US and British imperialism, namely the concept of warlord. The concept’s history, it is argued, provides a glimpse into the far-reaching influence cultural constructions of war had in how US and British policymakers, journalists, and advocates conceived of and projected order in the non-European world. Such influential understandings also inspired overstated conclusions about the degree to which both imperial powers could realise their visions of order in the global south. Drawing on discursive and historical methods, the dissertation develops a conceptual framework that distils the core features of ‘warlords’ in the US and British imperial imaginaries. This conceptual approach is used to revisit some of the most formative encounters with colonial and contemporary ‘warlords’, as captured in British and American policy debates, political commentary, and popular culture, during two highpoints in British and American imperial history, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006 respectively. These arguments bring to the forefront how instead of an ancillary part of conclusions about the inferiority of non-European cultures, as suggested in much of the post-colonial literature, notions of war conditioned many of Britain and the United States’ enduring conception of and strategies for managing the uneven development of order in the global south.
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Labrentsev, Petr. « The roles of African states in affecting Soviet and American engagements with Mozambican national liberation, 1961-1964 ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2015. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/14716.
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The early period of the national liberation of Mozambique provided a stage for superpower competition, and a means for different African states, groups of states, and organizations to advance their particular, and often conflicting goals and agendas. In so doing, both the superpowers and regional African actors were supporting different rival Mozambican nationalist leaders and their respective movements. More than being only a conflict between Portuguese authorities and Mozambican nationalists, the process of Mozambican national liberation was also a proxy confrontation between different foreign actors. The thesis examines the relations and power dynamics within the complex of superpowers - African states - national liberation movements, in the contexts of the Cold War, African affairs and the process of national liberation of Mozambique. It assesses the roles played by local and regional African actors in affecting Soviet and American interests and designs throughout their engagements with the process of Mozambican national liberation, from 1961 to 1964.
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Charlton-Stevens, Uther E. « Decolonising Anglo-Indians : strategies for a mixed-race community in late colonial India during the first half of the 20th century ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:254b43ad-a0d6-4416-b451-c1ebff58ecce.
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Anglo-Indians, a designation acquired in the 1911 Indian Census, had previously been known as Eurasians, East Indians, Indo-Britons and half-castes. ‘Anglo-Indian’ had previously denoted, and among some scholars continues to denote, Britons long resident in India. We will define Anglo-Indians as a particular mixed race Indo-European population arising out of the European trading and imperial presence in India, and one of several constructed categories by which transient Britons sought to demarcate racial difference within the Raj’s socio-racial hierarchy. Anglo-Indians were placed in an intermediary (and differentially remunerated) position between Indians and Domiciled Europeans (another category excluded from fully ‘white’ status), who in turn were placed below imported British superiors. The domiciled community (of Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans, treated as a single socio-economic class by Britons) were relied upon as loyal buttressing agents of British rule who could be deployed to help run the Raj’s strategically sensitive transport and communication infrastructure, and who were made as a term of their service to serve in auxiliary military forces which could help to ensure the internal security of the Raj and respond to strikes, civil disobedience or crises arising from international conflict. The thesis reveals how calls for Indianisation of state and railway employment by Indian nationalists in the assemblies inaugurated by the 1919 Government of India Act threatened, through opening up their reserved intermediary positions to competitive entry and examination by Indians, to undermine the economic base of domiciled employment. Anglo-Indian leaders responded with varying strategies. Foremost was the definition of Anglo-Indians as an Indian minority community which demanded political representation through successive phases of constitutional change and statutory safeguards for their existing employment. This study explores various strategies including: deployment of multiple identities; widespread racial passing by individuals and families; agricultural colonisation schemes; and calls for individual, familial or collective migration.
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Kang, Sungwoo. « Colonizing the Port City Pusan in Korea : a study of the process of Japanese domination in the urban space of Pusan during the open-port period (1876-1910) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:607156dd-6a4c-4c3c-a465-aa97d06c8d6e.
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This dissertation aims to analyze the transformation of Pusan by examining the social, political, economic, and cultural changes during the open-port period (1876-1910). Prior to annexation, Pusan, as the first open port in Korea, reflected features of the colonial urban development in which alien power achieved and sustained a hegemonic domination on socio-cultural-economic dimensions of people’s lives. Colonial history in Korea has been divided and moving on parallel lines. The ‘nationalist school’ and the ‘socioeconomic school’ have failed to come together and move us into a deeper understanding of the Japanese colonial period. In order to narrow the gap between the two schools of thought, this thesis suggests looking at ‘colonial modernity’ through the analytical lens of the colonial city of Pusan. The approach examines changes in the social, economic, and cultural life of people rather than through the traditional binary construction of ‘victim versus victimizer’ or ‘colonial repression versus national resistance.’ In particular, I pay close attention to the fact that colonization is a process of imperial expansion by means of colonialists. In the end, the process of colonization in Pusan was a process by which the Japanese settlers expanded in wealth, population, influence, and power. The cluster of factors – enlargement of settlement (living space), the expansion of the economy (economic opportunity), improvement of public enterprises, such as transportation infrastructure, water supply and hygiene (improving quality of life) – were catalysts for the Japanese settlers to take up residence in Pusan. Based on the transformation of the urban space of Pusan at this micro level, I discuss a hierarchy of power relations within the spatial boundary of Pusan. In other words, I focus on human aspects of these changes rather than on systemic changes. I attempt to demonstrate how studying a city can offer a useful category of analysis for the question of ‘modernity’ in Korea.
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Mark-Thiesen, Cassandra. « West African labour and the development of mechanised mining in southwest Ghana, c.1870s to 1910 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2a086cfd-2398-4d14-9a28-c2252176d2a4.
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Wassa in southwest Ghana was the location of the largest mining sector in colonial British West Africa. The gold mines provide an excellent case study of how labour was mobilised for large-scale production immediately after the legal end of slavery, in the context of an expansive independent labour market. Divided into three sections, this thesis examines the practice of indirect labour recruitment for the mines during the formative years of colonial rule; the incorporation of ‘traditional’ credit relationships into ‘modern’ commerce. The starting point for this study is the analysis of precolonial strategies for mobilising labour. Part one examines the most pervasive and coercive employer-employee relationship in precolonial West Africa, namely the master-slave relationship. Even enslaved Africans could expect individual economic opportunity, and related to such, debt protection, and the power of labourers increased significantly after abolition. Starting in the 1870s, mine management found that the most effective way of recruiting long-term wage earners was through headmen; African authorities who established temporary patronage relationships with a group of labourers by offering them credit. Moreover, administrative and court records indicate that there were various forms of headship, some which the mines managed to impose greater regulation over than others. Therefore, part two demonstrates that issues of cost and control of recruitment differed depending on whether the labour recruiter had been furnished with the capital of a mining firm to conduct his business, whether he had done so with his own personal savings, or whether he was in the employment of the colonial government. Finally, part three takes a comparative look at headship and recruitment through rural chiefs, which began in 1906; two successive forms of non-free wage labour mobilisation. In 1909, mine management reverted to the headship system that many colonial commentators regarded as being more compatible with the colonial political order, albeit under considerably stricter regulations.
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Fink, Rachael. « France and the Soviet Union : Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism ». Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
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Park, Erica. « The Trials of a Comfort Woman ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/113.
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The trials of a comfort woman was never revealed after the conclusion of WWII. More than half a century has passed before the name was uttered on the international stage. Why the sudden break of silence? What is the response of the Japanese government. In this paper, we discuss the issue of the comfort women and the the political implications it holds on Japan. Japan's failure to accept wartime reparation, largely due to Allied intervention, has resulted in the widening gap between Japan and Asia. This paper focuses on the combination of increased US influence as a result of the San Francisco Treaty of 1951 and Japan’s fervent nationalistic identity served to widen the gap between Japan and other East and Southeast Asian nations, making reconciliation over the issue of comfort women a problem that remains unresolved to this day.
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Blackbird, Leila K. « Entwined Threads of Red and Black : The Hidden History of Indigenous Enslavement in Louisiana, 1699-1824 ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2559.
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Contrary to nationalist teleologies, the enslavement of Native Americans was not a small and isolated practice in the territories that now comprise the United States. This thesis is a case study of its history in Louisiana from European contact through the Early American Period, utilizing French Superior Council and Spanish judicial records, Louisiana Supreme Court case files, statistical analysis of slave records, and the synthesis and reinterpretation of existing scholarship. This paper primarily argues that it was through anti-Blackness and anti-Indigeneity and with the utilization of socially constructed racial designations that “Indianness” was controlled and exploited, and that Native Americans and their mixed-race Black-Native descendants continued to be enslaved alongside the larger population Africans and African Americans in Louisiana. Lacking a decolonized lens and historiography inclusive of the enslavement of Indigenous peoples, the American story ignores the full impact of white settler colonialism and historical trauma.
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Hällje, Pelle. « Ett skepp kommer lastat…med mänskliga rättigheter : Bruket av ett begrepp hos Sida och dess föregångare 1956–2019 ». Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-39164.
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Denna uppsats undersöker hur den svenska myndigheten Sida med föregångare använt människorättsbegreppet i årsredovisningar 1956 – 2019. Specifikt undersöks vilken relation detta har till epistemiska jämlikhetsdimensioner i materialet. Med epistemisk makt menas makten att påverka de begrepp och diskurser som ligger till grund för förståelsen av bistånd och utvecklingssamarbeten. Människorättsbegreppet var i stort sett osynligt i materialet fram till1980. Från och med slutet av 1980-talet associeras mänskliga rättigheter starkt till demokratibegreppet på ett sätt som därefter dominerar stora delar av materialet. Under 2010-talet syns också en ökande association mellan mänskliga rättigheter och jämställdhets- respektive miljöfrågor. Även om det finns exempel på formuleringar som reproducerar epistemisk ojämlikheteller återspeglar en eurocentrisk universalism, är exemplen förhållandevis få. Givet Sidas speciella uppdrag, är det naturligt att fokus ligger på problem och lösningar i länder i det globala Syd. Samtidigt bidrar detta dock till en epistemiskt ojämlik helhet av diskurser där den sammantagna bilden blir att det globala Syd utgör arenan där både hinder och lösningar för hållbar utveckling finns. Det kan leda till att de förändringar som krävs i Nord för att uppnå en hållbar global utveckling inte får tillräckligt med uppmärksamhet.This study examines how the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida)and its predecessors have used the concept of human rights in annual reports 1956 – 2019, and what relation this use has to epistemic equality. Epistemic power is the power over the conceptsand discourses, forming the basis for the understanding of international development. Human rights as a notion is almost invisible in the reports until 1980. As from the end of the 1980s and onwards, the concept is associated to democracy in a way that dominates large parts of the reports. In the 2010s, the concept is also increasingly connected to gender equality and environmental issues. Although there are examples of reproduction of epistemic inequality or mirroring of an eurocentric universalism, these are proportionately few. Due to Sida’s mission, it’s natural to focus on problems and solutions in the Global South. At the same time, this contributes to an epistemically unequal entirety of discourses, in which the overall picture is that the Global South is where both obstacles and solutions to sustainable development are to be found. This way, changes in the Global North that are also necessary to achieve global sustainable development will not be paid sufficient attention.
Godkänt datum 2020-06-05
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Eminger, Stefanie Ursula. « Carl Friedrich Geiser and Ferdinand Rudio : the men behind the first International Congress of Mathematicians ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6536.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The first International Congress of Mathematicians (ICM) was held in Zurich in 1897, setting the standards for all future ICMs. Whilst giving an overview of the congress itself, this thesis focuses on the Swiss organisers, who were predominantly university professors and secondary school teachers. As this thesis aims to offer some insight into their lives, it includes their biographies, highlighting their individual contributions to the congress. Furthermore, it explains why Zurich was chosen as the first host city and how the committee proceeded with the congress organisation. Two of the main organisers were the Swiss geometers Carl Friedrich Geiser (1843-1934) and Ferdinand Rudio (1856-1929). In addition to the congress, they also made valuable contributions to mathematical education, and in Rudio's case, the history of mathematics. Therefore, this thesis focuses primarily on these two mathematicians. As for Geiser, the relationship to his great-uncle Jakob Steiner is explained in more detail. Furthermore, his contributions to the administration of the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology are summarised. Due to the overarching theme of mathematical education and collaborations in this thesis, Geiser's schoolbook "Einleitung in die synthetische Geometrie" is considered in more detail and Geiser's methods are highlighted. A selection of Rudio's contributions to the history of mathematics is studied as well. His book "Archimedes, Huygens, Lambert, Legendre" is analysed and compared to E W Hobson's treatise "Squaring the Circle". Furthermore, Rudio's papers relating to the commentary of Simplicius on quadratures by Antiphon and Hippocrates are considered, focusing on Rudio's translation of the commentary and on "Die Möndchen des Hippokrates". The thesis concludes with an analysis of Rudio's popular lectures "Leonhard Euler" and "Über den Antheil der mathematischen Wissenschaften an der Kultur der Renaissance", which are prime examples of his approach to the history of mathematics.
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Buchsbaum, Robert Michael III. « The Surprising Role of Legal Traditions in the Rise of Abolitionism in Great Britain’s Development ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416651480.
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Nguyen, Triet M. « "Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare" ? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963 ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23126.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.
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Figone, Kelsey E. « The Hegemony of English in South African Education ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/43.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The South African Constitution recognizes 11 official languages and protects an individual’s right to use their mother-tongue freely. Despite this recognition, the majority of South African schools use English as the language of learning and teaching (LOLT). Learning in English is a struggle for many students who speak indigenous African languages, rather than English, as a mother-tongue, and the educational system is failing its students. This perpetuates inequality between different South African communities in a way that has roots in the divisions of South Africa’s past. An examination of the power of language and South Africa’s experience with colonialism and apartheid provides a context for these events, and helps clarify why inequality and division persist in the new “rainbow nation.” Mending these divisions and protecting human dignity will require a reevaluation of the purpose of education and the capabilities of South African citizens.
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Davies, Llewellyn Willis. « ‘LOOK’ AND LOOK BACK : Using an auto/biographical lens to study the Australian documentary film industry, 1970 - 2010 ». Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/154339.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While much has been written on the Australian film and television
industry, little has been presented by actual producers,
filmmakers and technicians of their time and experiences within
that same industry. Similarly, with historical documentaries, it
has been academics rather than filmmakers who have led the
debate. This thesis addresses this shortcoming and bridges the
gap between practitioner experience and intellectual discussion,
synthesising the debate and providing an important contribution
from a filmmaker-academic, in its own way unique and insightful.
The thesis is presented in two voices. First, my voice, the
voice of memoir and recollected experience of my screen
adventures over 38 years within the Australian industry, mainly
producing historical documentaries for the ABC and the SBS. This
is represented in italics. The second half and the alternate
chapters provide the industry framework in which I worked with
particular emphasis on documentaries and how this evolved and
developed over a 40-year period, from 1970 to 2010.
Within these two voices are three layers against which this
history is reviewed and presented. Forming the base of the
pyramid is the broad Australian film industry made up of feature
films, documentary, television drama, animation and other types
and styles of production. Above this is the genre documentary
within this broad industry, and making up the small top tip of
the pyramid, the sub-genre of historical documentary. These form
the vertical structure within which industry issues are
discussed. Threading through it are the duel determinants of
production: ‘the market’ and ‘funding’.
Underpinning the industry is the involvement of government, both
state and federal, forming the three dimensional matrix for the
thesis. For over 100 years the Australian film industry has
depended on government support through subsidy, funding
mechanisms, development assistance, broadcast policy and
legislative provisions.
This thesis aims to weave together these industry layers, binding
them with the determinants of the market and funding, and
immersing them beneath layers of government legislation and
policy to present a new view of the Australian film industry.
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WAGNER, Florian. « Colonial internationalism : how cooperation among experts reshaped colonialism (1830s-1950s) ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41346.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 May 2016Examining Board: Professor A. Dirk Moses (EUI, Supervisor); Professor Ann Thomson (EUI, Second Reader); Professor Dr. Jörn Leonhard (university of Freiburg, External Supervisor); Professor Frederick Cooper, (New York University, External Examiner).
In this dissertation, I argue that a theory of colonial internationalism is necessary, or even indispensable, to adequately understand and explain the origins and the endurance over time of colonialism. International cooperation among colonial experts reached its climax in the foundation of the International Colonial Institute (ICI, 1893-1982) whose membership reached 200 in 1914. This non-governmental institute was the most important international and colonial institution prior to the First World War. It developed into a hub of exchange between colonial experts, who contributed in a significant way to making colonial domination more efficient and to establishing a form of best practice of colonial rule through comparison and knowledge transfers. In the interwar period, the ICI provided the League of Nations' Permanent Mandates Commission (PMC) and the International Labor Organization (ILO) with colonial experts. Taking the ICI as a starting point, my dissertation explores the international dimension of colonialism between 1830 and 1950. I investigate a broad range of colonial methods that internationalist experts designed, tested and applied in the colonies. Their impact could be felt across the colonial world. Influenced by a racist notion of tropical hygiene, they dismissed settler colonization and proclaimed the "triumph of the native races" as potential co-colonizers. To train specialists on colonized populations, they professionalized the training of colonial administrators in all colonizing countries and founded new schools for overseas administrators. Members of the ICI invented legal anthropology as a means to manipulate customary law, while others modified Islamic law to use it for colonial purposes. International cooperation among colonizers was also responsive to Pan-Islamic movements across colonial empires, but colonial administrations ultimately learned to use Pan-Islamism for their own purposes. With regard to colonial economies, they established a professionalized (but not necessarily successful) cash crop production by transferring successfully tested seeds and plants from agronomic laboratories in the Dutch Indies to Africa. The main argument of my dissertation is that international transfers among colonial experts brought about development policies and a certain degree of cooperation with the indigenous populations. Far from granting the colonized a say, however, the colonizers attempted to profit from their collaboration without treating them on equal terms. While modernizing and professionalizing colonial domination and exploitation, colonial internationalists also legitimized and sustained colonial domination. After 1945, the ICI contributed to applying colonial patterns of thinking to the emerging "Third World." Given this longue durée success of colonial internationalism, this dissertation calls for an internationalist theory of colonialism.
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POTÌ, Giorgio. « Imperial violence, anti-colonial nationalism and international society : the politics of revolt across Mediterranean empires, 1919–1927 ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43865.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 4 November 2016Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Corinna Unger, European University Institute ; Professor Davide Rodogno, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva ; Professor Andrew Arsan, University of Cambridge
This thesis explores the reconfiguration of colonial empires in the interwar years through four cases of anti-colonial nationalist insurrection and imperial repression from the British, French and Spanish Middle East: the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, the Iraqi revolt of the following year, the Rif War in Morocco (1921–26), and the Great Syrian Revolt (1925). Scholars have alternatively portrayed the years between the World Wars—and especially the 1920s—as the era of nationalism, the apogee of European imperialism and the age of internationalism. This thesis investigates four short circuits among the three forces, by comparing the selected cases along two main lines. First of all, my preoccupation has been to trace their international resonance throughout the public debate of the metropolitan powers and the League of Nations bodies. Furthermore, I have attempted to assess whether and how, in each case, this international resonance shaped the policy of the imperial powers. Recently, Erez Manela and Robert Gerwath have portrayed the ‘long’ Great War as the inauguration of a process of imperial decline eventually leading to decolonization. The general picture of Middle Eastern events resulting from my case-studies is rather that of a ‘war of adjustment’ of the Euro-Mediterranean imperial complex lasting from the opening of the Paris Conference up to the ‘pacification’ of the Moroccan and Syrian theaters. Anxious about the preservation of their imperial status and pressed by war-exhausted and public-spending-intolerant national opinions, the European powers employed unrestrained military force to annihilate rebellions as quickly and definitively as possible. Metropolitan authorities accepted negotiations with indigenous elites only when facing the reoccurrence of insurgency—like in Egypt, out of a recalculation of costs and benefits—like in Iraq, or under international pressure—like in Syria. Conversely, although insurgent violence reached impressive peaks of brutality, especially in Morocco, Middle Eastern nationalist ‘agitators’ conceived of armed insurrection in a fully Clausewitzan way, that is, as part of a broader political strategy. Their infatuation with internationalist ideologies or the faith in ‘third’ international institutions never mislead anti-colonial elites up to the point of believing that they could get rid of European control on a complete and permanent basis. Instead, Sa‘ad Zaghloul and his neighbor ‘homologous’ exploited insurgency in combination with international claim-making and appeals to metropolitan public opinions as part a comprehensive effort to force imperial governments to negotiations and reshape colonial rule on more collaborative and progressive bases. In sum, alongside and in strict interaction with petitioning, ‘revolting’ became a way of life of post-1919 colonial subjects.
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SIX, Pierre-Louis. « The party nobility : Cold War and the shaping of an identity at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (1943-1991) ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49328.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 15 December 2017Examining Board: Prof. Stephen Anthony Smith, Oxford University (Supervisor); Prof. Michel Offerlé, Ecole Normale Supérieure (Ulm) (Co-supervisor); Prof. Alexander Etkind, European University Institute; Prof. David Priestland, Oxford University
The Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) was founded after the Soviet victory at Stalingrad in 1943 with the mission of training a new generation of flag bearers of Communist ideals and Soviet State interests on the international scene, the so-called meždunarodniki. Often cited as the alma mater of most of the leading figures involved in the conduct of the Soviet diplomacy during Cold War, the MGIMO has received paradoxically little attention from scholars. Most researchers who have mentioned it present the Institute either as a crucible of social reproduction in the 1970s Soviet Union or as a subversive place, whose ‘net thinking’ paved the way to Gorbachev’s perestroika. For their part, numerous meždunarodniki describe the MGIMO as a Soviet Tsarskoye Selo or a Communist Lyceum: they surprisingly refer to their experience at the Institute in terms redolent of Russian imperial history, stressing the fact that they were much more than experts in foreign affairs and that they occupied a distinct place within the Soviet elite. Ranging from the end of World War II to the collapse of the USSR, this research aims at analyzing the making of a hybrid social category, what I describe as Party nobility in the Soviet Union, the identity of which shaped and was shaped by the Cold War. How did an institution and its alumni form a distinct social group that sat at the very core of the Cold War enterprise? How did MGIMO become the place where a specific praxis of foreign affairs was inculcated, based on the hybridisation of aristocratic manners and communist ethics during the Khrushchev and the Brezhnev era? Why was the loyalty of both the institution and the social group put into question during perestroika as early as 1985? These are some of the main questions this research will answer.
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Miller, Bradley. « Emptying the Den of Thieves : International Fugitives and the Law in British North America/Canada, 1819-1910 ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32772.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines how the law dealt with international fugitives. It focuses on formal extradition and the cross-border abduction of wanted criminals by police officers and other state officials. Debates over extradition and abduction reflected important issues of state power and civil liberty, and were shaped by currents of thought circulating throughout the imperial, Atlantic, and common law worlds. Debates over extradition involved questioning the very basis of international law. They also raised difficult questions about civil liberties and human rights. Throughout this period escaped American slaves and other groups made claims for what we would now call refugee status, and argued that their surrender violated codes of law and ideas of justice that transcended the colonies and even the wider British Empire. Such claims sparked a decades-long debate in North America and Europe over how to codify refugee protections. Ultimately, Britain used its imperial power to force Canada to accept such safeguards. Yet even as the formal extradition system developed, an informal system of police abductions operated in the Canadian-American borderlands. This system defied formal law, but it also manifested sophisticated local ideas about community justice and transnational legal order.
This thesis argues that extradition and abduction must be understood within three overlapping contexts. The first is the ethos of liberal transnationalism that permeated all levels of state officials in British North America/Canada. This view largely prioritised the erosion of domestic barriers to international cooperation over the protection of individual liberty. It was predicated in large part on the idea of a common North American civilization. The second context is Canada’s place in the British Empire. Extradition and abduction highlight both how British North America/Canada often expounded views on legal order radically different from Britain, but also that even after Confederation in 1867 the empire retained real power to shape Canadian policy. The final context is international law and international legal order. Both extradition and abduction were aspects of law on an international and transnational level. As a result, this thesis examines the processes of migration, adoption, and adaptation of international law.
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Moquist, Tod Nolan, Evelyn Kuntz Hielema, Dave Campbell, Peter Doan et Kerry Hollingsworth. « Perspective vol. 12 no. 3 (Apr 1978) ». 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251317.
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Van, Dyk John, Evelyn Kuntz Hielema, Hendrik Hart et Dave Campbell. « Perspective vol. 11 no. 7 (Dec 1977) ». 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251321.
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Broadus, Mark, Clifford C. Pitt, Stewart Williams, Dirk Wassink, Carol J. Knibbe et Edward Waluska. « Perspective vol. 22 no. 1 (Feb 1988) ». 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251256.
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Broadus, Mark, Clifford C. Pitt, Stuart Williams, Dirk Wassink, Carol J. Knibbe et Edward Waluska. « Perspective vol. 22 no. 1 (Feb 1988) ». 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/277586.
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Keady, Joseph. « A Translation of Dominik Nagl’s Grenzfälle with an Introductory Analysis of the Translation Process ». 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/881.
Texte intégralRésumé :
My thesis is an analysis of my own translation of a chapter from Dominik Nagl's legal history 'Grenzfälle,' which addresses questions of citizenship and nationality in the context of the German colonies in Africa and the South Pacific. My analysis focuses primarily on strategies that I used in an effort to preserve the strangeness of a linguistic context that is, in many ways, "foreign" to twenty first-century North Americans while also striving to avoid reproducing the violence embedded in language that is historically laden with extreme power disparities.