Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Industrial relations – Germany – History.
Thèses sur le sujet « Industrial relations – Germany – History »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Industrial relations – Germany – History ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Brébion, Clément. « Vocational training and industrial relations in France and Germany ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0166.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse de doctorat est un recueil de trois essais en économie du travail. Ils analysent de manière comparative des institutions centrales des économies française et allemande. Les chapitres estiment successivement l'ampleur des discriminations à l'égard des représentants du personnel, l'effet de l'apprentissage sur l'insertion professionnelle et l'impact des subventions offertes pour développer ce type de formation. Les principaux résultats sont analysés à la fois du point de vue de la France et de l'Allemagne et offrent des conclusions sur les récentes évolutions institutionnelles des deux pays.Le premier chapitre de cette thèse analyse les trajectoires salariales des représentants du personnel allemands. Cette étude apporte un nouvel éclairage sur le fonctionnement de la négociation dans ce pays. Nous montrons qu'il existe en Allemagne une discrimination stratégique à l'égard des représentants du personnel. Dans le secteur manufacturier, les salariés élus au comité d’entreprise bénéficient d’un surplus de revenus du fait de leur statut. Inversement, dans le secteur des services, la prise de fonction a un effet négatif sur les salaires. Dans les deux secteurs, l'ampleur de ces impacts sur l’évolution annuelle des salaires est d’ 1 à 2 points de pourcentage. Nous montrons en outre que ce sont les représentants syndiqués et politiquement impliqués qui reçoivent la majeure partie de la prime (négative ou positive) dans les deux secteurs. Pour eux, l'ampleur de l'impact est proche de 3 pp. Ces résultats mettent en évidence une détérioration de la qualité de la coopération entre partenaires sociaux dans le pays.Le chapitre 2 compare l’effet des études en apprentissage sur l’insertion professionnelle, en France et en Allemagne, entre 1998 et 2013. Il montre que, dans les deux pays, les apprentis réussissent mieux en sortie d’études secondaires ou supérieures que les étudiants de la voie scolaire standard. Cela est vrai tant à court qu'à moyen terme. En termes de taux de chômage l’année suivant la sortie d’études, le bénéfice est environ 6.75 p.p. plus fort en France qu’en Allemagne. L’analyse causale fournit les résultats principaux. Nous montrons que l’apprentissage favorise les élèves en difficulté scolaire qui quittent l'école à la fin de leurs études secondaires en France. Ce n’est pas le cas en Allemagne. L'explication de ce résultat est double. Tout d'abord, les étudiants de la voie scolaire standard en Allemagne réussissent bien mieux que leurs homologues français. Ensuite, le départ de l’entreprise de formation suite à l’obtention d’un diplôme en apprentissage est près de deux fois plus fréquent en France. Les apprentis non conservés bénéficient cependant du bon signal de leur diplôme sur le marché externe, ce qui n'est pas le cas de leurs homologues allemands. Enfin, à la sortie du supérieur, dans les deux pays, l’apprentissage n’améliore pas l’insertion professionnelle.Le chapitre 3 évalue l'impact d'une importante subvention - l'Indemnité Compensatrice Forfaitaire - offerte aux employeurs d'apprentis en France et qui a été régionalisée entre 2005 et 2014. Au moment de sa régionalisation, elle représentait un quart des dépenses publiques consacrées à l'apprentissage. L'analyse montre que la subvention favorise les stratégies de rotation de la main d’œuvre. Ainsi, on mesure une élasticité limitée mais significativement négative du nombre d'apprentis embauchés aux coûts de formation. Sa valeur est de -0,22. Toutefois, l'impact se fait surtout sentir au niveau de la marge intensive (les entreprises formatrices accueillant davantage d'apprentis) plutôt qu'au niveau de la marge extensive (de nouvelles entreprises qui commenceraient à former). Cela suggère qu’en réponse à une hausse de la prime à l’embauche, les entreprises formeraient au-dessus de leurs besoins en compétencesThis PhD thesis is a collection of three essays in labour economics. In a comparative fashion, they analyse key institutions of the French and German political economies. The chapters successively estimate the size of discrimination towards works councilors, the effect of apprenticeship training on labour integration and the impact of subsidies offered to develop this form of training. The main results are analysed from both the perspectives of France and Germany and present conclusions on the recent institutional trajectories of the two countries.The first chapter of this PhD thesis proposes an analysis of wage trajectories of German works councilors. This outcome, I claim, offers a good way to analyse the functioning of bargaining in the country. I find proofs that some strategic discrimination towards works councilors takes place in Germany. In the manufacturing sector, being elected to the works council causes a rise in labour income. Conversely, in the private service sectors, entering office negatively impacts wages. In both sectors, the size of these impacts on yearly pay rise is of about 1 to 2 pp. I further show that unionized and politically inclined councilors receive most of the (negative or positive) premium in both sectors. For them, the size of the impact is close to 3 pp. These results emphasize a decline in the quality of cooperation in the countryChapter 2 compares how well apprenticeship training helps open the door to the labour market in France and Germany between 1998 and 2013. It shows that, on average, apprentices do better in both countries than standard students upon completion of secondary or higher education. This is true both on the short- and medium-run. In terms of the unemployment rate in the year after education, the difference between the two countries is equivalent to about 6.75 pp more for France. Turning to causal claims, I find that apprenticeships advantage low school achievers leaving school upon completion of secondary education in France. The opposite applies in Germany. Explanation for this result is twofold. First, standard students (i.e. the control group) in Germany do much better than their counterparts in France. Second, mobility upon graduation is about double in France but non-retained graduates still benefit from the good signal of their diploma on the external market which is not the case of their German counterparts. I finally find no causal impact of the track on the integration of student’s exiting school after higher education. Chapter 3 evaluates the impact of a large hiring credit – the Indemnité Compensatrice Forfaitaire – offered to employers of apprentices in France and which got regionalized between 2005 and 2014. At the time of its regionalization, it accounted for about a quarter of all public money spent on apprenticeships. The analysis shows that the subsidy fosters turnover strategies. Thus, I find a limited but significantly negative elasticity of the number of apprentices hired to training costs. The point estimate is -0.22. The impact however mostly plays at the intensive margin (training firms taking on more apprentices) rather than at the extensive margin (new firms entering the system). This suggests that training firms may respond to subsidies by training over their needs in skills. Confirming this interpretation, I find that the elasticity of mobility upon graduation to training cost is negative and equal to -0.40
2
Leitz, Christian. « The economic relations between Nazi Germany and Franco Spain, 1936-1945 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4b43eb26-a59b-4b94-ad66-1f00dafc2ba5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the course of the Spanish Civil War Nazi Germany's intervention on behalf of General Francisco Franco and his fellow insurgents became increasingly dominated by economic considerations. National Socialist policies vis-à -vis Nationalist Spain developed into a programme of large-scale economic exploitation. Under the command of Hermann Goring two companies were founded in Spain in late July 1936 (HISMA) and in Berlin in early October 1936 (ROWAK) to take control not only of National Socialist supply operations for Franco but also of the whole economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Nationalist Spain. During the course of the civil war HISMA/ROWAK managed to alter the trading pattern between Spain and Germany away from mainly fruit imports towards a substantial increase in raw material supplies. As British companies controlled most of the pyrite and iron ore mines of Spain and were therefore directly affected by Franco's redirection of ore exports to Germany, this development was challenged by the British government. The Nazi regime was only partly successful in reducing non-German economic influence in Spain. Aware of the temporary nature of Franco's dependence on German war matériel, Hermann Goring initiated the MONTANA project in 1937 to build up a German-owned mining empire in Spain. While the purchase of Spanish mines by HISMA/ROWAK was reluctantly accepted by Franco in late 1938, the Nazi regime was left with very little time to proceed even further with its economic "colonization" of Spain. The outbreak of war in September 1939 put an effective halt to German-Spanish economic relations until the defeat of France in summer 1940 led to a reopening of rail links to Spain. Subsequent - unsuccessful - negotiations on a Spanish entry into the war were dominated by economic considerations. From 1941 onwards an increasing trade and clearing imbalance developed in favour of Spain. Germany was desperate to import certain goods from Spain, particularly wolfram ore, a vital raw material for German armaments producers. Yet, the Allied economic warfare campaign in Spain led to huge price increases and during the period 1942 to 1944 the Nazi regime found itself forced to export growing amounts of war matériel to Spain. The Allied invasion of France in 1944 finally led to the effective end of German-Spanish trade relations, although both regimes tried to maintain them until Hitler's final defeat.
3
Coupe, Stuart Andrew. « Apartheid in South African industrial relations, 1955-1980 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386449.
Texte intégral
4
Rampeltshammer, Luitpold. « Globalization and industrial relations the pharmaceutical industry in Germany and the United Kingdom ». Frankfurt, M. New York, NY Campus-Verl, 2007. http://d-nb.info/988789558/04.
Texte intégral
5
Lewis, Stephen Haynes. « Filling the Political Vacuum : The United States and Germany, 1944-1946 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625625.
Texte intégral
6
Schrauf, Marcus H. « An examination of the evolution of the industrial relations systems in Germany and South Africa with special reference to the functionality of Chapter V of the South African Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995) ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53261.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After decades of its struggle against the apartheid policy and system, and after the victory in the first democratic elections in 1994, the pre-1994 co operation within the alliance of the African National Congress (ANC), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) created the framework of reference for the legal infrastructure of a new Industrial Re[ations ([R) system in which trade unions, employers and government would act together in a spirit of tripartism. The legal infrastructure of the new IR system was thus aligned with the new politica[ dispensation and in compliance with the new Constitution (200 of 1993) with its overarching aim as the correction of the imbalances of the past by ensuring both, a climate supportive of growth and the pursuit of social equity for all South Africans. However, in the wake of the 1994 elections, more and more ideo[ogical differences have arisen within the Alliance, also fostered by South Africa's unequal income distribution, the [ow life expectancy, the [ow literacy rates, high infant mortality, one of the highest H[V/Aids infection rates among the black population and its strong investor - unfriendly climate, all affecting effective policy making. [n particular, the ANC's 'shift to the right' with its Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy for macroeconomic development is alienating it from its alliance partners. Nevertheless, a new package of labour legislation was structured around the core of the individual contract of employment, resting in common law, with the Basic Condition of Employment Act (75 of 1997) setting minimum standards, and the new Labour Relations Act (66 of 1997) providing the framework for a collective bargaining system. The new Labour Relations Act integrates co operation in the [R system by enabling trade unions and employers to establish and regulate formally their relationships for the purpose of collective bargaining and creating machineries for the resolution of disputes of interest on the one side, and an employee - employer relationship based on rights vested in the parties in an enterprise, domestic context on the other. Provisions for a certain form of codetermination by, and participation of workers in the taking of decisions by management on the shop floor are legally entrenched in Chapter V - Workplace Forums - of the Labour Relations Act. Chapter V of the Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995) stipulates the requirements for the establishment of a Workplace Forum and defines and regulates its functions. If the definition and structure of such a Workplace Forum as contained in the respective schedule of the Act are compared with the German Betriebsverfassungsgesetz of 1952 and 1972, numerous similarities can be observed, and a quasi - adoption and incorporation of the German act as a blueprint for Chapter Vof the South African act can be assumed. However, whereas in Germany co-determination and the 8etriebsvedassungsgesetz of 1952 and 1972 have evolved naturally over the years, workers participation in South Africa through a Workplace Forum appears to be a mere legal creation, conceived on the drawing board for the new legislation, without any particular tradition and an effective place in the IR system. Additionally, questions raised in connection with its constitutionality leaves the quasiimported provisions of Chapter V in a doubtful light. I n analogy to the German Verfassungsklage of 1976 against the then new Mitbestimmungsgesetz, the focus of this study falls on a hypothetical test whether the provisions of Chapter V would be in accord with the new South African Constitution (200 of 1993), and also the constitution of their 'importing country', namely Germany. Several grey areas exist in which the Constitutional Courts of both countries would most probably have to declare some provisions as unconstitutional, the most important one being that, since the establishment of a Workplace Forum is linked only to the initiative of an existing representative union, the Freedom of Association of the individual is impaired.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na dekades van weerstand teen die sisteem van die apartheidsbeleid, en na die oorwinning in die eerste, demokratiese verkiesing van 1994, het die samewerking binne die alliansie van die African National Congress (ANC), die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) en die South African Communist Party (SACP) die raamwerk vir die struktuur van 'n nuwe Nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel waarbinne vakbonde, werkgewers en die regering in 'n gees van tripartisme kan saamwerk, die lig laat sien. Die regtelike infrastruktuur van die nuwe nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel was dus met die nuwe politiese sisteem in ooreenstemming en ook voldoende aan die vereistes van die nuwe Konstitusie (200 van 1993). Die alomvattende doel van die Konstitusie was om die sosiale wanbalans van die verlede te korrigeer en 'n klimaat te skep wat ekonomiese groei en die strewe na sosiale gelykheid vir alle Suid-Afrikaaners moontlik sal maak. In die tydperk na die verkiesing het egter meer en meer ideologiese verskille binne die Alliansie ontstaan, ook veroorsaak deur Suid Afrika se ongelyke inkomsteverdeling, 'n lae lewensverwagting, 'n lae vlak van lettervaardighede, 'n hoe graad van kindersterflikheid, een van die hoogste Vigs statistieke vir die swart bevolking en 'n onvriendelike klimaat vir buitelandse investering wat all die effektiewe beleidsskepping beinvloed. Besonders die ANC se 'verskuiwing na regs' met sy Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategie vir makroekonomiese ontwikkeling vervreemd die organisasie van sy bondgenote. Dit nieteenstande het 'n nuwe pakket van arbeidswetgewing ontstaan. Die kern van die pakket is die individuele kontrak van indiensneming wat in die algemene reg veranker is, maar wat deur die Wet op Basiese Diensvoorwaardes (75 van 1997) met 'n getal van minimum standaarde en vereistes gemodifiseer word, met die Wet op Arbeidsverhouding (66 van 1995) wat vakbonde en werkgewers met 'n raamwerk vir die proses van kollektiewe bedinging voorsien. Die nuwe Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge maak voorsiening vir die samewerking tussen vakbonde en werkgewers om hulle verhouding vir die doel van onderhandelinge te formaliseer en ook meganisme vir die beslegting van belangedispute, en ook regsdispute wat uit die regte van die partye in die direkte werksplek vloei. Voorsiening vir 'n sisteem van werkersdeelname en medebestemming in die besluitneming van bestuur word in Hoofstuk V - Werkplekforums - van die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge gemaak. Hoofstuk V van die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge bepaal die vereistes, reguleer die stigting en defineer die funksies van 'n Werkplekforum. As 'n vergelyking van die definisies vir, en die struktuur van so 'n Werkplekforum soos voorgeskryf in die skedule vir Hoofstuk V met die Duitse Betriebsverfassungsgesetz van 1952 en 1972 gemaak word, kan daar baie ooreenstemming met die wet gevind word. Dit Iyk ook dat baie komponente van die Duitse wet oorgeneem en as 'n bloudruk vir Hoofstuk V gebruik en daarin geintegreer is. In analogie met die Duitse Verfassungsklage van 1976 teen die destydse nuwe Mitbestimmungsgesetz val die klem in die studie op 'n hipotetiese toets of die voorwaardes van Hoofstuk V met die vereistes van die nuwe Suid Afrikaanse Konstitusie (200 van 1993) voldoen, en ook die van die konstitusie van hulle 'importeeringsland', naamlik Duitsland. Daar bestaan sekere grys areas in Hoofstuk V waarin die konstitusionele howe van altwee lande hoogswaarskynlik sommige voorwaardes as botsend met hulle onderskeidelike konstitusies sou vind. Die mees belangrikste daarvan is die voorwaardes dat, aangesien 'n Werkplekforum net deur 'n verteenwoordigende vakbond mag gestig word, die Verenigingsvreiheid van die individu aangetas word.
7
Leon, Juan Andres Andres. « Citizens of the Chemical Complex : Industrial Expertise and Science Philanthropy in Imperial and Weimar Germany ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11295.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is a social and cultural history of chemical industrialists and their role in the development of both science and capitalism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It focuses on the case of Germany, where many chemists became some the most powerful industrial leaders during this period. Since the late nineteenth century, chemistry in Germany constituted a cosmos radiating from the large industrial sites, of which the academic discipline was just the tip of the iceberg. The chemical Industry supported a formidable scientific research system, and industrial chemists rose to the highest social circles, from which they exerted unique forms of activism. In particular, science philanthropy provided chemical industrialists with a point of entry to elite German society. Their status as scientists, combined with their manufacturing social backgrounds, led to an inclination towards supporting scientific research through direct participation and political lobbying, with less emphasis on the financial donations common in American philanthropy. Crucially, this support extended beyond chemistry, to other applied sciences and even apparently non-industrial pursuits such as astronomy. In these other fields, they sought to replicate the industrial support system that existed in chemistry, while opening the opportunity to participate directly in their amateur scientific interests. I contend that these non-financial forms of support for science played an important role during the radical changes in twentieth-century Germany, including war, hyperinflation, extreme economic cycles, and the increasing political polarization of the Weimar era.History of Science
8
Moses, Julia Margaret. « Industrial accident compensation policies, state and society in Britain, Germany and Italy, 1870-1925 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609115.
Texte intégral
9
Hale, Carol Anne. « German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
10
Jones, C. L. « Industrial relations in the Northumberland and Durham coal industry : 1825 - 1845 ». Thesis, University of Sunderland, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353592.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The prime aim of this work is to examine the industrial relations of the Northumberland and Durham Coal Industry in the period 1825 - 1845. In order to do so comprehensively several different themes are examined. The North-eastern coalfield had a history of m~n~ng enterprises dating back to monastic and other medieval ecclesiastical ventures. It had witnessed expansion and development under the monopolistic Grand Alliance of aristocratic owners in the eighteenth-century. And in the second quarter of the nineteenth-century it presented a multifaceted pattern of ownership varying from some of the largest territorial magnates in the two counties to partnership~composedof representatives of the mercantile, industrial, professional and squirearchic elites of the area. The regularly-expanding labour force was initially composed of a localised aristocracy of skilled labour, who developed strong bonds of occupational solidarity, loyalty and craft-pride. They also had a strong sense of occupational status. Attitudes and beliefs developed within the workplac~ pervaded community relationships and structures) and gave them a cohesive and essentially insular character in which local traditions and folk-lore and bucolic leisure activities continued to predominate. The pitmen had a history of combination and industrial action dating back to the mid-eighteenth-century and their trade unions were craft-orientated, moderate and community-based. Disputes reflected the men's concern with status and privileges, which from the 1820's were being threatened by the employers attempts to rationalise the production processes and reduce costs. In the period under consideration there were two major strikes (1831-2 and 1844): the second involving the national trade union, the Miners' Association of Great Britain and Ireland. Strikes affected the whole community and the pit populations responded with a degree of solidarity which made the enforcement of law and order difficult. The history of the pitmen's trade unions, and their relationship with the coal owners has not been considered in detail since 1923. Using newly-available source material this work will assess the situation using as its basis the pitmen's own perceptions of the situation, to provide a framework in which to analyse their relationship with the employers.
11
Hoyt, Kendall L. (Kendall Lindquist) 1971. « The role of military-industrial relations in the history of vaccine innovation ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8065.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Program in Science, Technology and Society, June 2002."May 2002." Vita.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 193-205).
This thesis examines the historical conditions that have contributed to high rates of vaccine innovation in the U.S. during the twentieth century. Empirical analysis of vaccine license data demonstrates that the highest rates of innovation were achieved during the 1940's. Historical analysis of this data indicates that a large percentage of these innovations were the product of World War II vaccine development programs. Participation in these programs fostered a uniquely productive culture of collaboration between military and industrial vaccine developers that persisted through the postwar era, maintaining innovation rates through the 1960's and early 1970's. By the mid-1970's, however, the historical circumstances and cultural factors that engendered and sustained military-industrial collaboration began to change, causing rates of vaccine innovation to fall and vaccine stocks to dwindle. Poor economic incentives for vaccine development are often cited as the reason for falling rates of innovation. This explanation is correct but incomplete, because, for example, economic incentives for vaccine development were poor during the 1940's and 1950's, when innovation rates were high. I demonstrate that vaccine innovation is tied to levels of military-industrial collaboration and that declining rates of innovation in recent decades are associated with the disruption of this military-industrial culture of collaboration. Finally, drawing on lessons from this history of military-industrial relations, I examine the opportunities and challenges that the new "war on terrorism" presents for efforts to improve vaccine innovation and supplies.
Kendall L. Hoyt.
Ph.D.
12
Stirk, Jean Valrie. « Industrial relations in a craft trade : the original society of papermakers 1800-1948 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299827.
Texte intégral
13
McCrostie, James. « Industrial legality and workplace control, merchant seamen, the Park Steamship Company, and the Canadian Seamen's Union, 1942-1948 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0007/MQ28233.pdf.
Texte intégral
14
Rusiecki, P. « Conciliation and conflict in the West Yorkshire coalfield : the coalmining communities of the lower Calder Valley 1840-1900 ». Thesis, University of Essex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386077.
Texte intégral
15
Rae, Michelle Frasher. « International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s ». Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.
Texte intégral
16
Willingham, Robert Allen. « Jews in Leipzig nationality and community in the 20th century / ». Thesis, Austin, Tex. : University of Texas Libraries, 2005. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2005/willinghamr73843/willinghamr73843.pdf#page=2.
Texte intégral
17
Martin, William R. « Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936 ». PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
18
Murray, Scott W. « The origins of an illusion : British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28832.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia.
By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar".Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
19
Marshall, Alex. « Die uralte moderne Lösung : nation, space and modernity in Austro-German Zionism before 1917 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bfafc7d6-4f9c-4a0e-823f-d087d0dae43e.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Zionism represents a turning point in the rise of the nation-state to its present near-ubiquity, a national movement which did not construct an identity concurrently with its embrace of nationalism, but reconstructed a diaspora to fit it. I explore how early Political Zionists, particularly Theodor Herzl, perceived both the push and pull of nationalism, and why they were drawn to adopt an ideology and political structure whose basic principles, I argue, were intrinsically hostile to Jews. I begin by examining the socialist Moses Hess as a forerunner and microcosm of later Zionism, arguing his work is underpinned by anxiety about social heterogeneity. The second chapter focuses on portrayals of diaspora, its contradictions and the ambivalence they caused towards less assimilated Jews, nonetheless used as models for national identity. I continue by investigating the countries Herzl looked to as partners on the world stage and models of nationhood, arguing his vision of nationhood was far broader than that of most nationalists and involved a recognised role among other nations. The fourth chapter concerns understandings of 'homeland' and the relationship between people and territory, concluding Zionism's effect is achieved, not just by inhabiting Palestine, but by public desire and effort to do so. I devote my final chapter to concepts of modernity, its perception as both paradoxical and inescapable, and how national historical narratives arrange history into a rational, linear structure. While Zionists left many presumptions of nationalism and modernity unchallenged, most importantly that both nation and state transcend political divides, my conclusion stresses those presumptions they accepted, those aspects they saw as inescapable, and those they pragmatically performed belief in, to achieve Gentile acceptance of Jewish nationhood. I surmise that it was this sense of inevitability, along with the difficulties of diaspora, which gave Jews reason to make displays of accepting the nation-state.
20
Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. « GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
21
O'Connell, Kaete Mary. « Weapon of War, Tool of Peace : U.S. Food Diplomacy in Postwar Germany ». Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/574976.
Texte intégralRésumé :
HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation examines U.S. food diplomacy in occupied Germany. It argues that the origins of food aid as an anti-communist strategy are located in postwar Germany. Believing a punitive occupation was the best insurance against future conflict, Allied leadership agreed to enforce a lower standard of living on Germany and did not allow relief agencies to administer aid to German civilians. Facing a growing crisis in the U.S. Zone, President Truman authorized food imports and permitted voluntary agencies to operate in 1946. This decision changed the tenor of the occupation and provided the foundation to an improved U.S.-German relationship. It also underscored the value of American food power in the emerging contest with the Soviet Union. Food served as a source of soft power. It bridged cultures and fostered new relationships while reinforcing notions of American exceptionalism. Officials recognized that humanitarian aid complemented foreign policy objectives. American economic security was reflected in their abundance of food, and the dispersal of this food to war-torn Europe, especially a former enemy, made a strong statement about the future. As relations with the Soviet Union soured, policymakers increasingly relied on American food power to encourage German embrace of western values. Occupation officials portrayed food relief as an expression of democratic ideals, emphasizing the universality of Freedom from Want and focusing on well-nourished German children as the hope for future peace. American food fostered the spread of liberal democracy but its dispersal also contained communism. This work bridges diplomatic history and food studies to investigate the consequences and significance of the transnational food exchange. Food aid had layered political, cultural, and emotional implications. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the role of compassion in diplomacy and the symbolism inherent in food to demonstrate the lasting political currency of humanitarian aid. Paying close attention to the food relationships that emerge between Germans and Americans allows one to better gauge the value of U.S. food aid as a propaganda tool. Food embodies American power; it offers a medium for understanding the experience and internalization of the occupation by Americans and Germans alike. Food aid began as emergency relief in 1946, reflecting the transition from a punitive to rehabilitative occupation policy. Recognizing Germany’s need for stability and self-sufficiency Military Government officials then urged economic recovery. Food aid was an important piece for German economic recovery, with supporters emphasizing Germany’s potential contribution toward European recovery. The positive press generated by the Marshall Plan and Allied airlift of Berlin contributed to the growing significance of propaganda in the emerging Cold War. Food relief was both good policy and good public relations, providing a narrative that cast the United States as a benevolent power in a rapidly changing world. Food aid to Germany underscored America’s humanitarian obligations, conscripted emotion into the Cold War, and swayed public opinion on the home front and with the former enemy.
Temple University--Theses
22
Bukaty, Ryan Michael. « Commercial Diplomacy : The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
23
Bach, Thomas Parnell. « Throne and altar Halle Pietism and the Hohenzollerns. A contribution to the history of church state relations in eighteenth-century Brandenburg-Prussia (Germany) / ». Related electronic resource : Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Texte intégral
24
Myconos, George 1959. « The globalization(s) of organized labour, 1860-2003 ». Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9385.
Texte intégral
25
Halamek, Julia R. « Mechanical Transformations : The Active Roles of Machines in British Industrial-Era Writings ». Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1623615240511243.
Texte intégral
26
Ditchburn, David. « Merchants, pedlars and pirates : a history of Scotland's relations with Northern Germany and the Baltic in the later Middle Ages ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327783.
Texte intégral
27
McLeish, Martyn. « Trade disputes, trade unions and the law : the legal politics of industrial relations in Britain, 1906-1927 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336259.
Texte intégral
28
Givens, Seth A. « Bringing Back Memories : GIs, Souvenir Hunting, and Looting in Germany, 1945 ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275450120.
Texte intégral
29
Lane, Jacqueline Ann. « A watershed decade in British industrial relations, 1965 to 1974 ? : the Donovan Commission Report, 'In Place of Strife', and the Industrial Relations Act of 1971 ». Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2017. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/34157/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Donovan Report (1965-1968) is often seen as one of the great failures in the overall attempt to deal with the thorny problem of the contentious nature of industrial relations in post-war Britain. This thesis re-examines that report and subsequent governmental responses, using numerous sources, many of which have barely been used by previous authors, in order to establish where it all went wrong. Such an examination is important to inform future governments on some of the problems of trying to legislate on industrial relations matters. This thesis addresses the central question addressed by the Report – the validity of employing legislation to deal with the problems within industrial relations, asking what contribution had legislation made to the ordering of industrial relations in the past, and what lessons future governments could take from that? Why did both the Labour Governments under Harold Wilson and the Conservative Government under Edward Heath choose to go beyond Donovan in their attempts to alter the role of the state in industrial relations Finally, could the Industrial Relations Act 1971, had it survived, have been to the benefit of trade unions in time? This thesis suggests that legislation had an important role to play in the ordering of industrial relations, and that collective bargaining alone, although effective in many areas, was unable to address issues which had wider implications, such as those relating to health and safety or the reconciliation of differences due to the laws’ interference with trade unions’ rights to defend their members and their own collective rights. Both the Labour and Conservative Governments chose to go beyond the measures proposed by Donovan because economic and political necessity demanded a greater measure of control over strike action. However, the inquiry had undoubtedly focused the debate on whether or not legislation could ever be the most appropriate tool for controlling industrial relations, and therefore acted as a catalyst for the reforms that followed. The Industrial Relations Act 1971 failed to bring about the hoped-for industrial peace. Its repeal in 1974, however, did nothing to prevent further rises in strikes after 1974. Piecemeal legislation in the 1980s and 1990s did bring about a greater level of industrial peace, but this suggests that it was not legislation per se that was the wrong strategy for controlling industrial relations, but rather the method and pace of implementation. Other means of maintaining industrial peace were experimented with and could have been successful if the political will had been there and the unions and employers had engaged more fully,but the seeds had been sown for legislative control and it was impossible to hold back the tide of restrictive legislation which followed these early forays into the concept of law as a means of controlling industrial relations. The Donovan Report did indeed represent the thin end of the legal wedge and opened the floodgates to the many enactments designed to control and emasculate the trade union movement which the Conservative governments of the 1980s and early 1990s were able to introduce. The collective failures of the Donovan Report, In Place of Strife and the Industrial Relations Act to bring about industrial peace were, however, only indicative that legislation was not the most appropriate means of achieving this goal at this particular point in time. Alternative attempts to reduce strikes and engage trade unions in closer working relationships with employers and their associations, and with the government, did meet with some success in the 1970s and may be usefully attempted again in the future. This will, however, depend on whether government is able to keep an open mind on the utility, or perhaps futility, of legislative controls such as those attempted in the years between 1965 and 1975.
30
Burke, Peter, et peter burke@rmit edu au. « A social history of Australian workplace football, 1860-1939 ». RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20100311.144947.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a social history of workplace Australian football between the years 1860 and 1939, charting in detail the evolution of this form of the game as a popular phenomenon, as well as the beginning of its eventual demise with changes in the nature and composition of the workforce. Though it is presented in a largely chronological format, the thesis utilises an approach to history best epitomised in the work of the progenitors of social history, E.P. Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm, and their successors. It embraces and contributes to both labour and sport history-two sub-groups of social history that are not often considered together. A number of themes, such as social control and the links between class and culture, are employed to throw light on this form of football; in turn, the analysis of the game presented here illuminates patterns of development in the culture of working people in Victoria and beyond. The thesis also provides new insights into under-re searched fields such as industrial recreation and the role of sport in shaping employer-employee relations. In enhancing knowledge of the history of grass roots Australian football and demonstrating the workplace game's links with the growth of unionism and expansion of industry, the thesis therefore highlights the complexity and interconnectedness of economic development, class relations and popular culture in constructing social history.
31
Tilton, Gregory E. « The political development of Japan's postwar economy ». The Ohio State University, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40596032.html.
Texte intégral
32
Pope, Bingham Graves. « The demise of industrial paternalism : the case of southern textiles, 1880-1940 / ». Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-07112009-040250/.
Texte intégral
33
Royle, Tony. « Globalisation, convergence and the McDonald's Corporation : industrial relations and the multi-national enterprise in Germany and the UK, a comparative study ». Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363334.
Texte intégral
34
Zickermann, Kathrin. « Across the German sea : Scottish commodity exchange, network building and communities in the wider Elbe-Weser region in the early modern period ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/958.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses the commercial, maritime and military relations between Scotland and the cities and territories in the North Western parts of the Holy Roman Empire during the early modern period; specifically Hamburg, Bremen, the Swedish duchies of Bremen and Verden, Danish Altona and Braunschweig-Lüneburg. Having identified anomalies in the histories of these locations, and bringing a more international dimension to them, my study tackles a remarkable understudied geo-political location. The core of my research identifies the immigration of Scots and the establishment of commercial networks within a region rather than an individual territory, highlighting contact across political borders. This region differed significantly from other places in Northern Europe in that it did not maintain an ethnically distinct Scottish community enforcing and encouraging interaction with the indigenous German population and other foreigners such as the English Merchant Adventurers in Hamburg. The survey reveals that despite the lack of such a community the region was of commercial significance to Scots as evidenced by the presence of individual Scottish merchants, factors and entrepreneurs whose trade links stretched far beyond their home country. Significantly, these Scots present in mercantile capacities were demonstrably linked to their countrymen who frequented the region as diplomats and soldiers who frequently resided in the neutral cities of Bremen and Hamburg. Some of these Scots within the Swedish army were of importance in the administration of Swedish Bremen-Verden while others fought for Braunschweig-Lüneburg. Their presence encouraged chain migration, particularly offering shelter to Scottish political exiles in the later seventeenth century. Analysing the collective role of these men and the relationships between them, this thesis highlights the overall significance of the wider Elbe-Weser region to the Scots and vice versa, filling a gap in our understanding of the Scottish Diaspora in the early modern period, and broadening our understanding of the region itself.
35
Ge, Subo [Verfasser], Rainer [Akademischer Betreuer] Trinczek et Ingrid K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Artus. « Chinese Companies in Germany : Internationalization Strategies, Management Models and industrial Relations / Subo Ge. Gutachter : Rainer Trinczek ; Ingrid K. Artus. Betreuer : Rainer Trinczek ». München : Universitätsbibliothek der TU München, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1024963918/34.
Texte intégral
36
Chan, Catherine See. « Alliance en garde : the United States of America and West Germany, 1977-1985 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1300.
Texte intégral
37
Manion, Lynne Nelson. « Local 21's Quest for a Moral Economy : Peabody, Massachusetts and its Leather Workers, 1933-1973 ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2003. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/ManionLN2003.pdf.
Texte intégral
38
Brule, Mathieu. « Reforming arbitration class, gender and the conseil des prud'hommes in Tourcoing, 1848--1894 ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28050.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Created in 1806 by Napoleon, the conseil des prud'hommes were municipal labour arbitration boards established to settle workplace differences between workers and employers in the textile industry amicably and through conciliation. The northern French town of Tourcoing was a comparatively conservative city, where radical politics and confrontational labour relations found little support throughout the nineteenth century. Therefore, the arbitration boards known as the conseil des prud'hommes could be expected to have been a popular method of settling workplace conflicts. Initially, only employers could elect and be board members; reform in 1848 extended these rights to male workers. Other important changes occurred in the second half of the nineteenth century that could potentially affect labour relations: the legalization of strikes in 1864 and the legalization of unions two decades later.
This thesis explores the impact these changes had on the use of Tourcoing's conseil des prud'hommes, as well as the outcome of cases brought to their attention between 1848 and 1894. It argues that, although the boards were underused in this period, the presence of workers on the boards was beneficial to Tourcoing's working class, particularly female and unskilled workers, who found themselves losing less and compromising more in order to settle their workplace disputes. However, the growing emphasis on compromise did not please employers who began to abandon the boards immediately after the 1848 reform. The influence of unions and socialist groups in the late 1880s and early 1890s reinforced this trend not only among employers, but also among female and unskilled workers who found the increasingly confrontational attitudes at the boards an obstacle to settling cases through conciliation. As a result, both of these groups of workers also began to turn their backs on the prud'hommes.
39
Murhem, Sofia. « Turning to Europe : A New Swedish Industrial Relations Regime in the 1990s ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Univ.-bibl. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3737.
Texte intégral
40
Price, John. « Labour relations in Japan's postwar coal industry : the 1960 Miike lockout ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26904.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The essay explores the events and background of the 1960 lockout at the Miike colleries of the Mitsui Mining Co. in Kyushu, Japan. The dispute, one of the longest and most violent in postwar labour history, occurred at the same time as the anti-U.S.-Japan security treaty struggle and the two events capped 15 years of social turbulence after the war. At issue in the Miike case was the designated dismissal of 1200 miners.
In analyzing the events at Miike the author challenges current assumptions about the so-called three pillars of Japanese labour-management relations (lifetime employment, enterprise unions, and seniority-based wages). Couterposed are four factors—capitalist rationalism, worker egalitarianism, enterprise corporatism, and liberal democracy—the combination of which lend Japanese labour-management relations their specific character in any given instance.
The essay also explores the particular role of the Japan Federation of Employers Organizations (Nikkeiren) in other labour disputes in the 1950s as well as at Miike. The economic background to the Miike strike is also analyzed, in particular, the political aspects of the rationalization of the coal industry. The final chapter deals with relief measures for unemployed coal miners and coal companies during the 1960s.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
41
O'Reilly, Declan. « IG Farbenindustrie A.G., Interhandel and General Aniline and Film Corporation : a problem in international political and economic relations between Germany, Switzerland and the United States, 1929-1965 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265424.
Texte intégral
42
Poupart, Ronald. « Les réactions des pays de l'axe face au pacte germano-russe de 1939 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61274.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is concerned with the diplomatic reaction of the Axis Countries, Italy, Japan, Spain and Hungary, to the Russo-German Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939. The immediate origins of the Pact were studied in order to put into context the individual responses of the various countries, known as the Axis Powers. Each of these countries was confronted with a dramatic change in the European situation and each had to adjust its relations with Germany in accordance with its own interests and expectations for the question of war or peace in Europe.With the exception of Hungary, all were opposed to the Pact because it seemed to run contrary to their national interests and promised to upset the Balance of Power on the European, and indeed, the Asian continent. The thesis thus illustrates the special character of Hitler's diplomacy, in the last year of peace before the Second World War, which did not consider the interests of his partners when concluding his arrangements with the Soviet Union.
43
Faber, Pierre Anthony. « Industrial relations, flexibility, and the EU social dimension : a comparative study of British and German employer response to the EU social dimension ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:959fa1ee-cd08-450b-8e94-68b9858dd9e3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study sets out to explore employer response to the EU social dimension, in answer to the question, "How are employers in the UK and Germany responding to the EU social dimension, and why?" Using case study evidence from nine large British and German engineering companies, as well as material from employers' associations at all levels, it is argued that there is little employer support for extending the social dimension. Focusing on micro-economic aspects of the debate, it is also argued that a common feature in both British and German employer opposition is a concern for the impact of EU industrial relations regulation on firm-level flexibility. This stands in direct contradiction of the EU Commission's own contentions about the flexibility-enhancing effects of its social policy measures, and appears paradoxical in light of earlier research findings of a German flexibility advantage over UK rivals on account of the country's well-structured regulatory framework for industrial relations. Evidence from participant companies, however, suggests that, in the global environment of the late 1990s, much of Germany's former flexibility advantage has been eroded, and the regulation-induced limitations on both the pace and scale of change are increasingly onerous to German companies. German managers perceive a need for targeted deregulatory reform of their industrial relations system; by strengthening (and often extending) existing industrial relations regulation, EU social policy measures meet with firm disapproval. In the UK, by contrast, the changed context has contributed to a significant increase in firm-level flexibility. British companies now operate to levels of flexibility often in advance of their German counterparts, at far lower 'cost' in terms of the time taken, and the extent to which change measures are compromised, to reach agreement. For British managers, EU social policy measures are perceived as a threat to these beneficial arrangements, and vigorously opposed. The thesis concludes by suggesting that such fixed opposition, in the face of Commission determination to extend the EU social dimension, points to an escalation of the controversy surrounding the social dimension.
44
Weiler, Björn K. U. « England and the Empire, 1216-1272 : Anglo-German relations during the reign of Henry III ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14563.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis charts the development of the political and diplomatic relations between England and the Holy Roman, Medieval or German Empire during the reign of Henry III of England, 1216-1272. This will be done before the wider background of contemporary European politics. Therefore, relations between the two realms have been viewed in the context of events and developments such as the papal-imperial conflict, the Mongol invasions, and the crusades. The actions of either Henry III or his Imperial counterpart cannot be understood without this background in mind, and without a comparison to the actions and undertakings of their contemporaries. As a result, it emerges that Henry III's policies towards the Holy Roman Empire did not differ greatly from those of other rulers, such as Louis IX of France or Ferdinand of Castile, and that in his case, as in theirs, the immediate pressing needs of Henry's own kingdom formed and moulded the direction of his relations with the rulers of the Empire. As far as the Emperor was concerned, on the other hand, England was perceived to be a potential source of fiscal and diplomatic support, but was not considered worth any risks. At the same time, the dangers and challenges facing both rulers also forced them over and over again to confront each other's needs and ambitions.
45
Blang, Eugenie M. « To urge common sense on the Americans : United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.
46
Macdonald, Catriona L. « The shopfloor experience of regional policy : work and industrial relations at the Bathgate motor plant, c.1961-1986 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4638/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the experience of work and industrial relations at the British Motor Corporation’s commercial vehicle assembly plant at Bathgate in West Lothian, from its establishment in 1961 until its closure in 1986. The plant opened in Scotland as a result of a government regional development policy which sought to create jobs and ameliorate the rundown of heavy industry in areas of high unemployment. The thesis considers the role of such policy in shaping industrial development since 1945, and, using the oral history testimony of former Bathgate workers to examine the impact of economic and social change on Scotland’s industrial population, contributes to the regional policy literature by extending the analysis beyond questions about its efficacy and considering the experiences of the workers and communities directly affected by such initiatives. What emerges from this study of regional policy from the perspective of the shopfloor is the extent to which the plant’s establishment on a greenfield site, in an area of high unemployment, very much on the periphery of the UK motor industry and with little tradition of mass assembly production processes, shaped the subsequent evolution of its working conditions, industrial relations, and worker attitudes, as well as its position within the Bathgate community. The Bathgate experience therefore illuminates a number of key debates in the wider historiography of Britain and Scotland since 1945, not only in relation to regional policy itself, but also with regard to the motor industry, its industrial relations, and the development, in the post-war context of relatively high wages and the increasing stability of work, of a more typically ‘affluent’ working class. The thesis is divided into two parts. Part One explores some of the issues surrounding the plant’s establishment in West Lothian, particularly the regional policy aspects, and the plant’s position within and relationship to both the wider BMC – later British Leyland – organisation and the British motor industry more generally. Part Two draws extensively on the influential ‘affluent worker’ thesis, as well as the literature around the industrial relations of motor manufacturing, in developing and exploring questions related to the way in which work was experienced at Bathgate, and the extent to which the attitudes and behaviour of its workforce came to reflect those which typified the motor worker elsewhere. Throughout, the thesis engages with and adds nuance to debates over the role of shopfloor organisation and strike activity in damaging the performance of British motor manufacturing, and, by drawing on the oral testimony of former Bathgate workers themselves, offers a fresh perspective on the post-war experience of regional policy both in a particular, under-researched regional policy plant, and in Scotland and Britain more broadly.
47
Rohan, Rory Delaney. « Power and forced labor| A geneology of labor and migration in the United States ». Thesis, American University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1572493.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Recently, federal agents across the US have uncovered an unprecedented number of forced labor operations, many involving non-citizens who are forced to perform farm work under threat of violence and deportation. Contemporary scholarship explains this phenomenon as the effect of liberalized economic relations, industrialized agriculture, and consumer demand for cheap products. While instructive, such explanations leave open questions of how historical factors sanction the coercive farm labor relations seen today. Using the genealogical method, this paper examines the history of labor practices in Florida, a state in which forced labor not only flourished before the Civil War, but also in which forced labor remains common today.
After highlighting how Florida's ante-bellum and post-bellum labor practices and discourses imbued employment with normative valuations, this paper argues that such discourses and practices have since been taken up by state and federal institutions, eventually influencing laws and policies concerning labor, prisoners, and immigrants. These historically embedded practices and discourses, moreover, function to discipline the lives and govern the status of non-citizens in and through employment.
48
Mugova, Terrence Tafadzwa. « Interdependence and business cycle transmission between South Africa and the USA, UK, Japan and Germany ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002680.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The process of globalisation has had a large impact on the world economy over the past three decades. Economic globalisation has manifested itself in the increasing integration of goods and services through international trade and the integration of financial markets. As a consequence the existence of co-movements in economic variables of different countries has become more evident. The extent to which globalisation causes a country’s economy to move together with the rest of the world concerns policy-makers. When such co-movement is significant, the influence of policy-makers on their respective domestic economies is significantly reduced. South Africa re-entered the international economy in the early 1990s when the forces of globalisation, especially for developing countries, seemed to gain momentum. Empirical research such as Kabundi and Loots (2005) found strong evidence of international co-movement between the world business cycle and the South African business cycle, particularly following South Africa’s integration into the global economy. This study examines the relationship and interdependence between South Africa and four of its major developed trading partners. More particularly, the study examines the question of whether business cycles are transmitted from Germany, Japan, US and UK to South Africa, and/or from South Africa to Germany, Japan, the US and UK. The study employs structural vector autoregressive (SVARs) models to analyse monthly data from 1980:01–2008:04 on industrial production, producer prices, short-term interest rates and real effective exchange rates. The results show that South Africa benefits from economic growth in both the UK and US. They also indicate significant price transmission from Germany and Japan to South Africa, with transmission in the opposite direction being statistically insignificant. The impulse response graphs show that a positive one standard deviation shock to both German and Japanese producer prices has a negative impact on South African output (industrial production) growth. Furthermore, South African monetary policy is relatively unresponsive to international monetary policy stances. The findings of this study indicate that South African policymakers need to take into consideration economic performance of the country’s major trading partners, with particular emphasis on the UK and US economies.
49
Zielinski, Joseph M. « The Politics of Appeasement : Great Britain, Germany, and the Upper Silesian Plebiscite ». Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1307371097.
Texte intégral
50
Johnson, Ryan Spencer. « The economic progress of American black workers in a periodof crisis and change, 1916-1950 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation explores the interplay between industrial racial hiring practices and the following institutions and transitions characterizing the inter-war period: unionization, institutional change among unions, business cycle activity, government anti-discrimination policy, and high-wage policies. The degree to which industrial racial hiring practices differed across manufacturing and mining industries and the impact that this industrial segregation had on black workers is explored. During World War I, when many northern employers first hired black workers, there was a significant difference in how black and white workers were distributed across industry. However, the segregation decreased significantly over time and it was not a contributor to the black-white income differential among industrial workers. Black workers were not employed disproportionately by industries with low wages, with low capital-to-labor ratios, or that were disproportionately dangerous. However, industrial segregation exposed them to greater unemployment risk, explaining a portion of their disproportionately high unemployment rates. The third chapter identifies some of the forces that shaped and mitigated industrial segregation. The way that black workers were distributed across industries was a function of union density, union affiliation, and tight wartime labor markets. The craft based unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor were notorious for discriminating against black labor. The industrial unions affiliated with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) actively promoted the organization of black labor. Consequently, the mean probability that a randomly selected employee in an industry was black was negatively associated with general unionization and positively associated with CIO affiliated unionization. A government agency explicitly created to aid black workers in obtaining employment in defense industries during World War II, the Fair Employment Practice Committee, did not have a significant impact on industrial segregation. The fourth chapter of the dissertation assesses the impact that the high-wage policies of the Great Depression had on black unemployment. During the inter-war period, increases in workers' share of company revenues and unionization increased black workers' share of cyclical employment. By successfully increasing these factors, the Great Depression high-wage policies caused a disproportionate share of the employment downturn to be allocated to black workers.