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1
Kazmi, Zaheer Abbas. « Polite anarchy : an anarchist international political theory ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614055.
Texte intégral
2
McKeil, Aaron. « Searching for a world polity : the world after international anarchy question ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3642/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why is there no post-Westphalian world polity today, despite the globalism of recent decades? Is the construction of a world polity an impossible utopia? If it is possible, under what conditions, by what processes, and in what necessary social form? Available visions of a world polity form a debate and world polity formation theories offer limited explanations. In response, this study argues the emergence of a world polity is possible, but is an unlikely and fragile outcome in a late modern context. Two contributions are made to support this argument. First, a new world polity formation theory is developed that explains how systems of polities become single polities. A second contribution advances an account of the historically specific transcivilizational and planetary social form a world polity must necessarily attain if it were to be practically constructed in a late modern context.
3
McKenzie, Andrew. « Anarchy Is What Individuals Make of It ». The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1386024107.
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4
Martinsdotter, Nathalie, et Elias Johansson. « International Anarchy & ; the American Leviathan : A study in the moral and empirical applications of Hobbes’ concept of anarchy to American Foreign policy ». Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-14093.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The current president of the United States, Donald Trump, has been identified as the reason for a large shift in American foreign policy towards a doctrine closer to that of political realism. This claim has led us to examine if this transformation could be detected and described if we analyzed and compared Trump’s foreign policy doctrine with his predecessor, Barack Obama, through the lens Thomas Hobbes, whose ideas are at the core of the three modern schools of political realism. Accordingly, in this thesis, we deduce an analytical framework from the original corpus of Hobbes, where anarchy is divided into moral and empirical variables, identified as the primary factors for behavior in international settings. This is then applied inductively via a comparative qualitative content analysis to two primary documents, the National Security Strategies of 2010 containing the foreign policy doctrine of Obama, and the National Security Strategy of 2017 containing the doctrine of Trump. Our thesis shows a large shift in how the Presidents view the world in moral terms, or how they see it fit for the American executive to act on the international stage. And a relatively minor shift in empirical terms, or their perception of the foundational reality of the world system which they both consider to be of an anarchical nature closely connected to the theoretical model presented by our interpretation of Hobbes
5
Prichard, Alex. « Justice, order and anarchy : the international political theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12162.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis provides a contextualised exegesis and re-evaluation of the anarchist Pierre- Joseph Proudhon's writings on war and peace. The thesis has two claims to originality. The first lies in shedding new light on Proudhon's voluminous writings on international politics. These texts have been relatively marginalised in the broader secondary literature on Proudhon's thinking, and the thesis seeks to correct this important lacuna. In International Relations (IR), the academic discipline to which this thesis will make its most obvious original contribution, Proudhon's writings on war and peace have been almost completely ignored. By providing an anarchist approach to world politics, the thesis will also contribute to IR's historiographical and critical theoretical literature. The second claim to originality lies in using these writings and the context from which they emerged to tell a story about the evolution of the nineteenth century, the origins of the twentieth century and provide possible ways of thinking beyond the twenty first. The thesis employs a contextualist methodology that works in four ways. First, I have contextualised Proudhon's thought geo-politically, in relation to the dynamics of the balance of power in nineteenth-century Europe. Secondly, I have sought to understand Proudhon's ideas against the backdrop of the evolution of the French nation state in the mid to late nineteenth century. Third, I have shown how Proudhon's thought emerges out of the dominant intellectual currents of his day – ideas that range from the inspiration for the activism of Fourierist and Saint-Simonian feminists, to the epochal influence of Rousseau and Kant. Finally, I argue that Proudhon's thinking on world politics needs to be understood in relation to the evolution of his own thinking after Napoleon III's coup d'état of the 2nd of December 1851. I will show that Proudhon's mature anarchism, his mutualist federalism, was an engaged response to each of these social and intellectual contexts. I will argue that his critiques of these processes, and their intellectual champions, have been given an added poignancy given that he campaigned in large part against those very processes that culminated in two world wars.
6
Martin-Brûlé, Sarah-Myriam. « Tackling the anarchy within : the role of deterrence and great power intervention in peace operations ». Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96840.
Texte intégralRésumé :
My dissertation strives to understand the conditions under which peaceoperations in intra-state wars succeed or fail. I address two main questions: Whatis peace operation success, and what contributes to such an outcome? I define thesuccess of a peace operation based on two dimensions: a) the accomplishment ofthe peace operation's mandate, and b) the establishment of order. This definitionallows me to avoid a binary framework of assessment in terms of success vs.failure by introducing intermediate categories: partial failure and partial success.To explain peace operations' outcomes, I look at the role of the type of strategyadopted and the type of intervener. I suggest that the three major ingredients ofany strategy are: communication, capacity and knowledge. These ingredients allinteract differently depending on which strategy is adopted. I apply my theoreticalframework to empirical cases, testing the saliency of my postulates by examining11 peace operations in three countries: Somalia (1991-1995), Sierra Leone (1999-2005) and Liberia (1990-2009). I assess these operations' outcomes and theprocesses by which they succeeded/failed at accomplishing their mandate whilesimultaneously contributing/hindering their chances at re-establishing order. Iargue that, for a peace operation in an intra-state war, the adoption of a deterrencestrategy works best for re-establishing order while the involvement of a greatpower facilitates the accomplishment of the mandate.Cette thèse porte sur les conditions et les facteurs de succès des opérationsde la paix dans les guerres civiles au sein d'États déstructurés. Nous cherchons àrépondre à deux principales questions: qu'est-ce que le succès dans le cadre d'uneopération de la paix, et qu'est-ce qui contribue à ce succès? Nous identifionsd'abord deux axes principaux du succès des opérations de la paix: a)l'accomplissement du mandat et b) le rétablissement de l'ordre. Nous proposonsainsi un modèle de classification qui nuance la simple opposition succès/échec parl'ajout de catégories intermédiaires (succès partiel et échec partiel). Nouscherchons ensuite à mettre en valeur l'influence respective du type de stratégieutilisée (dissuasion, coercition et auto-défense) et du type d'intervenant(présence/absence d'une grande puissance, organisation régionale/internationale)sur le succès d'une opération de la paix. Nous nous intéressons aux troisprincipaux ingrédients de toute stratégie, soit la communication, la force de frappeet la connaissance des milieux humain et géophysique. Ces ingrédientsinteragissent différemment selon la stratégie adoptée. Nous appliquons notrecadre théorique et nous testons la pertinence de nos hypothèses en examinant 11opérations de la paix qui ont eu lieu dans trois pays, en Somalie (1991-1995), auSierra Leone (1999-2005) et au Liberia (1990-2009). Nous évaluons le type desuccès/échec ainsi que le processus par lequel ces opérations réussissent/échouentà accomplir leur mandat tout en contribuant/nuisant à leur chance de rétablirl'ordre. Nous soutenons que lors d'une opération de la paix au sein d'un Étatdéstructuré, la dissuasion est la stratégie la plus apte à rétablir l'ordre alors quel'intervention d'une grande puissance facilite l'accomplissement du mandat.
7
Yazgan, Korhan. « Change in International System : a Comparative Study of Hierarchic and Anarchic Systems ». Thesis, University of Waterloo, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/750.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis focuses on change and persistence of the structure of the international system. It attempts to address the question why hierarchic structures prevailed during the Ancient and Classical eras (3000 B. C. ? 1500 A. D. ). The thesis compares and contrasts the Roman Empire (the Pax Romana period 1st century B. C. -3rd century A. D. ) and the Chinese Empire (the T?ang Dynasty 618-907 A. D. ) as hierarchic structures and the multi-state system of ancient Greece (8th-4th century B. C. ) and the multi-state system of ancient China (The Spring and Autumn and the Warring States Period 722-221 B. C. ) as anarchic structures. The thesis suggests that the moral purpose of the state, the competitive security environment, the desire for benefits and geopolitical and strategic advantages played the major role in the immediate transformation from anarchy to hierarchy. The thesis asserts that the generation of common goods, the decline in transaction costs and the success in securing the commitment of the members and the legitimacy of the system enabled and encouraged the persistence of hierarchic structures. It also re-emphasizes that whereas the persistence of hierarchic systems depends on the existence of several factors, only one factor can promote the persistence of anarchic structures e. g. the moral purpose of the state.
8
Correia, Marques de Almeida Joao. « Between anarchy and empire : an analysis and reformulation of the concept of international society in the light of the republican political tradition ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2513/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main purpose of this thesis is to reformulate the concept of international society, as it is predominantly used within the discipline of International Relations. In particular, this work analyses the conception of international society defined as a society of states, which is associated with the work of the so-called 'English school'. An important recent development within the discipline of International Relations is the attempt to develop a notion of international society which is able to overcome the ontological divide between domestic and international politics. This work should be seen as part of the same intellectual enterprise. The thesis starts by explaining the meaning of the expression "ontological divide" between domestic and international politics. In addition, it is claimed that the adoption of such a divide characterises the statist approaches to the study of international society. In the first part, two central points are addressed. First, how the English school developed the concept of international society as a reaction against the tradition of realpolitik, specifically against a definition of the states system in terms of a state of war. This work then discusses why the notion of the society of states has ultimately failed to avoid the ontological divide. In the second part, building on the republican political tradition, this thesis attempts to elaborate a conception of international society which escapes the ontological divide between domestic and international politics. It does so by developing the ideas of the international common good, mixed polities and divided sovereignty, and the international constitutional and ideological structure. As a result, this work reformulates the concept of international society, conventionally defined as a society of states. The thesis concludes by outlining the importance of this argument for the study of international relations.
9
Paes, Lucas de Oliveira. « Diferenciação, estratificação e transição hierárquica : uma proposta para o estudo de potências emergentes do sul global ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/149340.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A presente dissertação de mestrado busca contribuir para o debate em desenvolvimento sobre a emergência de países do Sul Global, a partir do estudo das relações de poder hierarquizadas em que estes esses países estão inseridos. Nesse sentido, questiona-se como estruturas de assimetria material atuam sobre o comportamento de distintos atores do sistema internacional. As oportunidades e constrangimentos de tais estruturas materiais se manifestam especificamente para distintos atores? Como essa variação se articula com as possibilidades de emergência de países do Sul Global? A partir da resposta a essas perguntas, busca-se propor um caminho para identificar episódios históricos de constituição, por parte de países do Sul Global, de capacidade transformativa de sua posição nas relações internacionais em que se inserem. Para tanto, mobiliza-se um diálogo entre a literatura sobre diferenciação estrutural e sobre a hierarquia nas relações internacionais, como modo de articular analiticamente o processo de socialização entre estruturas políticas e econômicas. Desse diálogo estrutural, pretende-se compreender os mecanismos de exclusão que perpetuam assimetrias materiais no sistema internacional e os meios instrumentalizáveis para sua ruptura.This master's thesis aims to contribute to the debate on the rise of countries from the Global South, proposing the study of hierarchical power relations that they entail. In this sense, it questions how structures of material asymmetries act conditioning the behavior of actors throughout the international system. Are the opportunities and constraints deriving such structures specifically varying for different actors? How is this variation related to the possibilities of rise in the Global South? From the answers to these questions, it is hoped to propose an alternative to identify historical episodes of constitution, by countries the Global South, of transformative capacity of their position in the international relations that they operate. Therefore, the work mobilizes a dialogue between the literature on structural differentiation and hierarchy in international relations, as a way of analytically articulate the process of socialization of political and economic structures. This structural dialogue focuses on identifying mechanisms of exclusion that perpetuate materials asymmetries in the international system and the means to their rupture.
10
Monteiro, Hugo Sérgio Martins. « A anarquia do sistema internacional : o Neorealismo de Kenneth Waltz aplicado ao século XXI ». Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/28695.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Esta Dissertação procura analisar a aplicabilidade do Neorrealismo de
Kenneth Waltz às Relações Internacionais do Século XXI, num Sistema
Internacional com uma estrutura cada vez mais densa mas que continua a ter
como característica intrínseca a Anarquia.
Analisamos a evolução do Realismo Político ao longo da história de modo a
percebermos os conceitos base desta corrente de pensamento até ao
Neorrealismo de Kenneth Waltz. Posteriormente definimos o conceito de
Anarquia e aplicamos as teses de Waltz a eventos do Século XXI,
especificamente na problemática do Programa Nuclear Iraniano, onde os
pressupostos Neorrealistas se enquadram e explicam as ações dos diferentes
intervenientes.
O Neorrealismo continua a ser uma base teórica com aplicação nos nossos
dias com a vantagem de simplificar a análise ao cingir-se às variáveis que
realmente importam, sendo os Estados ainda o principal Actor das Relações
Internacionais, pese embora toda a dinâmica estrutural existente no Sistema
Internacional; THE ANARCHY OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM:
KENNETH WALTZ'S NEO-REALISM APPLIED TO THE
21ST CENTURY
ABSTRACT:
This Dissertation seeks to analyze the applicability of Kenneth Waltz's
Neorealism to 21st Century International Relations, in an International
System with an increasingly dense structure but which continues to have
Anarchy as an intrinsic characteristic.
We analyze the evolution of Political Realism throughout history in order to
understand the basic concepts of this current of thought until Kenneth Waltz's
Neorealism. Subsequently, we defined the concept of Anarchy and applied
Waltz's theses to 21st century events, specifically in the problems of the
Iranian Nuclear Program, where the Neorealist assumptions fit and explain
the actions of the different stakeholders.
Neorealism remains a theoretical basis with application in our days with the
advantage of simplifying the analysis by limiting itself to the variables that
really matter, being the States still the main actor in International Relations,
despite all the structural dynamics existing in the System International.
11
Menzel, Ulrich. « Anarchie der Staatenwelt oder hegemoniale Ordnung ? » Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4731/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Can there be an order of the international system? This article discusses different alternatives of international order starting with the realist assumption of peace by deterrence or balance of power, turning to the idealist view of international cooperation. Finally, the author provides deeper insights into the concept of order established by a hegemonic power including a broad set of historical case studies.
12
Guinchard, François. « L' Association internationale des travailleurs après la Révolution espagnole (1939-années 1990) : principes, tactiques et finalités anarcho-syndicalistes : crise permanente et résurgences marginales ». Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCH033.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L'Association internationale des travailleurs, fondée en 1922, est la principale fédération d'organisations anarcho-syndicalistes, un courant important du mouvement ouvrier, essentiellement en Europe et en Amérique latine entre les années 1910 et 1930. Les collectivisations révolutionnaires en Espagne au cours de la guerre civile constituent sa plus grande réalisation, tandis qu'un déclin du mouvement s'est déjà amorcé dans les autres pays. Confrontés à leur propre mise en pratique, les principes, tactiques et finalités anarcho-syndicalistes commencent alors à être mis en question. Cette thèse étudie les causes et manifestations de la crise qui commence à ce moment, et dure tout au long du XXe siècle, entraînant sa division et sa marginalisation ; en même temps que ses résurgences multiformes. Elle permet d'entrevoir les transformations de l'AIT, du courant et de la culture qu'elle représente, ainsi que les raisons de leur persistanceThe International Workers Association was founded in 1922, and is the historical and largest organisation of anarcho-syndicalism, one of the major working class currents, mainly in Europe and Latin America between the 1910 and 1930 decades. The collectivizations in Spain during the civil war represent its biggest fulfillment, while in the other countries the movement allready started to decline. The practical application of the anarcho-syndicalist principles, tactics and aims leads to various re-assessments and internal conflicts. This thesis studies the causes and manifestations of the long term crisis which starts at this moment and goes on throughout the whole XXth century. At the same time as anarcho-syndicalism divides and marginalizes itself, multiform resurgences occurs. This overview enables to discern the transformations of the IWA, of the current and the culture it embodies, and the reasons of their persistence
13
Wisely, Mark. « The Anarcho-Syndicalist Platform for Indigenous Rights : A Trans-National study of Settler-colonialism, White Labourism and the International Worker‟s of the World in Australia and South Africa ». Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7756.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis considers the legal stasis triggered by the 2007 "Northern Territory National Emergency Response‟ and suggests clarification can be found in the historical precedent of settler-colonialism. Through a trans-national exploration of Australia and South Africa, the success of European settlement on these continents is deemed to be directly attributed to colonialisms success in securing land resources from indigenous peoples and subsequently converting native lands and labour power into resources for Surplus-Capitalist production. Colonialism‟s cultural and political domination of Indigenous peoples was threatened by the global dissemination of Socialist ideas, where Libertarian Socialism canvassed by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) is argued above Marxism as providing a future society that would provide the ideological apparatus for the equal recognition of native rights.
14
Forycki, Maciej. « L'"anarchie" polonaise : le système institutionnel républicain de la Pologne nobiliaire dans la pensée des Lumières : recherches sur des échanges intellectuels et les relations diplomatiques de la France et de la Pologne au XVIIIe siècle : thèse en co-tutelle ». Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002VERS020S.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L'objet de cette analyse est de présenter les textes des penseurs polonais et français des Lumières sur le système institutionnel de la Pologne nobiliaire qu'on appela de l'anarchie polonaise. Dans la première partie nous mettons le problème de l'anarchie polonaise en lumière pour les lecteurs français et polonais. Le but de tels éclaircissements est de sortir de l'ombre la question de l'anarchie polonaise en soulignant la richesse des contextes et l'ampleur des discussions qu'elle provoque dès le XVIIIe s. La seconde partie porte sur le problème des tentatives de réformes du système institutionnel de la Pologne nobiliaire dans l'esprit conservateur du républicanisme sarmate, renforcé par l'appui de la pensée française des Lumières. Sur le plan des événements qui avaient lieu en Pologne à l'époque de Stanislas-Auguste Poniatowski sont présentées les démarches du parti républicain polonais, avec notamment les échanges intellectuels entre ses représentants et les penseurs français.
15
Kim, Dong-won. « Anarchy, uncertainty, and dispute settlement an endogenous-war model / ». 2002. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/r/d/2002/kimdw022/kimdw022.pdf#page=3.
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Kissane, Dylan. « Moving beyond anarchy : a complex alternative to a realist assumption ». 2009. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/97978.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Realist international relations theory is the most influential theoretical approach in the discipline of international relations. Within the realist paradigm there are several realist approaches. Various approaches, including classical realism, neorealism, offensive realism, neo-classical realism, and game theory, are part of the realist paradigm but some make different theoretically relevant assumptions, notably about international politics, international actors and actors' motivations. The first part of this thesis seeks to demonstrate how, despite their other differences, a fundamental assumption that anarchy determines the nature of international politics is characteristic of realist theorists as notable and different as classical realists Thucydides, Niccolo Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, Edward Hallett Carr and Hans Morgenthau, structural realist Kenneth Waltz, offensive realist John Mearsheimer, realist game theory analysis of international relations, and neoclassical realists Victor Cha, Thomas Christenson and Gideon Rose. This demonstration establishes the basis for proceeding to a critique of realists' fundamental anarchy assumption. The second part of this thesis presents an argument that realists' fundamental assumption that anarchy determines the nature of international politics has been responsible for theoretical shortcomings of realist analyses, and argues that a complexity basis for international relations theory would offer theoretical and analytical advantages. The cost of the assumption of anarchy for realist analyses is demonstrated in a critique of realist accounts of the outbreak of World War I, the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, and regional political integration in Europe. These major international developments should be readily addressed by the realist or any other paradigm of international relations theory. In all three cases, the factors involved leave realists struggling to re-visit their assumptions about international politics in order to explain what occurred. While such re-assessments have included a variety of efforts to broaden or redefine the factors considered, the role and implications of anarchy as a foundational assumption of realist theorising has rarely been questioned, and it remains a central realist premise. Complexity theory is being embraced in a variety of fields of social inquiry, including politics and international relations. This thesis proposes that the complexity of international politics is something that needs to be embraced and not sidelined. This is the case whether the international politics in question was in ancient times or the twenty-first century. The complexity of international politics, not anarchy, needs to be operationalised as the foundational assumption of international relations theory, in order to build international relations theorising on a more appropriate basis that can be applied more fruitfully in the descriptions and explanations of empirical international relations analyses.Thesis (PhD)--University of South Australia, 2009
17
Gruber, Lloyd Gerard. « From anarchy to organization power politics and the institutionalization of international relations / ». 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33051231.html.
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Murray, Robert W. « Anarchy, self-Interest and rationality : Assessing the impact of the international system on modern English School theory ». Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1210.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since its reorganization in the early 1990s, the English School of international relations has emerged as a popular theoretical lens through which to examine global events. Those that use the international society approach promote it as a middle-way of theorizing due to its supposed ability to incorporate features from both systemic and domestic perspectives. A noticeable trend in the School since the end of the Cold War has been its interest with domestic and critical theory concerns, often focusing on individual, discursive or emancipatory issues. As a result, the English School has been able to accommodate the growing trends in international theory more generally, with the decline of problem-solving theory and the rise of critical projects. While the School and its practitioners may, for the most part, see value in discussing how domestic or critical variables impact the society of states, such examinations tend to neglect or overlook the systemic level of analysis. This project takes exception to the decline of the English Schools problem-solving foundations and argues that the School must place more emphasis on the systemic level of analysis if it hopes to be relevant in international theory debates. To this end, the criticisms of American scholars regarding the Schools lack of methodological rigour and explanatory power are addressed by demonstrating the added value to the international society approach if the constraints of the international system are included in theoretical explanations. In order to demonstrate how the systemic level alters English School analyses, two areas of popular examination within the School are explored, namely the role of international institutions and the debate over humanitarian intervention. Ultimately, the contention of this work is that English School scholars can greatly benefit from including systems-level thinking because of what it adds to the Schools explanatory power and also its ability to provide methodological rigour. In doing so, it is more likely the English School can penetrate the mainstream of international theory in the future.
19
« Robust Conservation Anarchy : Comparing Treaty Institutional Design for Evidence of Ostrom’s Design Principles, Fit, and Polycentricity ». Doctoral diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.62774.
Texte intégralRésumé :
abstract: Institutions (rules, norms, and shared strategies) are social feedback systems that structure actors’ decision-making context. It is important to investigate institutional design to understand how rules interact and generate feedbacks that affect robustness, i.e., the ability to respond to change. This is particularly important when assessing sustainable use/conservation trade-offs that affect species’ long-term survival. My research utilized the institutional grammar (IG) and robust institutional design to investigate these linkages in the context of four international conservation treaties.
First, the IG was used to code the regulatory formal treaty rules. The coded statements were then assessed to determine the rule linkages and dynamic interactions with a focus on monitoring and related reporting and enforcement mechanisms. Treaties with a regulatory structure included a greater number and more tightly linked rules related to these mechanisms than less regulatory instruments. A higher number of actors involved in these activities at multiple levels also seemed critical to a well-functioning monitoring system.
Then, drawing on existing research, I built a set of constitutive rule typologies to supplement the IG and code the treaties’ constitutive rules. I determined the level of fit between the constitutive and regulatory rules by examining the monitoring mechanisms, as well as treaty opt-out processes. Treaties that relied on constitutive rules to guide actor decision-making generally exhibited gaps and poorer rule fit. Regimes which used constitutive rules to provide actors with information related to the aims, values, and context under which regulatory rules were being advanced tended to exhibit better fit, rule consistency, and completeness.
The information generated in the prior studies, as well as expert interviews, and the analytical frameworks of Ostrom’s design principles, fit, and polycentricity, then aided the analysis of treaty robustness. While all four treaties were polycentric, regulatory regimes exhibited strong information processing feedbacks as evidenced by the presence of all design principles (in form and as perceived by experts) making them theoretically more robust to change than non-regulatory ones. Interestingly, treaties with contested decision-making seemed more robust to change indicating contestation facilitates robust decision-making or its effects are ameliorated by rule design.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Environmental Social Science 2020
20
Santos, Rui Fernando Pires Henrique. « A Anarquia nas Teorias das Relações Internacionais : hegemonia de paradigmas ou necessidade conceptual ? » Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/31903.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Esta tese visa interrogar o conceito-chave das Teorias sistémicas das Relações Internacionais, a Anarquia.
Numa disciplina científica recente e eivada de ontologias e epistemologias díspares, a mencionada conceptualização anárquica tem-se sabido impor e resistir ao tempo e a várias investidas teóricas.
Foi o Realismo Estrutural (ou neo-realismo) de Kenneth Waltz e o seu “Theory of International Politics” (1979) que permitiu trazer uma “determinada” configuração Anárquica para o âmago das Relações Internacionais.
As sistematizações teóricas Realista, Liberal e Construtivista (nas suas múltiplas abordagens) partilham esta mesma assunção, baseada no pressuposto da inexistência de uma autoridade superior ao Estado.
A Anarquia assume-se como uma necessidade conceptual paradigmática e “naturalizada”.
Utilizando uma gama de ferramentas teóricas críticas – suportadas pela análise da Hegemonia Gramsciana e neo-gramsciana bem como na ligação da tríade conhecimento-poder-linguagem que existe em Foucault e na “escola” da Análise Crítica de Discurso – visamos argumentar que a Anarquia se estatuiu com formato de Hegemonia ideacional no edifício disciplinar das Relações Internacionais.
Apresentamos para o efeito – como complemento ao enquadramento teórico – uma pesquisa quantitativa que valida a proeminência de autores e textos geograficamente “ocidentais”, epistemologicamente racionalistas, editados em língua inglesa e posteriores à marca do volume Waltziano (1979) que funciona como paradigma indispensável.
Esta “tipologia” de autores e textos, reflectindo ademais posicionamentos e influências académicas e científicas, potencia uma caracterização hegemónica, apta a estabelecer, mesmo que de forma tácita e difusa, “regras de acesso” e “regimes de verdade” em torno do principio basilar desta disciplina, a Anarquia.This dissertation aims to interrogate the key concept of the systemic Theories of International Relations, Anarchy. In a recent scientific discipline based on disparate ontologies and epistemologies, the aforementioned anarchic conceptualization has been able to impose and resist time and several theoretical assumptions. It was Kenneth Waltz's Structural Realism (or neo-realism) and his "Theory of International Politics" (1979), which allowed for a "determined" Anarchic configuration of international relations. The theoretical, Realistic, Liberal and Constructivist systematizations (in their multiple approaches) share this same assumption, based on the presupposition that there is no authority superior to the State. Anarchy is assumed to be a paradigmatic and "naturalized" conceptual need. Using a range of critical theoretical tools - supported by the analysis of the Gramscian Hegemony and the linkage of the knowledge-power-language triad that exists in Foucault and the "school" of Critical Discourse Analysis - we aim to argue that Anarchy was modeled as Hegemony in the disciplinary building of International Relations. For this purpose – and as a complement to our theoretical framework - we present a quantitative research that validates the prominence of writers and works geographically "western", epistemologically rationalist, published in English and subsequent to Waltzian volume (1979), which functions as an indispensable paradigm. This "typology" of authors and texts, reflecting in addition academic and scientific positions and influences, fosters a hegemonic characterization, capable of establishing, even tacitly and diffusely, "rules of access" and "regimes of truth" around the principle of this discipline, Anarchy.