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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Industrial productivity – France – History »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

Grantham, G. W. « Divisions of Labour : Agricultural Productivity and Occupational Specialization in Pre-Industrial France ». Economic History Review 46, no 3 (août 1993) : 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598364.

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2

Rosenband, Leonard N. « Productivity and Labor Discipline in the Montgolfier Paper Mill, 1780–1805 ». Journal of Economic History 45, no 2 (juin 1985) : 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070003415x.

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The daily, weekly, and seasonal rhythms of production in the Montgolfier paper mill, one of the largest in eighteenth-century France, are examined here. Based on the comments of pioneer manufacturers, historians have been led to believe that early industrial work was irregular and unpredictable. The Montgolfiers as well complained of undependable workers. Yet their own output registers reveal a pattern of regular productivity unaided by advanced machinery or steam power.
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3

Crafts, N. F. R. « Exogenous or Endogenous Growth ? The Industrial Revolution Reconsidered ». Journal of Economic History 55, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 745–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700042145.

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The British Industrial Revolution is reviewed in the light of recent developments in modeling economic growth. It is argued that ”endogenous innovation” models may be useful in this context particularly for understanding why total factor productivity growth rose only slowly. ”Macroinventions” were central to economic development in this period, however, and these are best seen as exogenous technological shocks. Although new growth theorists would easily identify higher growth potential in eighteenth-century Britain than in France, explaining the timing of the acceleration in growth remains elusive. A research agenda to develop further insights from new growth ideas is proposed.
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4

Nye, John Vincent. « “The Conflation of Productivity and Efficiency in Economics and Economic History” : A Comment ». Economics and Philosophy 6, no 1 (avril 1990) : 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100000699.

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In a recent article, Edward Saraydar (1989) takes economists and economic historians to task for equating productivity and efficiency in comparative economic analysis. Although I found his thesis interesting, I was a bit surprised to see selected remarks from my article on firm size in nineteenth-century France (Nye,1987) used to frame his criticism of productivity comparisons as a means of making prescriptive statements. The passages selected may mislead the reader as to the nature of my arguments. Let me quote Saraydar on this: … I argue that … the problem with equating productivity with efficiency is that from the neoclassical standpoint this strongly suggests a prescriptive view - a view that things should be or should have been different - and thereby frees the analyst from the need to justify the utility costs that might be or might have been required to make things different. Thus, in the French industrialization debate, for example, Nye points out that evidence that smaller family firms were less productive would support the conclusion “that nineteenth-century French firms were too small (for whatever reasons) and that consequently French industry suffered from inefficiency” (Nye, 1987, pp. 667–68). Suppose the evidence to which Nye refers to existed. [My emphasis] Distributive considerations aside, in neoclassical economics a more Pareto-efficient state by its very nature is to be preferred to a less efficient one. Therefore, the implication is that family firms should have been larger and more productive. However, suppose also that the plethora of small family firms in nineteenth-century France, in fact, constituted a longstanding, widely accepted, socially imbedded institution. Clearly, the traditionalist thought-experiment and conclusion would ignore the potential costs in utility or satisfaction to owners of factors of production, a utility loss that may well have been required to make the “more efficient.” transformation to a relatively few large-scale industrial firms. That potential utility loss cannot be ignored and should be part of the analysis. (Saraydar, 1989, p. 56)
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5

Allen, Robert C. « The Spinning Jenny : A Fresh Look ». Journal of Economic History 71, no 2 (6 juin 2011) : 461–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050711001616.

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In “The Industrial Revolution in Miniature,” I calculated that the spinning jenny was profitable to install in England in the 1780s but not in France.1 My calculations assumed that a spinner using a wheel in a domestic setting worked a total of 100 days per year and spun 100 pounds of coarse cotton (one pound per day). The jenny raised labor productivity to three pounds per day in the “most likely” scenario. I showed that it would have been cheaper to spin 100 pounds per year with a jenny than with a wheel in England, while the reverse would have been true in France. Hence, the jenny was installed in England rather than France. Ugo Gragnolati, Daniele Moschella, and Emanuele Pugliese have pointed out that this argument assumes that output was kept at 100 pounds per year, and the effect of the jenny was to reduce the spinner's work year to only 33–1/3 days per year.2 They suggest that it was more likely that the spinner would have continued to work 100 days per year and produce 300 pounds of yarn instead. In that case, they argue, it would have been profitable to install the jenny in France as well as England. Profitability would have increased in both countries under these assumptions because capital costs would have been cut by a third if three times as much output was produced from the same capital (although profitability was still much higher in England). Hence, they conclude that economic considerations do not explain the diffusion of the jenny.
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6

Evrard, Audrey. « Shifting French Documentary Militancy : From Workers' Rights to an Ethics of Unemployment ». Nottingham French Studies 55, no 1 (mars 2016) : 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2016.0141.

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If the critique of neoliberal capitalism has become a staple of leftist documentary filmmaking in France since the late 1990s, few films have gone as far in their rejection of work as those made by Pierre Carles, Stéphane Goxe and Christophe Coello. Attention, Danger, Travail (2003) and Volem rien foutre al païs (2007) unapologetically and uncompromisingly reject the normative legitimacy of waged employment as a warrant of individual and social productivity. Nonetheless, it would be highly reductive to see in these two films and in the filmmakers' project a celebration of idleness. Rather, as they strive to restore the productive value of individuals unable and unwilling to enter the labor market, they reject what the filmmakers see as leftist politics' complacency about capitalism's promotion of work as an ethics of self-realization. Drawing from Jacques Rancière's emphasis on the proletariat's self-identification and incidental political inscription in late nineteenth-century society, this analysis argues that the two films discussed here operate therefore a political and aesthetic shift away from twentieth-century militant cinema by replacing the figure of political consciousness commonly associated with industrial capitalist society, namely the worker, with the unemployed post-industrial subjects of the late-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
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7

van Ark, Bart. « Manufacturing Productivity Levels in France and the United Kingdom ». National Institute Economic Review 133 (août 1990) : 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019013300105.

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International comparisons of levels of labour productivity are rare in the field of productivity analysis. In the case of Anglo-French comparisons, for example, it has already been widely established that the French economy was more slowly transformed from an agricultural economy into an industrial society than the United Kingdom; and that since the last world war manufacturing output has increased much faster in France than in Britain. The aim of the present study is to complement previous comparisons of growth rates of manufacturing productivity in Britain and France with estimates of the current differences in the levels of output per person-hour worked in a dozen branches which constitute the manufacturing sector.
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8

Crafts, Nicholas. « Understanding productivity growth in the industrial revolution † ». Economic History Review 74, no 2 (27 janvier 2021) : 309–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.13051.

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9

Dermineur, Elise M. « Peer-to-peer lending in pre-industrial France ». Financial History Review 26, no 3 (13 août 2019) : 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565019000143.

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This article explores the world of informal financial transactions and informal networks in pre-industrial France. Often considered merely as simple daily transactions made to palliate a lack of cash in circulation and to smooth consumption, the examination of private transactions reveals not only that they served various purposes, including productive investments, but also that they proved to be dynamic. The debts they incurred helped to smooth consumption but also helped to make investments. Some lenders were more prominent than others, although no one really dominated the informal market. This article also compares informal transactions with formal ones through the study of probate inventories and notarial records respectively. It compares these two credit circuits, their similarities and different characteristics, and their various networks features. The debts incurred in the notarial credit market were more substantial but did not serve a different purpose than in the informal market. Here too, the biggest lenders did not monopolise the extension of capital. Perhaps the most striking result lies in the fact that the total volume of exchange between the informal credit market and the notarial credit market (after projection) was similar.
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10

Margadant, Ted W., Bernard Lepetit et Godfrey Rogers. « The Pre-Industrial Urban System : France, 1740-1840 ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no 2 (1996) : 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205185.

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11

Smith, Andrew W. M. « Organic Resistance : The Struggle over Industrial Farming in Postwar France ». French History 32, no 4 (3 octobre 2018) : 617–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/cry083.

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12

Rodger, Richard, et B. Lepetit. « The Pre-Industrial Urban System : France, 1740-1840. » Economic History Review 48, no 4 (novembre 1995) : 837. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598156.

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13

Hilden, Patricia J. « Women and the Labour Movement in France, 1869–1914 ». Historical Journal 29, no 4 (décembre 1986) : 809–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019063.

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In histories of European trade union movements, the observation that women industrial workers were rarely found among the membership has become axiomatic. In virtually every developed nation, it seems that once the industrial order was established, predominantly male trade unions were everywhere the rule, and female unions and trade unionists everywhere notable exceptions.
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14

LUSHNIKOV, V. P. « MEAT PRODUCTIVITY OF RAMS OBTAINED BY CROSSING VOLGOGRAD SHEEPS WITH RAMS OF DIFFERENT FOREIGN BREEDS ». Sheep, goats, woolen business, no 2 (2021) : 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26897/2074-0840-2021-2-23-25.

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The article presents the indicators of slaughter, morphological and chemical composition of lamb meat obtained from industrial crossing of Volgograd breed queens with sheep breeds: Poll Dorset, Australian meat merino, North Caucasian meat-wool, Suff olk, Ile-de-France and Merinoland.
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15

Sorrie, Charles. « Industrial unrest in France 1917–1918, the Loire and the Isère ». French History 35, no 4 (23 novembre 2021) : 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crab045.

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Abstract In May 1918, a strike movement began in Paris and swiftly spread throughout much of the country. The strikes came at a time of heightened military danger and were promptly suppressed by the Clemenceau Government. Whereas a more widespread French labour unrest in 1917 had concentrated on wage demands, in 1918 the strikes were initiated by the radical far left of the Confédération générale du travail (CGT, France’s largest labour union) and were marked by internationalist and pacifist demands. In the months leading up to the spring of 1918, radical labour leaders in the Loire and the Isère were encouraged by federal colleagues in the CGT and its radical affiliate, the Comité de défense syndicaliste (CDS), to prepare for a series of general strikes. The launching of the Ludendorff Offensives, however, persuaded the CDS to postpone a coordinated national general strike until after the military emergency subsided. Labour leaders in the Loire and the Isère disregarded these directives and launched strikes in May and June that alienated local labour movements from their already tenuous political support from Paris. Using materials from both departmental and national archives, this study examines the political dynamics which precipitated and then accelerated the appointment of far-left radicals to leadership positions within the labour movements of the Loire and much of the Isère. It argues that the industrial significance of both areas, the anarcho-syndicalist rhetoric of local union leaders, poorly timed strike actions and the Clemenceau Government’s uncompromising jusqu’au boutisme worked together as factors to condemn this understudied movement to failure.
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16

Schwartz, Robert M. « Rail Transport, Agrarian Crisis, and the Restructuring of Agriculture ». Social Science History 34, no 2 (2010) : 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011226.

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During the late nineteenth century the transport revolution and growing agricultural output, especially in North America, engendered an agrarian crisis (1878–96) when intensifying international competition in foodstuffs led to dramatic price declines, particularly in wheat and other cereals. This comparative study of the process in Britain and France examines regional and local patterns of rural change in relation to the expansion of railways, the agrarian crisis, and the responses to the crisis by the governments and farmers of the two countries. Using spatial statistics and geographically weighted regression (GWR) to identify spatially varying relationships, it offers a new approach and results. Case studies of Dorset County in England and the Allier Department in France show that railways facilitated the shift from cereal production to livestock and dairy farming during the era of agrarian crisis. In Dorset the analysis using GWR provides an explanation for patterns of the agricultural depression that a pioneering article identified but could not explain and thus illustrates the promise of blending narrative and spatial history. Further, it argues that in France railway expansion and the construction of a secondary network reduced regional disparities in rail service and likely in agricultural productivity, too. More broadly, it concludes that the differing political economies of Britain and France led to different trade and railway policies during the crisis and to different agrarian outcomes in which agricultural productivity declined in Britain and improved in France.
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17

Hayes, Peter. « Industrial Factionalism in Modern German History ». Central European History 24, no 2-3 (juin 1991) : 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900018896.

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At a time when the Republican party in America seems to have abandoned its brief hopes of proclaiming a new paradigm, it may seem apropos to observe that old ones die hard—and not only in public life. A case in point from the scholarly world is the subject of this essay: the persistent historiographical notion of industrial factionalism. Throughout this century, students of German political economy have tended to see the country's business world as divided between two groupings. One comprises the classic heavy industries of the first Industrial Revolution and the Ruhr: coal, iron, and steel. Supposedly oriented toward domestic markets, burdened with high labor costs, doomed to flattening gains in productivity and profits, and habituated to hierarchy within their plants and the nation, executives in this grouping have figured in the historical literature as consistently and intransigently united against free trade, labor unions, and parliamentary government—indeed, against modernization itself.
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18

Parsons, Nick. « Forging Europe : industrial organisation in France, 1940–1952 ». Modern & ; Contemporary France 27, no 2 (7 janvier 2019) : 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2018.1562424.

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19

Antràs, Pol, et Hans-Joachim Voth. « Factor prices and productivity growth during the British industrial revolution ». Explorations in Economic History 40, no 1 (janvier 2003) : 52–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0014-4983(02)00024-4.

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20

Nord, Philip. « Forging Europe : Industrial Organization in France, 1940–1952, by Luc-André Brunet ». English Historical Review 135, no 573 (avril 2020) : 531–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa050.

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21

Hörne, John. « ’L'impôt du sang’ : Republican rhetoric and industrial warfare in France, 1914–18∗ ». Social History 14, no 2 (mai 1989) : 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071028908567737.

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22

FISCHER, CONAN. « Scoundrels without a Fatherland ? Heavy Industry and Transnationalism in Post-First World War Germany ». Contemporary European History 14, no 4 (novembre 2005) : 441–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002717.

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Germany's heavy industrial sector played a definitive role from 1870 onwards in the formation and subsequent shaping of the young German national polity. As such it has been identified with the aggressive, imperialistic tendencies that characterised so much of German history between 1870 and 1945. That said, industrial and national interests could diverge markedly, with heavy industry sometimes exhibiting a marked preference for transnational strategies, particularly during 1923 and 1924, when France and Belgium occupied Germany's industrial heartland – the Ruhr District. Resulting efforts to integrate the coal and metallurgical industries of France and Germany anticipated the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community after the Second World War.
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23

Crafts, N. F. R. « Macroinventions, Economic Growth, and `Industrial Revolution' in Britain and France ». Economic History Review 48, no 3 (août 1995) : 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598183.

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24

Montalbo, Adrien. « Industrial activities and primary schooling in early nineteenth-century France ». Cliometrica 14, no 2 (5 septembre 2019) : 325–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11698-019-00191-0.

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25

Leier, Mark. « Debating Productivity ». Labour / Le Travail 44 (1999) : 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149030.

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26

Nachreiner, Thomas. « Films that Work. Industrial film and the productivity of media ». Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 30, no 4 (décembre 2010) : 553–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2010.509978.

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27

MISKELL, LOUISE. « Doing It for Themselves : The Steel Company of Wales and the Study of American Industrial Productivity, 1945–1955 ». Enterprise & ; Society 18, no 1 (6 décembre 2016) : 184–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2016.55.

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This article examines the efforts of one British steel company to acquire knowledge about American industrial productivity in the first post-World War II decade. It argues that company information-gathering initiatives in this period were overshadowed by the work of the formal productivity missions of the Marshall Plan era. In particular, it compares the activities of the Steel Company of Wales with the Anglo-American Council on Productivity (AACP), whose iron and steel industry productivity team report was published in 1952. Based on evidence from its business records, this study shows that the Steel Company of Wales was undertaking its own international productivity investigations, which started earlier and were more extensive and differently focused from those of the AACP. It makes the case for viewing companies as active participants in the gathering and dissemination of productivity knowledge in Britain’s steel sector after 1945.
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28

Jenkins, D. T., et John F. Godfrey. « Capitalism at War : Industrial Policy and Bureaucracy in France, 1914-1918. » Economic History Review 41, no 3 (août 1988) : 488. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597391.

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29

Meyer, Stephen, et Gary S. Cross. « Immigrant Workers in Industrial France : The Making of a New Laboring Class ». Technology and Culture 26, no 1 (janvier 1985) : 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3104539.

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30

Graham, Hamish. « Policing the Forests of Pre-Industrial France : Round Up the Usual Suspects ». European History Quarterly 33, no 2 (avril 2003) : 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914030332002.

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31

Bertucci, Paola. « Enlightened Secrets : Silk, Intelligent Travel, and Industrial Espionage in Eighteenth-Century France ». Technology and Culture 54, no 4 (2013) : 820–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2013.0123.

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32

Harp, Stephen L. « Venus Bivar. Organic Resistance : The Struggle over Industrial Farming in Postwar France. » American Historical Review 124, no 5 (1 décembre 2019) : 1969–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1221.

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33

Novek, Joel. « Clinical or Industrial Pharmacy ? Case Studies of Hospital Pharmacy Automation in Canada and France ». International Journal of Health Services 28, no 3 (juillet 1998) : 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/w2bt-fgxq-ql0g-ynl9.

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Automated medication dispensing systems for hospital pharmacies, heralded as an important means of reducing drug errors and improving labor productivity, have also been seen as a means of furthering the transformation of the pharmacy profession from its role in dispensing prescriptions to a clinical profession concerned with treatments and patient outcomes. Automation aids this transformation by transferring the responsibility for routine dispensing to technicians performing rationalized and computer-mediated tasks. Not all pharmacists agree with these trends. Some fear a loss of professional status and employment as their knowledge is expropriated and incorporated into machinery operated by those with lesser qualifications. They fear an industrial rather than a clinical future. Their concerns are compounded by health care cutbacks. These issues were studied at two hospitals in Canada and one in France, all mid-sized public hospitals with automated unit dose drug delivery systems installed in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Preliminary results indicated national differences in approaches to hospital pharmacy automation. In Canada, pharmacists have resisted major changes in their control of the dispensing process and in their traditional roles vis à vis doctors and pharmacy technicians. In France, where hospital pharmacy as a profession is less developed than in North America, automation has brought about a far more radical substitution for pharmacists' labor.
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34

Greenberg, Dolores, et Frank Dobbin. « Forging Industrial Policy : The United States, Britain, and France in the Railway Age. » Journal of American History 82, no 1 (juin 1995) : 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082015.

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35

Zasypkina, I. M., E. G. Filippov et O. A. Popova. « Comparative analysis of winter barley varieties according to productivity, its components and grain quality in the Rostov region ». Grain Economy of Russia, no 5 (16 novembre 2022) : 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31367/2079-8725-2022-82-5-59-65.

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Among the grain forage crops in the Russian Federation, barley ranks first in terms of multi-use and gross yields. However, the current level of grain production of this crop does not fully meet the needs of the livestock and food industries. Winter barley varieties are currently approved for use in the North Caucasus, Middle Volga and Nizhnevolsk regions of the Russian Federation, where its yield is 1.5–2 times higher than that of spring barley. According to the trait ‘productivity’ barley varieties of various breeding institutions have quite significant fluctuations in the regions of their cultivation, and therefore inter-station tests are carried out to determine their response. The best ones are further used in various breeding projects. The purpose of the current paper was to analyze the trait ‘productivity’ and its components and grain quality among present local and foreign winter barley varieties, in order to use the identified ones in crossings parental forms. The monitoring of varieties was carried out on the experimental plot of the Federal State Budgetary Scientific Institution “ARC «Donskoy” (2017–2019). The subjects of the study were winter barley varieties (29 samples) of local and foreign origin. Based on the results of a system analysis, there has been identified a number of varieties that have the necessary combinations of traits important for breeding, such as:– high productivity (the multi-row varieties ‘Marusya’, ‘Vivat’, ‘Foks 1’, ‘Erema’, ‘Artel’, ‘Dostoyny’ (Russia), ‘KWS-Scala’ (Germany), ‘Capten’ (France));– coarse-grained (the multi-row lines ‘KWS-117’, ‘KWS-234’, ‘KWS-History’ (Germany) and the two-row varieties ‘Explorer 3’, ‘Explorer 4’, ‘Explorer 5’, ‘Explorer 7’, ‘Explorer 3/2’, ‘Explorer 4/2’, ‘Bronskyli’ (France) with more than 50 g);– head density per 1 m2 when harvesting (the two-row varieties ‘KWS-History’ with 704 pcs/m2, ‘KWS-117’ with 710 pcs/m2 (Germany), ‘Explorer 8’ with 739 pcs/m2, ‘Explorer 3/2’ with 759 pieces/m2, ‘Wintwalt’ with 847 pieces/m2 (France));– number of grains per head (the multi-row varieties ‘Marusya’ with 57.9 pcs, ‘Andryusha’ with 55.8 pcs (Russia), ‘Capten’ with 55.6 pcs (France) and two-row varieties ‘Explorer 3’ with 26.0 pcs., ‘Explorer 5’ with 25.9 pcs., ‘Bronskyli’ with 25.8 pcs (France);– stable protein percentage in grain less than 11 % (the two-row varieties ‘KWS-History’ with 10.3 %, ‘KWS-234’ with 10.7 % (Germany) and ‘Explorer 3/2’ with 10.3 % (France).
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36

Miller, Stephen. « Organic resistance : the struggle over industrial farming in Postwar France ». Modern & ; Contemporary France 28, no 3 (25 mai 2020) : 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2020.1769044.

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Whited, Tamara L. « Organic resistance : the struggle over industrial farming in postwar France ». Sixties 11, no 2 (3 juillet 2018) : 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2018.1532168.

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38

Dormois, J. P. « Episodes in catching-up : Anglo-French industrial productivity differentials in 1930 ». European Review of Economic History 8, no 3 (1 décembre 2004) : 337–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1361491604001236.

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39

Sherstobitov, V. V. « Economic and industrial assessment of common plum and cherry plum in the foothill zone of Adygea ». New Technologies 17, no 4 (12 novembre 2021) : 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47370/2072-0920-2021-17-4-132-141.

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The article contains materials of the research on the yield of common plum and cherry plum varieties. The most productive samples have been selected. The productivity of the selected varieties have been studied for four years, which includes the following characteristics: average productivity (kg/tree), average productivity from one cubic meter of a crown (kg/m3 ), average fruit weight (g), average productivity (% to the standard). The economic efficiency of common plum and cherry plum for a 5 years period has been studied. The following indicators have taken into account: yield (t/ha), product cost (rubles/ha), production costs (rubles/ha), sales profit (rubles/ha), product profitability (%). It has been found that the productivity of the studied varieties (kg/tree) is quite different. Common plum productivity varies from from 14,4 (Nectar) to 34,6 (Shamsi). That of cherry plum varies from 20 (Rioni) to 34,1 (Shuntukskaya 11). Mathematical processing of data on the yield of fruits of common plum and cherry plum has been carried out using the method of field experiment. Statistical processing of one-factor experiment has been carried out by the method of deviation from the average one according to the variant. 3 groups of plum and cherry plum varieties have been identified at the standard level: low-productive, medium-productive, high-productive. The varieties of cherry plum with high productivity from one cubic meter of crown, more than 2,0 kg/m3 , have been identified: early Niberdzhaevskaya (st), Most early, Shuntukskaya 9, Shuntukskaya 11, Klyukovka, large Nalchikskaya. These include the following varieties of common plum: Renklod Altana, early Kabardinskaya (st), Vascova, Arvita, Hungarian Italian, Anna Shpet (st). The studied varieties of plum and cherry plum are divided into groups according to fruit sizes: small-fruited, medium-fruited and large-fruited. It has been established that the economic efficiency of the production of common plum and cherry plum fruits mainly depends on the yield of the variety and the cost of production. The profitability of common plum varieties is from 59,7% to 130%, cherry plum – from 39,9% to 59,2%.Economic and industrial assessment of common plum and cherryplum in the foothill zone of Adygea.
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Kumari, Renu, Priya Sharma et Dr Qysar Ayoub Khanday. « Industrial Revolution and Deindustrialization of Indian History – An Overview ». International Journal of All Research Education & ; Scientific Methods 10, no 05 (2022) : 278–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.56025/ijaresm.2022.10502.

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The idea that India suffered deindustrialization during the 19th century has a long pedigree. The image of skilled weavers thrown back on the soil was a powerful metaphor for the economic stagnation Indian nationalists believed was brought on by British rule. However, whether and why deindustrialization actually happened in India remains open to debate. Quantitative evidence on the overall level of economic activity in 18th and 19th century India is scant, let alone evidence on its breakdown between agriculture, industry, and services. Most of the existing assessments of deindustrialization rely on very sparse data on employment and output shares. Data on prices are much more plentiful, and this paper offers a new (price dual) assessment of deindustrialization in 18th and 19th century India supported by newly compiled evidence on relative prices. A simple model of deindustrialization links relative prices to employment shares. We think the paper sheds new light on whether and when deindustrialization happened, whether it was more or less dramatic in India than elsewhere, and what its likely causes were. The existing literature primarily attributes India’s deindustrialization to Britain’s productivity gains in textile manufacture and to the world transport revolution. Improved British productivity, first in cottage production and then in factory goods, led to declining world textile prices, making production in India increasingly uneconomic (Roy 2002). These forces were reinforced by declining sea freight rates which served to foster trade and specialization for both Britain and India. As a result, Britain first won over India’s export market and eventually took over its domestic market as well. This explanation for deindustrialization was a potent weapon in the Indian nationalists’ critique of colonial rule (see e.g. Dutt 1906/1960, Nehru 1947). The historical literature suggests a second explanation for deindustrialization in the economic malaise India suffered following the dissolution of Mughal hegemony in the 18th century. We believe the turmoil associated with this political realignment ultimately led to aggregate supply-side problems for Indian manufacturing, even if producers in some regions benefited from the new order. While deindustrialization is easy enough to define, an assessment of its short and long run impact on living standards and GDP growth is more contentious and hinges on the root causes of deindustrialization.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. « Revolutionary France and the Transformation of the Rhine ». Central European History 44, no 2 (23 mai 2011) : 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891100001x.

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As one of the world's busiest rivers the Rhine carries about 300 million tons of freight annually, upriver and down, between Switzerland and the Dutch ports on the North Sea. Heavy shipping traffic on the Rhine, including ocean vessels reaching Mannheim and barges reaching Basel, has been an integral part of the Rhine valley landscape for the past 150 years. But a bounty of commercial shipping on the Rhine has not always been part of the river's history. Despite the Rhineland's growing population and increasingly productive economy at the end of the early modern period, long-distance shipping activity along the river gradually declined during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. River commerce revived and expanded only in the early nineteenth century, stimulated in part by new developments in transportation technology, business organization, industrial development, and an unprecedented civil engineering assault on the river's natural contours. These material components of the nineteenth century transportation revolution as it unfolded along the Rhine are generally well known.
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Barbezat, Daniel. « The Comptoir Sidérurgique de France, 1930–1939 ». Business History Review 70, no 4 (1996) : 517–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3117314.

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The French inter-war steel cartels were characterized by contemporaries as powerful trusts, restricting output and raising steel prices. The cartels were cited as a cause for the length of the French depression, the low productivity of the 1930s, and the rapid rise in steel prices after 1936. This paper shows that the formation and development of the French steel cartels was problematic and argues that the French industry was not structurally conducive to widespread collusion and was further harmed by governmental policies. Steel cartels were unable to police their arrangements effectively among members and were unable to stop outsiders from undercutting prices. It is not at all clear that firms in the cartel achieved higher profits. The increase in prices that did occur after 1936 was not due to firms colluding and profiting from the increased demand for steel due to the anticipation of Nazi aggression; rather, these price increases occurred because of input price increases caused by government action that raised the costs of production.
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Fauve-Chamoux, Antoinette. « Beyond adoption : Orphans and family strategies in pre-industrial France ». History of the Family 1, no 1 (1 janvier 1996) : 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1081-602x(96)90017-2.

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Nord, Philip G. « Narratives of democracy in post-war France ». Journal of Modern European History 17, no 2 (1 avril 2019) : 209–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835751.

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Loyalists of France’s Third Republic presented the regime as heir to France’s revolutionary tradition and as such the bearer of a set of undying principles: liberty, equality, and fraternity. This narrative came under crippling pressure in the 20th century, and in the aftermath of the Second World War, a new set of narratives began to crystallize that rethought the meaning of republican democracy. Under the Third Republic, it was the venerable Parti Radical, dating back to Dreyfusard days, that had been the mainstay of the democratic idea, but in the Liberation era, the party was sidelined, and successors emerged, Socialist and Christian-democratic, which tendered new visions of democracy’s future. The place of the State in French life was also reconsidered. It ceased to be an object of democratic suspicion but came to be seen rather as an indispensable vehicle for effecting the nation’s reconstruction. France’s place in the world came in for a major rethinking at the same time. The nation remained as ever the bearer of the democratic idea, but it now expressed that commitment as a European power and not an imperial one, as a founding member of a brotherhood of democracies and not as a unilateral actor propelled by a self-appointed civilizing mission. In today’s post-colonial, post-industrial, and globalizing world, however, these narratives no longer have the same purchase as in decades past.
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BROADBERRY, STEPHEN, et CARSTEN BURHOP. « Resolving the Anglo-German Industrial Productivity Puzzle, 1895–1935 : A Response to Professor Ritschl ». Journal of Economic History 68, no 3 (septembre 2008) : 930–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050708000685.

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This response offers a critical appraisal of the claim of Albrecht Ritschl to have found a possible resolution to what he calls the Anglo-German industrial productivity puzzle, which arose as the result of a new industrial production index produced in an earlier paper by the same author. Projection back from a widely accepted 1935/36 benchmark using the Ritschl index showed German industrial labor productivity in 1907 substantially higher than in Britain. This presented a puzzle for at least two reasons. First, other comparative information from the pre—World War I period, such as wages, seems difficult to square with much higher German labor productivity at this time. Second, a direct benchmark estimate produced by Stephen Broadberry and Carsten Burhop, using production census information for Britain and industrial survey material of similar quality for Germany, suggested broadly equal labor productivity in 1907. Broadberry and Burhop also showed that if Walther Hoffmann's industrial output index was used instead of the Ritschl index for Germany, the puzzle largely disappeared.
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Hermel, Philippe, Rick L. Edgeman et Jens J. Dahlgaard. « HISTORY AND SPECIFICS OF THE QUALITY MOVEMENT IN FRANCE ». Quality Engineering 11, no 4 (juillet 1999) : 619–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08982119908919282.

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Carlson, Robert E., et Frank Dobbin. « Forging Industrial Policy : The United States, Britain, and France in the Railway Age. » American Historical Review 100, no 5 (décembre 1995) : 1530. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169886.

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Smith, Robert J., et David M. Gordon. « Liberalism and Social Reform : Industrial Growth and Progressiste Politics in France, 1880-1914. » American Historical Review 102, no 4 (octobre 1997) : 1175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170706.

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Geiger, Reed G., et Rick Szostak. « The Role of Transportation in the Industrial Revolution : A Comparison of England and France ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no 4 (1993) : 764. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206289.

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RITSCHL, ALBRECHT. « The Anglo-German Industrial Productivity Puzzle, 1895–1935 : A Restatement and a Possible Resolution ». Journal of Economic History 68, no 2 (juin 2008) : 535–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050708000399.

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International productivity comparisons are often plagued by discrepancies between benchmark estimates and time series extrapolations. Broadberry and Burhop present both types of evidence for the Anglo-German comparison. For their preferred data, they find only a minimal German productivity lead prior to World War I, while use of a revised industrial output series for Germany by Ritschl leads to implausible results. This article presents further time series revisions and substantial corrections to the Broadberry and Burhop benchmark estimate. Results strongly suggest a considerable German productivity lead over Britain prior to World War I, which eroded during and after the war.
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