Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Industrial productivity – France – History »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Industrial productivity – France – History"
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Grantham, G. W. « Divisions of Labour : Agricultural Productivity and Occupational Specialization in Pre-Industrial France ». Economic History Review 46, no 3 (août 1993) : 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598364.
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Rosenband, Leonard N. « Productivity and Labor Discipline in the Montgolfier Paper Mill, 1780–1805 ». Journal of Economic History 45, no 2 (juin 1985) : 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070003415x.
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The daily, weekly, and seasonal rhythms of production in the Montgolfier paper mill, one of the largest in eighteenth-century France, are examined here. Based on the comments of pioneer manufacturers, historians have been led to believe that early industrial work was irregular and unpredictable. The Montgolfiers as well complained of undependable workers. Yet their own output registers reveal a pattern of regular productivity unaided by advanced machinery or steam power.
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Crafts, N. F. R. « Exogenous or Endogenous Growth ? The Industrial Revolution Reconsidered ». Journal of Economic History 55, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 745–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700042145.
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The British Industrial Revolution is reviewed in the light of recent developments in modeling economic growth. It is argued that ”endogenous innovation” models may be useful in this context particularly for understanding why total factor productivity growth rose only slowly. ”Macroinventions” were central to economic development in this period, however, and these are best seen as exogenous technological shocks. Although new growth theorists would easily identify higher growth potential in eighteenth-century Britain than in France, explaining the timing of the acceleration in growth remains elusive. A research agenda to develop further insights from new growth ideas is proposed.
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Nye, John Vincent. « “The Conflation of Productivity and Efficiency in Economics and Economic History” : A Comment ». Economics and Philosophy 6, no 1 (avril 1990) : 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100000699.
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In a recent article, Edward Saraydar (1989) takes economists and economic historians to task for equating productivity and efficiency in comparative economic analysis. Although I found his thesis interesting, I was a bit surprised to see selected remarks from my article on firm size in nineteenth-century France (Nye,1987) used to frame his criticism of productivity comparisons as a means of making prescriptive statements. The passages selected may mislead the reader as to the nature of my arguments. Let me quote Saraydar on this: … I argue that … the problem with equating productivity with efficiency is that from the neoclassical standpoint this strongly suggests a prescriptive view - a view that things should be or should have been different - and thereby frees the analyst from the need to justify the utility costs that might be or might have been required to make things different. Thus, in the French industrialization debate, for example, Nye points out that evidence that smaller family firms were less productive would support the conclusion “that nineteenth-century French firms were too small (for whatever reasons) and that consequently French industry suffered from inefficiency” (Nye, 1987, pp. 667–68). Suppose the evidence to which Nye refers to existed. [My emphasis] Distributive considerations aside, in neoclassical economics a more Pareto-efficient state by its very nature is to be preferred to a less efficient one. Therefore, the implication is that family firms should have been larger and more productive. However, suppose also that the plethora of small family firms in nineteenth-century France, in fact, constituted a longstanding, widely accepted, socially imbedded institution. Clearly, the traditionalist thought-experiment and conclusion would ignore the potential costs in utility or satisfaction to owners of factors of production, a utility loss that may well have been required to make the “more efficient.” transformation to a relatively few large-scale industrial firms. That potential utility loss cannot be ignored and should be part of the analysis. (Saraydar, 1989, p. 56)
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Allen, Robert C. « The Spinning Jenny : A Fresh Look ». Journal of Economic History 71, no 2 (6 juin 2011) : 461–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050711001616.
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In “The Industrial Revolution in Miniature,” I calculated that the spinning jenny was profitable to install in England in the 1780s but not in France.1 My calculations assumed that a spinner using a wheel in a domestic setting worked a total of 100 days per year and spun 100 pounds of coarse cotton (one pound per day). The jenny raised labor productivity to three pounds per day in the “most likely” scenario. I showed that it would have been cheaper to spin 100 pounds per year with a jenny than with a wheel in England, while the reverse would have been true in France. Hence, the jenny was installed in England rather than France. Ugo Gragnolati, Daniele Moschella, and Emanuele Pugliese have pointed out that this argument assumes that output was kept at 100 pounds per year, and the effect of the jenny was to reduce the spinner's work year to only 33–1/3 days per year.2 They suggest that it was more likely that the spinner would have continued to work 100 days per year and produce 300 pounds of yarn instead. In that case, they argue, it would have been profitable to install the jenny in France as well as England. Profitability would have increased in both countries under these assumptions because capital costs would have been cut by a third if three times as much output was produced from the same capital (although profitability was still much higher in England). Hence, they conclude that economic considerations do not explain the diffusion of the jenny.
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Evrard, Audrey. « Shifting French Documentary Militancy : From Workers' Rights to an Ethics of Unemployment ». Nottingham French Studies 55, no 1 (mars 2016) : 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2016.0141.
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If the critique of neoliberal capitalism has become a staple of leftist documentary filmmaking in France since the late 1990s, few films have gone as far in their rejection of work as those made by Pierre Carles, Stéphane Goxe and Christophe Coello. Attention, Danger, Travail (2003) and Volem rien foutre al païs (2007) unapologetically and uncompromisingly reject the normative legitimacy of waged employment as a warrant of individual and social productivity. Nonetheless, it would be highly reductive to see in these two films and in the filmmakers' project a celebration of idleness. Rather, as they strive to restore the productive value of individuals unable and unwilling to enter the labor market, they reject what the filmmakers see as leftist politics' complacency about capitalism's promotion of work as an ethics of self-realization. Drawing from Jacques Rancière's emphasis on the proletariat's self-identification and incidental political inscription in late nineteenth-century society, this analysis argues that the two films discussed here operate therefore a political and aesthetic shift away from twentieth-century militant cinema by replacing the figure of political consciousness commonly associated with industrial capitalist society, namely the worker, with the unemployed post-industrial subjects of the late-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
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van Ark, Bart. « Manufacturing Productivity Levels in France and the United Kingdom ». National Institute Economic Review 133 (août 1990) : 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019013300105.
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International comparisons of levels of labour productivity are rare in the field of productivity analysis. In the case of Anglo-French comparisons, for example, it has already been widely established that the French economy was more slowly transformed from an agricultural economy into an industrial society than the United Kingdom; and that since the last world war manufacturing output has increased much faster in France than in Britain. The aim of the present study is to complement previous comparisons of growth rates of manufacturing productivity in Britain and France with estimates of the current differences in the levels of output per person-hour worked in a dozen branches which constitute the manufacturing sector.
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Crafts, Nicholas. « Understanding productivity growth in the industrial revolution † ». Economic History Review 74, no 2 (27 janvier 2021) : 309–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.13051.
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Dermineur, Elise M. « Peer-to-peer lending in pre-industrial France ». Financial History Review 26, no 3 (13 août 2019) : 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565019000143.
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This article explores the world of informal financial transactions and informal networks in pre-industrial France. Often considered merely as simple daily transactions made to palliate a lack of cash in circulation and to smooth consumption, the examination of private transactions reveals not only that they served various purposes, including productive investments, but also that they proved to be dynamic. The debts they incurred helped to smooth consumption but also helped to make investments. Some lenders were more prominent than others, although no one really dominated the informal market. This article also compares informal transactions with formal ones through the study of probate inventories and notarial records respectively. It compares these two credit circuits, their similarities and different characteristics, and their various networks features. The debts incurred in the notarial credit market were more substantial but did not serve a different purpose than in the informal market. Here too, the biggest lenders did not monopolise the extension of capital. Perhaps the most striking result lies in the fact that the total volume of exchange between the informal credit market and the notarial credit market (after projection) was similar.
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Margadant, Ted W., Bernard Lepetit et Godfrey Rogers. « The Pre-Industrial Urban System : France, 1740-1840 ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no 2 (1996) : 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205185.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Industrial productivity – France – History"
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Giugliano, Ferdinando. « Industrial policy and productivity growth in Fascist Italy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:982ff041-a460-4d62-9973-d6431b6b3092.
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The first chapter - Crisis? Which Crisis? - constructs a new series of industrial value added at constant (1938) prices for Italy, for the period between 1928 and 1938. The data employed are shown to be better indicators of the dynamic of the Great Depression than those used by Carreras and Felice (2010) and allow to substantially revise the profile of the Crisis. The contraction appears to be more pronounced and persistent, placing the Italian experience more in line with that of other industrialised countries. The second chapter - The Italian Climacteric - presents new estimates of total factor productivity growth for Italy over the Fascist era and compares them with analogous ones for the pre-World War One period and for Germany and Britain. Because of the absence of a fully reliable GDP series, a dual growth accounting framework is employed. This approach permits the incorporation of new data on land rents and of new evidence on the returns to human capital. Results show that during the interwar era Italy experienced a “climacteric", defined as a cessation of TFP growth, which compares poorly with the coeval performance of Britain and Germany. This disappointing result contrasts vividly with what occurred in the late liberal Italy, when TFP grew less quickly than in Germany, but faster than in Britain. The third chapter - A Tale of Two Fascisms - offers the first quantitative assessment of labour productivity dynamics within the Italian industrial sector and of their links with Fascist competition policy. We argue that the institutional context in which Italian firms operated and, in particular, changes in the level of product market competition had a significant effect in determining their productivity performance. By relying on a new dataset and on new labour productivity estimates, we show that the earlier more liberal period of the Fascist era was characterised by a true productivity boom, which ended following the switch to a more interventionist industrial policy. Panel data evidence shows that reductions in the level of competition in the industrial sector were associated with lower productivity growth, while changes in industrial structure were a less significant factor.
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Chen, Hong. « Convergence, productivity and industrial growth in China during the reform era ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/271/.
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This thesis examines the Chinese economy by focusing on three issues: convergence, total factor productivity (TFP) and industrial growth. The study of convergence was undertaken using a panel of China’s 28 provinces over the period 1979-2004. The share of physical capital in China’s output was found to be 0.23 and the provinces were found to converge at a rate of 5.6 per cent per annum. To calculate the growth of TFP for China’s 29 provinces in this period, the non-parametric Malmquist index approach was employed in the analysis. It was found that, for China as a whole, TFP grew at a rate of 2.75 per cent per annum, which accounted for 30.02 per cent of its real GDP growth. The aim of the study of industrial growth was to examine the correlates of growth of 26 industries in 9 provinces of the Eastern Zone of China over the period 2001 to 2005. The analysis identified the dynamic externalities and province-specific externalities that were important to province-industrial growth. It also discovered an evident trend in the period under study of conditional convergence within the 26 industries in the Eastern Zone.
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Couton, Philippe. « The institutional participation of French and immigrant workers in 19th-century France / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36901.
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Recent theories of the social consequences of institutions point to aspects of class and ethnic relations that are not fully captured by conventional institutional perspectives. Using some of these recent theoretical contributions, this thesis analyzes the influence of institutional conditions on the mobilization of French and immigrant workers in late 19th-century northern France. Two main institutional structures are discussed: France's unique network of labour courts, and the socialist cooperatives created by Flemish workers in the 1880s. The empirical, chiefly archival evidence suggests two main conclusions: labour movements emerged and evolved strongly influenced by the judicial framing of labour relations, which they in turn sought to use and modify to their advantage; the institutional innovation of Flemish immigrant workers had a durable influence on the organization of labour politics in northern France, and contributed to their integration as active social and political participants.
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Low, Sui Pheng. « Strategic development of the built environment through international construction, quality and productivity management ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3614/.
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This thesis presents a coherent, sustained and substantial contribution to the advancement of knowledge or application of knowledge or both in the field of construction management and economics. More specifically, this thesis outlines the strategic development of the built environment through lessons from international construction, quality and productivity management. The strategic role of construction in economic development is emphasized. It describes the contributions transnational construction firms made towards modern-day construction project management practices globally. It establishes the relationship between construction quality and economic development and fosters a better understanding of total quality management and quality management systems in enhancing construction industry performance. Additionally, it prescribes lessons from the manufacturing industry for construction productivity and identifies the amount of carbon emissions reduced through lean construction management practices to alleviate the generally adverse effects of the built environment on global climate change. It highlights the need for integrated management systems to enhance quality and productivity for sustainable development in the built environment. The thesis is an account of how the built environment has evolved, leveraging on lessons from international construction, quality and productivity management for improvements over the past two decades.
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Mallen-Pisano, Jérémy. « Dynamique de la productivité et efficience allocative des marchés : Une analyse appliquée à l'industrie française ». Thesis, Nice, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NICE0055/document.
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Cette thèse vise à mettre à jour les relations qui existent entre les effets de sélection de marché et les gains de productivité au sein de l'industrie manufacturière française. L'a priori de la recherche est que les marchés en France favoriseraient moins efficacement qu'ailleurs, et notamment qu'aux États-Unis, les réallocations de ressources en faveur des entreprises les plus productives. La thèse propose une exploration empirique de cette hypothèse de travail s'appuyant sur des avancées théoriques récentes dans le champ de la dynamique industrielle, en particulier des modèles de concurrence monopolistique avec distorsions de marché et firmes hétérogènes. L'ensemble des travaux proposés est effectué à partir des données issues de l'Enquête Annuelle d'Entreprises (EAE) Cette base couvre l'ensemble des entreprises manufacturières françaises de plus de 20 employés sur la période 1990 à 2006. Globalement, nos résultats vont donc à l'encontre de notre a priori de recherche. Nous montrons en effet que les effets de sélection de marchés ont fortement contribué à la croissance de la productivité dans les secteurs industriels français, notamment sur la période récente. Nous montrons par ailleurs que les méthodes les plus récentes ne permettent pas de discriminer l'industrie française de l'industrie américaine au regard de critères d'efficience dans l'allocation intrasectorielle des ressources. Nous proposons enfin différentes pistes de réflexions futures notamment liées au développement d'outils plus dynamiques de mesure de l'inefficience allocativeWe research a link between the market selection effects and the productivity growth in the French manufacturing industry. Generally, we suppose that the French market has an allocative inefficiency, especially when comparing it with the American market. To appreciate this hypothesis, we suggest an empirical approach based on recent theoretical contributions in the fields of industrial dynamics, in particular when looking at market distortions and heterogeneous firms within the monopolistic competition models. All work proposals are based on Firm Annual Survey (EAE) data. This Database covers all French manufacturing firms which have more than 20 employees from 1990 to 2006. Overall, our results do not sustain our research hypothesis. Indeed, we find that the market selection effects have strongly contributed to the productivity growth of the French manufacturing industries, in particular in the recent period. On another side, we show that the most recent methods do not allow discriminating between the French manufacturing industries and the American manufacturing industries according to the efficiency criteria of the intrasectoriel resources reallocation process. Finally, we suggest different ways to go further, such as using theoretical dynamic tools including inefficiency allocative measures
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Ducoing, Ruiz Cristián Arturo. « Inversión en maquinaria, productividad del capital y crecimiento económico en el largo plazo : Chile 1830-1938 ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/662616.
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Durante los últimos 40 años, junto con los avances historiográficos en el ámbito de la historia económica, se ha generado un debate recurrente sobre el nivel económico de Latinoamérica durante el siglo XIX y cuál era el grado de industrialización de la región en los albores de la I Guerra Mundial. En el caso de Chile, esta pregunta está aún en vías de ser resuelta, pues aún no existe un trabajo cuantitativo definitivo y enriquecedor que logre situar las principales variables macroeconómicas del país en un contexto internacional.
La presente tesis doctoral pretende aportar a este debate, mediante el estudio del desempeño de la inversión, el stock y la productividad del capital en maquinaria de Chile durante el periodo 1830 - 1938. Ésta se inscribe dentro de la tradición de la historia económica cuantitativa y de reconstrucción de cuentas nacionales en el largo plazo. Las medidas de inversión y sus derivados, entiéndase precios, sectores, productividad y stock capital en maquinaria, tienen como fin, generar una aproximación al desempeño de la economía chilena en el siglo XIX y el primer tercio del XX, ampliando, complementando y criticando las visiones actuales del periodo mencionado. En este sentido, el principal objetivo es graficar el comportamiento de la economía chilena a través de su proceso de maquinización, entendiendo este paso como base de una futura industrialización o modernización, considerando los dos procesos como positivos para una economía en desarrollo. La elaboración de la serie de maquinaria en sus distintas facetas contribuirá a formar una idea más fidedigna con respecto a la estructura de esta economía latinoamericana, además de permitir comparaciones internacionales con países que ya han realizado procesos de reconstrucción de la inversión en maquinaria (UK, Países Bajos y Suecia)
Surgirán dos resultados posibles, que constituirán la hipótesis principal: 1) la inversión en maquinaria durante el periodo fue creciendo constantemente y aumentando la capacidad productiva del país; 2) la inversión en maquinaria no muestra un ritmo creciente en comparación con los países que estuvieron a la par de Chile y hoy son desarrollados; se fue estancando producto de la aparición de adversas condiciones y la aparición de actividades económicas rentables que necesitaron menos maquinaria y desincentivos institucionales a la inversión.
En correspondencia con el punto anterior, la presente disertación aportará datos relevantes a los procesos de divergencia y convergencia de la economía chilena, no solamente en relación con sus pares latinoamericanos, si no con el resto del mundo. Un ejemplo paradigmático, que grafica la divergencia, es la comparación con Suecia. El PIB per cápita del país nórdico en 1.890 era de US$ 2.086, mientras que el de Chile le seguía de muy cerca, con US$ 1.966. Lo interesante es que la importación de maquinaria per cápita de ambos países proveniente del Reino Unido - para entonces el principal exportador a estas dos economías similares en tamaño, población y estructura exportadora-, era de 50 libras esterlinas en el caso de Suecia (238.000 en total), mientras que en Chile la cifra ascendía a 121 libras (308.439 en total). Sin entrar aún en el análisis de la calidad de la maquinaria importada, es posible adelantar que esta relación de la maquinaria en la importación/producción irá mermando en el tiempo, aumentando la importación y producción de maquinaria per cápita en Suecia, mientras que en Chile aumentará la importación, hasta caer abruptamente durante la I Guerra Mundial y no recuperará esos niveles en un extenso periodo de tiempo. Sería muy aventurado asegurar que la divergencia entre Chile y Suecia pueda atribuirse en su totalidad a esta pérdida de ratio capital - trabajo, pero es un elemento a considerar para un análisis detallado de la productividad.
Como podrá advertirse, esta tesis podría caer en el viejo debate sobre si hubo o no un proceso industrializador en Chile antes del proceso de Industrialización por Sustitución de Importaciones. Para darle un enfoque moderno y aportar a la discusión, habrá un capítulo especial dedicado a esta cuestión, que entregará nuevas evidencias sobre el proceso de industrialización antes de la industrialización por sustitución de importaciones. Por lo tanto, sin desviarnos del objetivo primordial, que es entregar una aproximación al desempeño económico de Chile en el contexto latinoamericano, por medio de los indicadores de inversión en maquinaria, la disertación aportará al debate con nuevas evidencias sobre el desempeño industrial de Chile en el periodo 1880-1938.
La investigación se ha realizado en base a fuentes oficiales, principalmente las estadísticas de comercio exterior de la República de Chile, y cuando esto no ha sido posible, los anuarios estadísticos de Chile, que traen versiones más resumidas de los primeros. También se han utilizado fuentes extranjeras, como el "Annual Statement of the Trade" del Reino Unido, los "Chief Bureau of the Trade" de los Estados Unidos y recopilaciones hechas de Alemania ya trabajadas por otros autores. La principal externalidad positiva lograda con este tipo de recopilación de información y la metodología ocupada, es que se obtuvieron cifras desagregadas de la inversión en maquinaria, según su sector económico, permitiendo analizar la estructura económica de Chile en el XIX y la primera treintena del XX.
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Willaert, Émilie. « Au cœur de l'Europe en construction : la banque européenne d'investissement, la France et l'intégration économique de l'Europe, des années 1950 au début des années 1980 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040258.
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La banque européenne d’investissement (BEI) a été créée par le traité instituant la Communauté économique européenne (CEE), le 25 mars 1957, afin de contribuer au développement équilibré et sans heurt du marché commun. Ses interventions répondent à trois missions principales : contribuer à la mise en valeur des régions les moins développées de la Communauté, aider à la modernisation, à la conversion d’entreprises et à la création d’activités nouvelles, et enfin favoriser des projets qui présentent un intérêt commun aux États membres. L’exemple français montre comment son action s’inscrit dans l’ensemble des efforts destinés à l’intégration des économies européennes, pour la période s’étendant des débats relatifs à sa création, dans les années 1950, au début des années 1980 qui marque l’entrée de la Grèce dans le marché commun. L’analyse du cas de la France contribue a éclairer sur de nombreux points les conceptions et la politique européennes de la France durant cette périodeEuropean investment bank (EIB) was created by EEC treaty, march 25th 1957, in order to contribute to the balanced and steady development of the common market in the interest of the Community. Its loans target tree main goals : financing projects for developing less-developed regions; projects for modernising or converting undertakings or for developing fresh activities; projects of common interest to several member States.French example shows how it action take place in all the efforts made for integrate european economy, for ranging from debats regarding it creation, in 1950’s, to the biginning of 1980’s when Greece became a member state of EEC. The analysis of french exemple contribute to show, on several aspects, on french conception and european policy, during this period
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Cho, Sung Moon. « La céramique et la verrerie de table en France à l’époque de Jean Luce, 1910-1960 : de la conception à la réception des œuvres ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL101.
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À partir du fonds inédit du musée des Arts décoratifs de Paris consacré à Jean Luce (1895-1964), cette thèse éclaire l’histoire du service de table français entre 1910 et 1960. Bien que rarement considéré par les historiens de l’art, cet objet du quotidien reflète pourtant remarquablement les évolutions des arts visuels de ce demi-siècle. La création de Luce témoigne ainsi de toute la diversité du style Art déco puis de l’avènement du design dans l’immédiat après-guerre. Par ailleurs, il a réinventé le métier de créateur-éditeur de services de table, en dessinant des formes et des motifs aussi bien pour la céramique que pour la verrerie, en les faisant fabriquer par une chaîne industrielle et en les diffusant lui-même dans son magasin parisien de la rue La Boétie. Si son travail constitue notre point de départ, nous avons également considéré le rôle des dessinateurs industriels, des manufacturiers de porcelaine, de faïence et de verre ainsi que des commerçants car tous ces acteurs participent aux choix esthétiques effectués dans le cadre d’une production de masse. Il s’agit donc d’interroger les mécanismes à l’œuvre dans le développement et la propagation d’un style lors de la création, de la production et de la diffusion des services de table. Plus largement, l’évolution formelle de ce bien de consommation destiné à l’usage courant est aussi influencée par les mutations de la vie quotidienne et de la sociabilité. Par conséquent, notre enquête sur le service de table mobilise, en plus des outils de l’histoire de l’art, ceux de l’histoire socio-culturelleThis thesis sheds light on the history of the French tableware between 1910 and 1960 by examining the unexplored collection devoted to Jean Luce (1895-1964) at the Musée des Arts Décoratifs of Paris. These everyday objects are rarely studied by art historians, even though they remarkably capture the evolution of visual arts over that half-century. Luce’s creations exemplify the diversity of the Art Deco style in the inter-war period and the advent of design in the immediate post-war period. Furthermore, Luce reinvented the figure of the creator-editor specialized in this field by designing forms and motifs for both crockery and glassware, having them produced by an industrial chain and distributing them personally in his Parisian store on rue La Boétie. His work is our starting point, but we are also interested in the work of industrial designers, manufacturers of porcelain, earthenware and glass as well as tableware retailers, all of whom, in a mass production context, influenced aesthetic choices. From this, we look at how a style develops and spreads as we study the stages of creation, production and distribution of the tableware. More broadly, the evolution of these consumer goods was shaped by new manners of socializing and other changes in daily life. Consequently, our survey uses, in addition to the tools of art history, those of socio-cultural history
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Vacheron, Simon. « Mobiliser l’industrie textile (laine et coton). L’État, les entrepreneurs et les ouvriers dans l’effort de guerre, 1914-1920 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040139.
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Au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale, les industries de la laine et du coton se retrouvent entraînées dans la mobilisation industrielle. L’intervention de l’État dans ces branches se révèle indispensable, et une nouvelle relation s’établit entre la puissance publique et les entreprises. La modification de la teinte de l’uniforme, sa large diffusion à près de huit millions d’appelés sur quatre ans et la perte des bassins industriels du Nord et de l’Est conduisent à la mise sous contrôle de l’État de presque toute l’industrie lainière, tandis que l’industrie cotonnière reste indépendante jusqu’en 1917. Cette relation s’étend jusque dans les importations de matières premières, avec une centralisation progressive qui exclut le commerce privé, mais associe négociants et industriels. En outre, la gestion de la main-d’œuvre constitue un défi quotidien pour les entreprises. Le besoin de travailleurs reste important, et les difficultés liées aux conditions de travail et au renchérissement de la vie entraînent des tensions sociales, malgré l’Union sacrée observée par les organisations syndicales. Dans le même temps, la perte des principaux territoires industriels représente une aubaine pour les autres régions, dont celles dont l’industrie textile est sur le déclin avant la guerre. Les fortes demandes de l’armée et les hauts prix du commerce privé entraînent des bénéfices importants, et conduisent l’État à adopter une fiscalité de guerre et réprimer les abus. Le retour des industries sinistrées à la fin du conflit, la question des dommages de guerre et la réintégration de l’Alsace-Lorraine mettent les industries textiles face à des changements radicauxDuring the World War I, the industries of the wool and the cotton find themselves pulled(entailed) in the industrial mobilization. The intervention of the State in these branches shows itself essential, and a new relation becomes established between the public authorities and the companies. The modification of the colour of the uniform, its wide distribution about eight million conscripts over four years and the loss of the industrial areas of the North and east lead to the putting under control of the State of almost all the wool trade, whereas the cotton industry remains independent until 1917. This relation extends to the imports of raw materials, with a progressive centralization which excludes any private business(trade), but associates traders and industrialists. Besides, the management of the workforce constitutes a daily challenge for companies. The need in workforce remains important, and the difficulties bound in working conditions and to the increased cost living trigger social tensions, in spite of the “Union sacrée” respected by labor unions. At the same time, the loss of the main industrial territories represents a chance of a lifetime for the other regions, among which those whose textile industry is on the decline before the war. The high demands of the army and the high prices of private trade yeld important profits, and lead the State to adopt a war tax system and to repress the abuses. The return of the stricken industries at the end the conflict, the question of war damage and reinstatement of Alsace-Lorraine put the textile industries in the face of radical changes
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Coursiéras, Cécile. « Poliet et Chausson (1901-1971). Ascension et déclin d'une grande entreprise cimentière française ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040072.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’industrie cimentière française possède une influence internationale considérable. L’entreprise Lafarge est aujourd’hui le numéro un mondial du ciment. Ses concurrents français sont tout aussi performants. On peut citer Vicat, entreprise familiale, ou la société Ciment Français, filiale du groupe Heidelberg-Italcementi. Ciments Français est une entreprise héritière du groupe Poliet et Chausson. En 1971, suite au rachat de la branche cimentière de Poliet et Chausson par Ciments Français, les départements des ciments des deux groupes fusionnent. Puis, Poliet et Chausson est transformée en société holding de distribution de matériaux de construction sous le nom de Poliet S.A. Elle est rachetée par Saint Gobain en 1996 et son nom disparaît. La firme a pourtant été la première entreprise française de ciment en 1930. C’est la monographie de cette entreprise que s’attache à retranscrire cette thèse. L’histoire de Poliet et Chausson au cours du XXe siècle est tortueuse. Par un effet d’aubaine, cette entreprise parisienne de matériaux de construction, profite de l’invention du marché du ciment pour devenir l’un des plus grands producteurs de ciment français au cours des années 1930. Sa trajectoire est parallèle à celle de l’entreprise Lafarge. Elle en diffère cependant par bien des points. Émaillée d’embûches, elle oscille entre des moments de succès considérables et des périodes plus troublées. Entre industrialisation et désindustrialisation, l’histoire de Poliet et Chausson s’écrit dans l’ombre de son concurrent plus brillant, Lafarge. Comment expliquer la réussite de l’un et la disparition de l’autre ?The French cement industry has considerable international influence. Lafarge is now the world's largest cement company. Its French competitors are equally performing. These include Vicat, a family business, or Ciment Français, a subsidiary of the Italcementi group. Ciments Français is a company inheriting from the group Poliet and Chausson. In 1971, following the purchase of the cement sector of Poliet and Chausson by Ciments Français, the cement departments of the two groups merged. Then Poliet and Chausson was transformed into a holding company for the distribution of building materials under the name Poliet S.A. It was bought by Saint Gobain in 1996 and its name disappeared. The firm was, however, the first French cement company in 1930. This thesis attempts to transcribe the monography of Poliet and Chausson. The history of Poliet and Chausson during the twentieth century is tortuous. Through a windfall effect, this Parisian company of building materials, profits from the invention of the cement market to become one of the largest producers of French cement in the 1930s. Its trajectory is parallel to that of the Lafarge company. However, it differs in many aspects. It is fraught with obstacles, and oscillates between moments of considerable success and more troubled periods. Between industrialization and desindustrialization, the story of Poliet and Chausson is written in the shadow of its brighter competitor, Lafarge. How can we explain the success of the one and the disappearance of the other?
Livres sur le sujet "Industrial productivity – France – History"
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Jean Fourastié, un expert en productivité : La modernisation de la France (années trente-années cinquante. Besançon : Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2008.
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Boulat, Régis. Jean Fourastié, un expert en productivité : La modernisation de la France (années trente-années cinquante. Besançon : Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2008.
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Greenan, Nathalie. Computers and productivity in France : Some evidence. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, 1996.
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Everaert, Luc. Capital operating time and total factor productivity growth in France. Washington, D.C : European I Department, 2003.
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France-Allemagne : Du chômage endémique à la prospérité retrouvée. Paris : Translavor-Presses des mines, 2011.
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E, Caves Richard, dir. Britain's productivity gap. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] : Cambridge University Press, 1987.
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1930-, Griliches Zvi, et Mairesse Jacques, dir. Productivity issues in services at the micro level : A special issue of the Journal of productivity analysis. Boston : Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1993.
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Kipping, Matthias. Much Ado about nothing ? : Productivity drive and management training in France (1945-1960). Reading, England : University of Reading, Dept. of Economics, 1996.
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Nordhaus, William D. Retrospective on the 1970s productivity slowdown. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, 2004.
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Organization, Asian Productivity. 50 years of the Asian Productivity Organization : Productivity jubilee, 1961-2011. Tokyo : Asian Productivity Organization, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Industrial productivity – France – History"
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Chevet, Jean-Michel. « 9. The growth of plough team productivity during the nineteenth century in the Île-de-France ». Dans Comparative Rural History of the North Sea Area, 159–80. Turnhout : Brepols Publishers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.corn-eb.4.00075.
Texte intégral
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Béaur, Gérard. « 5. From the North Sea to Berry and Lorraine : land productivity in Northern France, 13th-19th centuries ». Dans Comparative Rural History of the North Sea Area, 136–67. Turnhout : Brepols Publishers, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.corn-eb.4.00102.
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Le Goff, Tim J. A. « 7. Agricultural production and productivity in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century France : new evidence from the Hospices de Dijon ». Dans Comparative Rural History of the North Sea Area, 125–47. Turnhout : Brepols Publishers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.corn-eb.4.00073.
Texte intégral
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Nacci, Michela. « Il carattere di Jules Michelet ». Dans Studi e saggi, 123–43. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-160-0.08.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the national character in Jules Michelet. Michelet supports an essentialist version of the character. According him, it is caused by natural elements: geography, food and the various regions that make up France. These elements are spiritualized over time: it is the history that gave rise to the character of the French. The result is the complete fusion of all differences in a nation-individual: a generous person towards humanity. The French character is contrasted with the English character: selfish, greedy, all devoted to work and earnings. It is precisely because of their different characters that France has given the world the Revolution and England the Industrial Revolution, a phenomenon that mechanizes work, that destroys the body and soul of the workers.
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Morgan, Kevin, Terry Marsden et Jonathan Murdoch. « The Commodity World in Wales ». Dans Worlds of Food. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199271580.003.0014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the first industrial nation, the UK was one of the earliest countries to experience the industrialization of agriculture, a process that led to an unprecedented increase in productivity, with more and more food produced by fewer and fewer people. Early exposure to intensive food production clearly left an abiding cultural legacy; to this day, one of the proudest boasts of the British food industry is that it renders cheap food to the consuming public at ever lower prices. This production ethos was both cause and consequence of a mainstream consumption culture which sets a high premium on price and treats food more as fuel than as pleasure. In his thousandyear history of British food, Spencer (2002) caught this aesthetic perfectly when he suggested that the British ‘were unexcited by the food they ate, but they knew that they had to get on and eat the wretched stuff’. In its attachment to cheap, processed food, the UK is far closer to the US, the quintessential fast-food nation, than to Italy, France, or Spain, countries where there continues to be a strong cultural appetite for fresh, local, and seasonal food. Although Britain’s cheap-food culture has complex and manifold causes, its origins lie in the early period of industrialization, especially in the system of colonial preferences from the Commonwealth countries, which created a low-cost template for locally produced food. In other words, the global–local interplay that did so much to shape economy and society in Britain also influenced the economics of food production and the culture of food consumption. To a greater extent than in other European countries, the supermarkets have become the key players in shaping food consumption patterns in the UK. As in California, retailer power is now the key to understanding the enormous asymmetries of power that punctuate the British agri-food chain from farm to fork. One reason why supermarkets seem to wield so much more power in the UK than their analogues in other countries is that there is less countervailing power at the production end of the UK food chain.
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Endelman, Todd M. « Welcoming Ex-Jews into the Jewish Historiographical Fold ». Dans Broadening Jewish History, 82–92. Liverpool University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113010.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter refers to the emancipation and enlightenment that failed to uproot hoary views about Jewish otherness nor erase the stigma of Jewishness in an era of unconditional social acceptance. It talks about how Jews became 'less Jewish' when antisemitism persisted and, in some contexts, worsened. It also explains how the enlightenment and scientific and industrial revolutions undermined the doctrinal foundations of Christianity, which initiated the tradition of viewing Jews as demonic outsiders and did not eliminate the stigma attached to Jewishness. The chapter explores the perception that Jews were different in kind from non-Jews that was too rooted in Western culture and sentiment to disappear when the religious doctrines that had engendered it in the first place weakened. It then describes Jews in liberal states like Britain, France, and the United States, who found being Jewish problematic to one degree or another.
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Waters, Sarah. « Capitalism, Work and Suicide ». Dans Suicide Voices, 25–70. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789622232.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chapter one draws on histories of suicide and historical studies of industrial labour in order to examine whether work suicide constitutes a new phenomenon reflecting the historically specific conditions of neoliberalism. Despite the poor material conditions of labour under industrial capitalism, there are few recorded cases of work-related suicide. In 19th century France, suicide was characterised as a marginal phenomenon that affected the most impoverished social groups: the jobless, the destitute or the infirm. The chapter examines the structural transformations that have precipitated a rise of suicides in the workplace and in particular, the shift to a finance-driven economic order. From a source of productivity and therefore profit under industrial capitalism, labour has become, in the contemporary context, an obstacle to rational and extraneous financial goals that needs to be removed. Suicides are the product of differential neoliberal management regimes. On the one hand, suicides affected workers who were pushed to their very limits by management in a bid to increase their individual productivity, economic worth and therefore maximise profits. On the other, suicides affected workers who were pushed out of the workplace as a form of surplus cost.
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Brenner, Robert. « Property and Progress : Where Adam Smith Went Wrong ». Dans Marxist History-writing for the Twenty-first Century. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264034.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the first half of the twentieth century there was widespread agreement as to whether the way to understand the historical emergence of economic development in the West was through the theoretical lens provided by Adam Smith. This chapter critiques Smith's view of the transition through which the pre-capitalist social property relations were transformed into capitalist property relations – a transition that is believed to have been mistakenly attributed by Smith to the expansion of trade. It is argued instead that the rise of capitalist social property relations in England, which led to economic development, was instead catalyzed by the growth of specialization, investment, and the rising labour productivity in agriculture. In addition, it is argued that industrial and economic development were caused by the separation of the manufacturing from the peasantry.
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Wong, Yue Chim Richard. « New Strategies Needed as Third Industrial Age Unfolds ». Dans Fixing Inequality in Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390625.003.0029.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Many today believe the world has entered the Third Industrial Age, during which technological improvements in robotics and automation will boost productivity and efficiency, implying significant gains for companies. These advancements have three biases: they tend to be capital-intensive (favoring those with financial resources), skill-intensive (favoring those with a high level of technical proficiency), and labor saving (reducing the total number of unskilled and semi-skilled jobs). The pundits speculate the economic impact on the job market will be significant and will present serious social and political challenges for society in growing inequality and the provision of safety nets to mitigate the consequences of disruptive technological progress. History has shown capitalist markets and business enterprises are incredibly efficient at turning technological advances into profitable businesses and providing incentives to discover new technologies. They succeed because companies that compete successfully with each other to provide benefits for clients are rewarded handsomely.
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Simpson, Thula. « Adapt or Die ». Dans History of South Africa, 237–48. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197672020.003.0018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The chapter discusses the protests coordinated by the Soweto Students' Representative Council in the immediate aftermath of the June 1976 uprisings, and the ANC's attempts to capitalize on the ferment by establishing itself in Soweto. Both initiatives were crushed, but the ANC was able to regroup in exile, benefiting from the recent independence of Angola and Mozambique, which respectively granted the South African movement military camps and transit routes. Steve Biko's murder in 1977 saw South Africa targeted for fresh international outrage, while Britain, France, West Germany, the United States, and Canada launched an initiative to pave a non-revolutionary path toward Namibian independence. Their intervention resulted in the passage of UN Resolution 435. The chapter ends by considering the collapse of the industrial color bar amid the growing strength of black workers, as was manifested by the flourishing of African trade unions.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Industrial productivity – France – History"
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Faidy, Claude. « Comparison and Harmonization of French RCCM and ASME Code ». Dans 18th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone18-29773.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The objectives of this paper is to discuss technical harmonization of Nuclear Codes and Standards, based on French long experience in Codes and Standards used for design-fabrication and operation of nuclear components (mainly pressure retaining components). After a long period of use of ASME Section III code, during the Westinghouse licensing process, AFCEN (AREVA, EDF and the major manufacturers) decided to develop their own AFCEN French Codes. The 1st version has been issued in 1980 and the last one in 2007, completed by annual addendum. During more than 20 years the 2 Codes, RCCM and ASME Section III, have leave separately, with different constraints like industrial history, localisation of fabrication, more new plants in France than in USA, different R&D programs to support Code improvement… Recently a detailed review of differences for class 1 vessel has showed under a “general global quality equivalence”, a lot of differences in the Code development process, in the Code organization, in the scopes, in the State of the Art fulfillment, in ageing consideration at the design stage, in relation with national or international regulations, in term of standards used or complementary specification needs… The harmonization of Codes and Standards is possible under an important effort to move toward new ideas, more international rules and with a strong support of national safety authorities.
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Faidy, Claude. « Toward International Harmonization of Nuclear Codes and Standards ». Dans ASME 2010 Pressure Vessels and Piping Division/K-PVP Conference. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2010-25187.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The objectives of this paper is to discuss technical harmonization of Nuclear Codes and Standards, based on French long experience in Codes and Standards used for design-fabrication and operation of nuclear components (mainly pressure retaining components). After a long period of use of ASME Section III code, during the Westinghouse licensing process, AFCEN (AREVA, EDF and the major manufacturers) decided to develop their own AFCEN French Codes. The 1st version has been issued in 1980 and the last one in 2007, completed by annual addendum. During more than 20 years the 2 Codes, RCCM and ASME Section III, have left separately, with different constraints like industrial history, localization of fabrication, more new plants in France than in USA, different R&D programs to support Code improvement. Recently a detailed review of differences for class 1 vessel has shown under a “general global quality equivalence”, a lot of differences in the Code development process, in the Code organization, in the scopes, in the State of the Art fulfillment, in ageing consideration at the design stage, in relation with national or international regulations, in term of standards used or complementary specification needs. The harmonization of Codes and Standards is possible under an important effort to move toward new ideas, more international rules and with a strong support of national safety authorities.
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AlRammah, Ahmed Mustafa, Saleh Saad AlFuwaires et Fadhel Ghuwainem. « Sea Water Injection Department's Unmanned Operation ». Dans ADIPEC. SPE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/211046-ms.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract By exploiting forth industrial revolution technologies such as advanced facility data analytics, robotics for inspection, and highspeed network connectivity through fiber optics and industrial wi-fi Saudi Aramco's Sea Water Injection Department was able to disturb conventional operation and transition its UWIP1 to a smartly operated plant. UWIP1 has been transferred from manned operation into unmanned operation. Aramco's Sea Water Injection Department (SWID) is pioneering industry-leading Digital Transformation (DT) initiatives in advanced facility data analytics, robotics for inspection, and industrial Wi-Fi through an evolving "Integrated Intelligent Operation for Seawater Treatment". Reservoirs distant from the Gulf used to require significant quantities of saline, non-potable groundwater for injection. To replace most withdrawals from this source, Aramco built in 1979 the Qurayyah Seawater Treatment Plant (QSWP), the world's largest for reservoir pressure maintenance. SWID operates QSWP together with a vast associated pipeline network over a large geographic area covering Ghawar, one of the largest conventional oil fields in the world, as well as Khurais, development of which was the largest crude oil expansion program in oil industry history. Seawater is conveyed to hundreds of injection wells. Operating this system is challenging, with the compound effects of massive throughput, complex network, ageing equipment, corrosive seawater, and the "Great Crew Shift" onboarding young talent in place of experienced ones. To resolve these challenges, SWID tapped into the transformational power of DT technologies across the end-to-end water injection value chain to yield benefits in productivity, sustainability and workforce engagement.
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Faidy, Claude. « International Harmonisation : A Key Challenge for Mechanical Components Codes and Standards ». Dans ASME 2013 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2013-97968.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Many Code Comparisons have been done by different organizations. The differences are better and better known by Code Development Organizations like ASME, AFCEN, JSME, KEPIC, CSA and NIKIET. This paper uses the last MDEP (Multinational Design Evaluation Program) comparison for class 1 components to classify differences in different aspects: - National regulatory requirements - Technical differences - Scope differences. Few examples are selected to confirm needs of harmonization in different areas like: documentation, design rules, materials, product specifications, welding and non destructive examination personal qualifications. The paper concludes on selected topics proposed for harmonization by AFCEN. The objectives of this paper is to discuss technical harmonization of Nuclear Codes and Standards, based on French long experience in Codes and Standards used for design-fabrication and operation of nuclear components (mainly pressure retaining components). After a long period of use of ASME Section III code, during the Westinghouse licensing process, AFCEN (AREVA, EDF and the major manufacturers) decided to develop their own AFCEN French Codes. The 1st version has been issued in 1980 and the last one in 2007, completed by annual addendum. During more than 20 years the 2 Codes, RCC-M and ASME Section III, have leave separately, with different constraints like industrial history, localisation of fabrication, more new plants in France than in USA, different R&D programs to support Code improvement… Recently a detailed review of differences for class 1 vessel has showed under a “general global quality equivalence”, a lot of differences in the Code development process, in the Code organization, in the scopes, in the State of the Art fulfillment, in ageing consideration at the design stage, in relation with national or international regulations, in term of standards used or complementary specification needs… The harmonization of Codes and Standards is possible under an important effort to move toward new ideas, more international rules and with a strong support of national safety authorities.