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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Industrial policy – Italy – History »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 11 mars 2023

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1

Pulignano, Valeria. « Union struggle and the crisis of industrial relations in Italy ». Capital & ; Class 27, n^o 1 (mars 2003) : 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981680307900101.

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This paper argues that the Berlusconi government is seeking to replace the ‘social concertation’ arrangement between government and trade unions with ‘social dialogue’ in an effort to undermine trade union ‘power’. This endeavour by the government to impose a policy of ‘social dialogue’ would severely limit trade unions' influence in economic and social policy decision-making and leave Berlusconi free to introduce reforms favouring his friends in employer organisations. One likely outcome would be the deregulation of the Italian labour market strongly damaging workers' rights.

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Brusco, Sebastiano, et Ezio Righi. « Local government, industrial policy and social consensus : the case of Modena (Italy) ». Economy and Society 18, n^o 4 (novembre 1989) : 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085148900000020.

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Guercini, Simone, et Annalisa Tunisini. « Formalizing in business networks as a tool for industrial policy ». IMP Journal 11, n^o 1 (13 mars 2017) : 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imp-07-2015-0040.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the issue of “formalization” in business networks as an instrument of industrial policy. Formalization in business networks is not a debated topic but it can affect organizational and inter-organizational dynamics considerably. The aim of the paper is to understand if the introduction of a normative tool that enhances formalized networks can be effective to promote network aggregations among SMEs. Second, the aim is to understand if this formalization supports good-working networks, i.e., capable to introduce new products or to enter new markets/customers. Design/methodology/approach The paper refers to a review of the literature and mainly to an empirical research on formalized network contracts (NCs) that have been conducted in the latest two years. This research has used both secondary data, collected accessing to databases and reports given by institutions and the government, and primary data, collected in specific direct interviews. These interviews have been concerned both institutions such as Chamber of Commerce, Confindustria and the Ministry of Economic Development and the Small Business Association, and 15 cases of NCs in Italy. Findings The formalization has consequences both internally and externally to the NC. Internally it can act as an element to reduce ambiguity and building elements of “fragile trust,” in the absence of basic elements of “resilient trust” and in the presence of changes in the competitive environment. Externally, the formalization through the NC allows the policy maker to identify more clearly companies’ aggregations in order to let them being destination of specific industrial policies. However even if the formalization has in some cases enhanced new networks’ creation, in many cases formalization has generated positive results when companies had already experienced networking outside the frame of the NC. Research limitations/implications Further research on formalization in networks should be developed following the “history” of formalized networks over time in order to understand how much formalization should be used as a long-term tool for industrial policy. Practical implications The paper can be useful both for companies that want to sign a NC and for the institutions developing industrial policies devoted to support companies’ aggregations in the form of NC. Originality/value The paper presents a new legal tool – the “NC” – introduced in 2009 by the Italian Government to enhance firms’ aggregation; second, the paper debates the topic of formalization in networks that is not much debated in literature; and finally, the paper also adopts an industrial economic approach and is among the few attempts to integrate industrial policies and industrial marketing and purchasing thinking.

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Andreoni, Luca. « Oilseed Cakes in Italy and France : Opportunities and Difficulties of a Market (late 19th and first half of the 20th Century) ». Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, n^o 1 (30 avril 2021) : 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0006.

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Abstract This paper addresses the trade and commercialisation of oilseed cakes (residues from the extraction of oils) and press cakes in Italy and France during the last decades of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century. It tries to demonstrate that the diffusion of oilseed cakes for livestock, a distinctive sign of the intensification of breeding that involved all of Europe, or as organic fertilisers, took place at the crossroads of multiple dynamics. Trade policy of the states, industrial choices and development paths of the different rural worlds help to explain the variations in timing, spatial scale and methods used. The spread of oilseed cakes confirms that the modernisation of European agriculture happened on different and interrelated fronts.

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Turner, Clara, Marco R. Di Tommaso, Chiara Pollio et Karen Chapple. « Who will win the electric vehicle race ? The role of place-based assets and policy ». Local Economy : The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 35, n^o 4 (juin 2020) : 337–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094220956826.

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Regional economies are shaped by their economic histories and existing endowments. This paper explores the question: how do a region’s economic history and institutional endowments affect its success and trajectory in an emerging industry? Our case, electric vehicle development and production, is an industry which combines more traditional skilled manufacturing with knowledge-driven innovation activities. We present deep qualitative case studies of two regions, focusing on one firm in each. The case of Tesla in the San Francisco Bay Area examines an electric vehicle firm in a region with a strong tech innovation system, while the case of Maserati in Emilia-Romagna, Italy, examines a firm that builds on a regional history of automotive manufacturing. Across cases, we compare regional skill endowments, institutional coordination, and place-based policymaking. We conclude that, as an emerging industry under a new economic paradigm, electric vehicle manufacturing by Tesla and Maserati represents two different conceptions of the industry and consequently two different location strategies. Yet these two strategies remain rooted in regional contexts, owing both their success to successful exploitations of these, and their struggles to their failure to compensate for regional gaps. This presents a clear opportunity for place-based industrial strategy to evolve and intervene.

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Paolini, Federico. « Transport and the environment in Italy (1950-2006) ». ECONOMICS AND POLICY OF ENERGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, n^o 2 (septembre 2012) : 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/efe2012-002010.

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Historians - and not only in Italy - have begun only in recent years to address in detail the environmental problems caused by transport. In recent years we have seen an attempt at creating a new interdisciplinary study sector (environmental mobility studies) with the aim of studying, from the environmental point of view, the many topics concerning mobility. This article aims at putting forward a brief survey of the development of transport in Italy (taking into consideration the time span between the end of the Second World War and the early part of the 21st century) with a perspective which stands between environmental history and environmental mobility studies. The chief objective of this paper is to analyze, and possibly assess the environmental impact of transport, utilizing indicators referring to the driving forces (extension of infrastructures, traffic volume) to environmental pressures (emissions of carbon dioxide, PM10, NOx, waste production per worker) and to environmental impacts (energy resources consumption). In particular, in the article the author uses the notion of virtual water, an easily applicable indicator for industrial production (it does not require the necessary complex calculations, used for example to assess the ecological footprint) useful for quantifying the environmental impact caused by the production and utilization of means of transport.

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A'Hearn, Brian. « Von der Autarkie zum Wirtschaftswunder : Wirtschaftspolitik und industrieller Wandel in Italien 1935–1963. By Rolf Petri. Tübingen : Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2001. Pp. 534. » Journal of Economic History 63, n^o 1 (mars 2003) : 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703301809.

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Italy's transformation in little more than a century from a backward, agricultural periphery to one of the world's leading countries is one of economic history's success stories. Especially successful were the "economic miracle" years of 1950–1963, during which Italy maintained rates of growth second only to those of Japan and Germany and largely completed the structural transition to a modern, industrial economy. Rolf Petri argues that this success was built on a foundation laid in the 1930s and '40s by the fascist policy of autarchia. Autarchy policy identified and gave a decisive push to precisely those industries that proved most dynamic in the economic miracle. Employing a wide range of tools, from macroeconomic policy, through administrative control of foreign trade and the allocation of credit, to direct participation in the form of state-owned enterprises, the fascist regime created and nurtured firms, supported research and development activities, and encouraged investment in new physical plant and licensing of foreign technology. While the author eschews any statements about whether autarchia was necessary, good, or efficient and does not hide its shortcomings and failures, the flavor of this account is nonetheless positive. This contrasts with most other assessments, which have deemed autarchy policy contradictory and ad hoc, the cause of enormous waste and gross misallocation of resources.

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Millan, Matteo. « ‘The Public Force of the Private State’ – Strikebreaking and Visions of Subversion in Liberal Italy (1880s to 1914) ». European History Quarterly 49, n^o 4 (octobre 2019) : 625–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419864500.

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From the end of the nineteenth century onwards, Italy witnessed a significant increase in labour conflicts, trade unionism and social protests, all of which shook the foundations of the liberal state. Following the failure of the authorities’ attempts to deal with mass protests, efforts were made under the governments of Giovanni Giolitti to adopt new policing policies that embraced state neutrality in social conflicts and the deployment at the same time of substantial police forces to prevent the escalation of conflict and bloodshed. The success of these policies is highly questionable and there were major differences in this respect between northern and southern Italy, and between rural and industrial areas. Nevertheless, these policies contributed to the fear of abandonment and desire for revenge felt by significant sections of the propertied classes, and the issue of strikebreaking was at the centre of the controversy. Focusing on the Po Valley, this article first presents a broad overview of the political situation in Italy with emphasis on policing policies and work replacement, then analyses the various forms of legal and illegal private strike-breaker protection organizations that took on clear subversive aims. Drawing on newspapers and archival records, the article highlights the overlap between private and public law enforcement and the combination of coercion and consensus in the Italian countryside. The long-term consequences of the unresolved issue of strikebreaking and private policing help explain the rise of Fascism after the Great War.

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Stanca, Lorenzo. « Investimenti diretti cinesi in Italia : da ruscello a fiume ? » ECONOMIA E POLITICA INDUSTRIALE, n^o 1 (avril 2009) : 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/poli2009-001009.

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- Chinese outbound direct investments have experienced a strong increase in the last five years, spurred by the "Go Abroad" policy launched by the Chinese Government in 2002. Europe still ranks at the bottom of the list among the destinations of Chinese direct investments, but it is the fastest growing one. Within Europe, Italy is a late comer in attracting Chinese investments, but has been catching up quickly in the last few years. Investments have been made mostly in the logistics and in the manufacturing sector. In 2008 the acquisition of Cifa, a leading producer of cement-working machines, by Zoomlion signalled an important step in the history of Chinese investments in Italy. It is the largest Chinese acquisition in Europe so far and for the first time the Chinese investor is looking at integrating foreign management into its own managing structure. On average the size of Chinese companies investing in Italy is much larger than that of Italian companies looking at China for expansion. Furthermore, Chinese firms are focusing increasingly on manufacturing companies and are shunning those that do not appear in good shape. Acquiring a market share in Europe is the primary aim of Chinese companies investing in Italy, while the acquisition of technological skills plays a secondary role. Keywords: foreign direct investments, China, Italian industry, acquisitions Parole chiave: investimenti diretti all'estero, Cina, industria italiana, acquisizioni Jel Classification: F2

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Pizzolato, Nicola. « Revolution in a Comic Strip : Gasparazzo and the Identity of Southern Migrants in Turin, 1969–1975 ». International Review of Social History 52, S15 (21 novembre 2007) : 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003124.

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Between 1969 and 1975, in Turin, a social movement with migrants from southern Italy as its protagonists addressed the issues of working conditions in the automobile plants, and housing and living standards in the city's overcrowded working-class neighbourhoods. Southern migrants, from different regions and speaking sometimes mutually incomprehensible dialects, forged a collective identity as Meridionali – “southerners” – and claimed recognition as fully fledged citizens of Turin's industrial society. This identity-building was captured in the making through the satirical cartoons featuring Gasparazzo, the character of a southern worker at FIAT who struggled daily with the alienation of work, the arrogance of supervisors, the repression enforced by the police, and, back in the south, the backwardness of the social system. Although the publication of Gasparazzo ended abruptly in 1972 the qualities of the cartoon character continued to resonate in succeeding years. As militancy waned and the social movement started to crumble, Gasparazzo came to symbolize the nostalgic model of a working-class hero rather than any actual southerner in the plant.

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Rakonjac, Aleksandar. « IZMEĐU TRANSFERA TEHNOLOGIJA I DOMAĆIH REŠENJA : IZGRADNJA MOTORNE INDUSTRIJE U JUGOSLAVIJI 1945−1952. » Istorija 20. veka 40, n^o 2/2022 (1 août 2022) : 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.rak.405-422.

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This article aims to shed light on how the Yugoslav motor industry in the first post-war years sought to overcome the difficulties of mastering the technology of motor vehicle production on a modern industrial basis. During this period, gigantic efforts were made to get the country out of economic backwardness in the shortest possible time. The motor industry had one of the key roles on the path of modernization of the economy, and the state accordingly paid special attention to the construction of factories in this branch of industry. Reliance on pre-war pioneering moves of truck fabrication based on a license purchased in Czechoslovakia was the main capital with which began the process of emancipation of the domestic motor industry. Due to the impossibility to independently solve the issue of construction of all types of motor vehicles, help was sought abroad. Negotiations with the USSR and Hungary were started first, but even before the severance of all relations caused by the conflict between the Yugoslav and Soviet leadership, this attempt to establish cooperation failed. In the following years, after the failure in the East, the state concentrated all its efforts on establishing strong economic ties with the West. Thanks to favorable foreign policy circumstances, the reorientation of state policy had achieved great economic benefits for the further construction of the motor industry. Licenses for the fabrication of the “Ansaldo TCA/60” tractor were purchased, thus resolving the production of all heavy types of vehicles, as well as the production of oil-powered engines. By the early 1950s, cooperation had been established with several renowned companies from Germany, Italy and Switzerland, which provided opportunities for the Yugoslav engine industry to keep pace with the latest technological solutions. However, despite the transfer of technology that played a dominant role in raising the national car and tractor industry, domestic forces played a significant role in the production of the first air-cooled engine, a light wheeled tractor with a gasoline engine and the “Prvenac” truck. The Yugoslav example has shown that reliance on one’s own strength and international cooperation are two inextricably important factors in overcoming all the difficulties that come with the forced industrialization.

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Balletto, Ginevra, Mara Ladu, Alessandra Milesi, Federico Camerin et Giuseppe Borruso. « Walkable City and Military Enclaves : Analysis and Decision-Making Approach to Support the Proximity Connection in Urban Regeneration ». Sustainability 14, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14010457.

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Accessibility and urban walkability are the cornerstones of urban policies for the contemporary city, which needs to be oriented towards sustainable development principles and models. Such aims are included in the objectives of the 2030 Agenda, as well as in the ambitious objectives of the ‘European Green Deal’. These concepts are closely linked to the paradigm of a sustainable city—livable, healthy and inclusive—based on a system of high-quality public spaces and on a network of services and infrastructures, both tangible and intangible, capable of strengthening and building new social, economic and environmental relationships. It is necessary to recognize potential opportunities for connection and permeability in consolidated urban environments. These are very often fragmented and are characterized by enclaves of very different kinds. Ghettoes and gated communities, old industrial plants and military installations and facilities, to cite a few, represent examples of cases where closures on urban fabrics are realized, impeding full walkability and accessibility. Within such a framework, the present research is aimed at focusing on a particular set of enclaves, such as those represented by the military sites being reconfigured to civilian use, a phenomenon that characterizes many urban areas in the world; in Europe; and in Italy, in particular, given the recent history and the Cold War infrastructure heritage. In such a sense, the city of Cagliari (Sardinia Island, Italy) represents an interesting case study as it is characterized by the presence of a series of military complexes; real ‘enclaves’ influencing the proximity connections; and, more generally, walkability. Building on previous research and analysis of policies and projects aimed at reintroducing, even partially, this military asset into civilian life (Green Barracks Project (GBP)-2019), this paper proposes and applies a methodology to evaluate the effects of urban regeneration on walkability in a flexible network logic, oriented to the ‘15 min city’ model or, more generally, to the renewed, inclusive, safe “city of proximity”, resilient and sustainable.

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Eres, Ana. « The Venice biennale and art in Belgrade in the 1950s. A contribution to the study of the artistic dialogue between Italy and Serbia ». Balcanica, n^o 53 (2022) : 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253227e.

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Throughout the twentieth century the International Art Exhibition Venice Biennale was seen as a major event by the art world of Belgrade and, more broadly, of Serbia and Yugoslavia. After the Second World War this biggest and most important international show of contemporary art provided Belgrade?s artists and art critics with an opportunity to acquaint themselves with the latest developments on the international art scene. At the same time, it was used as a platform for the leading figures of Belgrade?s artistic and cultural-policy establishment to create, through the exhibitions mounted in the national pavilion, an image of the country?s artistic contemporaneity aimed at achieving its desired standing in the West. The attitude of Belgrade?s art scene to the Venice Biennale went through a particularly interesting phase in the 1950s. Its transformations offer an opportunity to observe, analyse and expand the knowledge about the changes that marked that turbulent decade in the history of Serbian art, which went a long way from dogmatically exclusive socialist realism to the institutionalization of a high-modernist language as the dominant model. Based on the reconstruction of Yugoslavia?s sustained participation in the Venice Biennale (1950-60), this paper analyses the models of the representation of Serbian art in the international context of the Biennale within a broader context of the intensification of Serbian-Italian artistic contacts during the period under study.

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Lucchese, Matteo, Leopoldo Nascia et Mario Pianta. « Industrial policy and technology in Italy ». Economia e Politica Industriale 43, n^o 3 (1 juillet 2016) : 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40812-016-0047-4.

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Gruber, Harald. « Industrial policy options for sustaining growth in Italy ». Economia e Politica Industriale 43, n^o 3 (15 juin 2016) : 281–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40812-016-0043-8.

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Preite, Massimo. « RECOVERED FACTORIES : INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE REUSE IN ITALY ». Ural Historical Journal 71, n^o 2 (2021) : 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-2(71)-55-64.

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In the wake of deindustrialisation, Italy too has been affected by the significant phenomenon of the closure of industrial plants and facilities, which in some ways has marked the end of an era. Physical evidence of past industrial activity was at first considered to be an obstacle to the development of areas and therefore to be removed. It was only at the end of the 80s of the last century that a more widespread interest in the protection of old factories was aroused. Three themes will be examined in the course of this article. First of all, an attempt will be made to identify the time frame of reference of the Italian industrial heritage, so as not to exclude past experiences of productive organization that anticipated the modern factory system. The second theme is the different methodologies of recovery and conversion of old work spaces into spaces for new activities. The characteristics of the industrial heritage require different methods of intervention, among which exemplary restoration is only one of the possible solutions. More often it is the task of the project to find the right balance between conservation and transformation in the rehabilitation of industrial buildings. The third theme concerns the role of industrial heritage in urban regeneration programmes. In order to be fully appreciated, this role requires a higher level of vision, a focus not on individual interventions but on the benefits that an entire district or city can gain from an integrated rehabilitation of its industrial heritage.

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Bianchi, Patrizio, Sandrine Labory et Enzo Pontarollo. « Industrial Policy in Italy viewed through the journal L’Industria ». Revue d'économie industrielle, n^o 129-130 (15 juin 2010) : 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rei.4168.

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Audretsch, David B., et Erik E. Lehmann. « Industrial policy in Italy and Germany : yet another look ». Economia e Politica Industriale 43, n^o 3 (29 juin 2016) : 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40812-016-0046-5.

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Bailey, David, Dan Coffey, Maria Gavris et Carole Thornley. « Industrial policy, place and democracy ». Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 12, n^o 3 (19 septembre 2019) : 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsz010.

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Abstract Industrial policy is a potential vehicle for more participative and democratic forms of policy formation. But in Britain an ademocratic policy culture is transforming into an undemocratic one. This article explores the roots of this in major sea changes in the industrial policy climate of Western Europe, where non-discriminatory and aspatial policy stances are now giving way under pressure to openly discriminatory policies aimed at favoured industries or locations. The British case is contrasted with France, Germany and Italy, and their variety of responses. It is proposed that an extended notion of ‘place’ offers a basis for social dialogue.

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Güçlü, Yücel. « Fascist Italy’s 'Mare Nostrum' Policy and Turkey ». Belleten 63, n^o 238 (1 décembre 1999) : 813–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1999.813.

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Following his seizure of power in 1922, Mussolini began to pursue the policy of 'mare nostrum' of the ancient Romans. He had an eye on the Anatolian lands bordering the Mediterranean. Local symbol of the Italian menace was the Dodecanese Islands which were started to be fortified in 1934. Mussolini's speech of that year showed that Italy did not renounce its earlier designs on Turkish territory. Atatürk did not take Mussolini's claims seriously, but the danger Italy represented could not be ignored. During the Ethiopian crisis, Turkey supported the League of Nations' sanctions against Italy and advocated the principle of collective security. Facing Italian expansionism, Turkey requested the holding of an international conference in Montreux and succeeded to obtain the right of bringing back the Straits to full Turkish sovereignty. Turkey's distrust of Italy deepened in 1937 and 1938. Ankara disliked the policy of Rome-Berlin axis. It did not acquit Italy of designs in the eastern Mediterranean. Italian occupation of Albania in 1939 soon led to Turkey's signing of mutual assistance agreements with Britain and France. Italy sharply denounced the Turco-Anglo-French rapprochement. For Turkey, as an ally in the eastern Mediterranean, had the strength to tip the balance against Italy.

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Amatori, Franco. « Entrepreneurial Typologies in the History of Industrial Italy : Reconsiderations ». Business History Review 85, n^o 1 (2011) : 151–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680511000067.

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The market types that were the subject of an earlier essay in the Review are resurveyed in order to examine the changes that have occurred over the past fifty years. The entrepreneurial typologies identified then–one based on a market orientation, another that relies on state support, and a third, hybrid, approach–are still valid today. The liveliest components of the modern Italian economy, which operate as a fourth type of capitalism (mainly based on industrial districts), share features of the market typology, while, in southern Italy, the state's failure to support business is linked to the rise of organized crime. The more recent hybrid type features a new kind of actor, exemplified by Silvio Berlusconi, the central figure on the Italian political scene for almost two decades.

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Godinho, Manuel Mira, et Ricardo Paes Mamede. « Southern Europe in crisis : industrial policy lessons from Italy and Portugal ». Economia e Politica Industriale 43, n^o 3 (3 juin 2016) : 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40812-016-0037-6.

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Gat, Moshe. « The Soviet Factor in British Policy Towards Italy, 1943‐1945 ». Historian 50, n^o 4 (1 août 1988) : 535–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1988.tb00758.x.

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Rolfo, Secondo, et Giuseppe Calabrese. « Traditional SMEs and innovation : the role of the industrial policy in Italy ». Entrepreneurship & ; Regional Development 15, n^o 3 (juillet 2003) : 253–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08985620210158401.

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Carbone, Maurizio. « Introduction : Italy's foreign policy and the Mediterranean ». Modern Italy 13, n^o 2 (mai 2008) : 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962009.

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Following the end of the Cold War, Italy took on greater responsibilities in dealing with the increased challenges to international security, especially in its neighbourhood. The aim of this special issue of the journal Modern Italy is to understand to what extent Italy has been successful in developing a third circle in its foreign policy beyond the two traditional lodestars, Atlanticism and Europeanism; or whether Italy's competence in the Mediterranean has been strategically used to improve its relationship with the United States or its position within the European Union.

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Cappelli, Gabriele. « The Missing Link ? Trust, Cooperative Norms, and Industrial Growth in Italy ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 47, n^o 3 (novembre 2016) : 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01014.

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Despite recent research about the link between social capital and economic growth, the degree to which social norms influenced the first phase of Italy’s regional economic divergence remains largely unexplored. A methodology based on a multifaceted definition of social capital, employing data about charity, mutual aid, and crime permits estimates of the differences in the strength of trust and cooperative norms across Italy’s provinces at ten-year intervals between 1871 and 1911. Further analysis of trust and cooperative norms via regression models of conditional convergence in industrial value added per capita shows that, although regional disparities in social capital were large during the late nineteenth century, they are not strongly correlated with industrial growth. Instead, the evidence indicates that human capital, innovation, and formal institutions were far more instrumental in determining the economic fortunes of Italy’s provinces before the World War I.

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Moscati, Roberto. « The changing policy of education in Italy ». Journal of Modern Italian Studies 3, n^o 1 (mars 1998) : 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545719808454966.

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Kerr, K. Austin, et Otis L. Graham. « Losing Time : The Industrial Policy Debate. » Journal of American History 79, n^o 4 (mars 1993) : 1692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080360.

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Martinelli, Flavia. « Public policy and industrial development in southern Italy : anatomy of a dependent industry ». International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 9, n^o 1 (mars 1985) : 47–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.1985.tb00420.x.

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Pulignano, Valeria, Domenico Carrieri et Lucio Baccaro. « Industrial relations in Italy in the twenty-first century ». Employee Relations 40, n^o 4 (4 juin 2018) : 654–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2017-0045.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the developments which have characterized Italy’s industrial relations from post-war Fordism to neo-liberal hegemony and recent crisis, with a particular focus on the major changes occurred in the twenty-first century, especially those concerning concertative (tripartite) policy making between the government, the employers’ organizations and the trade unions. Design/methodology/approach This study is a conceptual paper which analysis of main development trends. Findings Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century are characterized by ambivalent features which are the heritage of the past. These are summarized as follows: “collective autonomy” as a classical source of strength for trade unions and employers’ organization, on the one hand. On the other hand, a low level of legislative regulation and weak institutionalization, accompanied by little engagement in a generalized “participative-collaborative” model. Due to the instability in the socio-political setting in the twenty-first century, unions and employers encounter growing difficulties to affirm their common points of view and to build up stable institutions that could support cooperation between them. The result is a clear reversal of the assumptions that had formed the classical backdrop of the paradigm of Italy’s “political exchange.” This paradigm has long influenced the way in which the relationships between employers, trade unions and the state were conceived, especially during 1990s and, to some extent, during 2000s, that is the development of concertative (tripartite) policy making. However, since the end of 2000s, and particularly from 2010s onwards national governments have stated their intention to act independently of the choices made by the unions (and partially the employers). The outcome is the eclipse of concertation. The paper explores how the relationships among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers, and the state and how politics have evolved, within a dynamic socio-political and economic context. These are the essential factors needed to understand Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century. Originality/value It shows that understanding the relationship among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers and the state and their politics is essential to understand the change occurred in contemporary Italy’s industrial relations.

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Favaretti, Carlo, Americo Cicchetti, Giovanni Guarrera, Marco Marchetti et Walter Ricciardi. « Health technology assessment in Italy ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (juillet 2009) : 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090539.

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Objectives: The aim of this study was to review the history of health technology assessment (HTA) in Italy.Methods: Founded in 1978, the Italian National Health Service (NHS) has been strongly regionalized mainly after a constitutional reform, which started a devolution process. HTA started in the 1980s at the National Institute of Health and in a few University Hospitals, with a focus on big ticket technology: that process was driven by clinical engineers.Results: In recent years, HTA is becoming an important tool for decision-making processes at central, regional, and local levels. In particular, the National Agency for Regional Health Services (AGENAS) and five regions (of twenty-one) are strongly committed to develop HTA initiatives connected with the planning process.Conclusions: At the local level, the hospital-based HTA activity is probably the most important peculiarity of the country and the real driver of the HTA movement.

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Gürsel, Bahar. « Citizenship and Military Service in Italian-American Relations, 1901-1918 ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, n^o 3 (juillet 2008) : 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000075x.

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Conflicts over citizenship and military service became a central issue in Italian-American relations in the early twentieth century. The United States and Italy founded their concepts of citizenship on two different bases, jus soli and jus sanguinis. As a consequence of this difference and the swelling number of Italian immigrants naturalized in America, the two governments' policies about naturalization and military service collided until 1918. The Italian government's policy put Italian Americans' loyalty to the United States in jeopardy, especially for men who wished to return to Italy for business or educational purposes. Thus, the study of Italian Americans' experiences in the context of the policies of both countries illustrates a key aspect of the relationship between the United States and Italy, both in terms of social experience and public policy.

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Sperling, James. « Low expectations : does Italy factor into American foreign policy calculations ? » Modern Italy 15, n^o 3 (août 2010) : 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.490335.

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The American attentive foreign policy elite's perceptions of Italy as a foreign policy actor appear inconsistent with Italy's global role. The paradox of Italy's global status as a middle-power and the absence of status within the American foreign policy community raises three questions: What role should we expect Italy to play in American foreign policy calculations given its structural position in the international system? What role does Italy play in aiding or hindering American foreign policy objectives within the transatlantic community? Is there a disjunction between the American elite's subjectively low expectations for Italy as a foreign policy actor and Italy's objective importance for the successful realisation of American foreign policy objectives?

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King, Adam D. K. « Biography of an industrial town : Terni, Italy, 1831-2014 ». Labor History 60, n^o 5 (6 août 2019) : 588–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2019.1652135.

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Ciccarelli, Carlo, et Tommaso Proietti. « Patterns of industrial specialisation in post-Unification Italy ». Scandinavian Economic History Review 61, n^o 3 (novembre 2013) : 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.2013.819029.

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Collins, Robert M., et Otis L. Graham. « Losing Time : The Industrial Policy Debate. » American Historical Review 98, n^o 2 (avril 1993) : 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167019.

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Rycroft, Robert W., et Otis L. Graham. « Losing Time : The Industrial Policy Debate ». Technology and Culture 34, n^o 2 (avril 1993) : 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3106579.

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Tomassini, Luigi. « Industrial mobilization and the labour market in Italy during the first world war ». Social History 16, n^o 1 (janvier 1991) : 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071029108567789.

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Morris, Jonathan. « The organization of industrial interests in Italy, 1906–1925 ». Modern Italy 3, n^o 01 (mai 1998) : 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454794.

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Franklin Hugh Adler,Italian Industrialists from Liberalism to Fascism. The Political Development of the Industrial Bourgeoisie, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, xv + 458 pp., ISBN 0–521–433406–8 hbk, £40.00Giuseppe Berta,Il governo degli interessi. Industriali, rappresentanza e politica nell'Italia del nord-ovest 1906–1924, Marsilio, Venice, 1996, xv + 175 pp., ISBN 88–317–6342–3 pbk, 32,000 LireGiorgio FioccaStoria della Confindustria 1900–1914, Marsilio, Venice, 1994, 266 pp., ISBN 88–317–5850–0 hbk, 70,000 LireThe three books under review trace the organization of industrial interests in Italy from the foundation of the Lega industrial di Torino (LIT) in 1906 to the insertion of Confindustria into the Fascist totalitarian state. As Franklin Hugh Adler's ambitious and detailed account relates the Lega (LIT) begat first a Federazione Industriali Piemontesi (1908) and then the Confederazione Italiana dell'Industria (CIDI) in 1910 which was relaunched as the Confederazione generale dell'industria Italiana (Confindustria) in 1919. All of these organizations came under the effective direction of Gino Olivetti, the first secretary of the Lega who emerges from Adler's analysis as the principal theorist of a liberalproductionist ideology that the author regards as the central value system of the Italian industrial bourgeoisie. The slimmer volumes (in both scope and size) of Giuseppe Berta and Giorgio Fiocca diverge from Adler's account in stressing the discontinuities in the process of association which are attributed to the triumph of one industrial faction over another, and the changes in direction consequent upon this. By presenting these organizations within the broader context of entrepreneurial and associational activity, their accounts also call into question the extent to which the positions of Confindustria can be assumed to be representative of Italian industrialists as a whole.

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Cassels, Alan, et Douglas J. Forsyth. « The Crisis of Liberal Italy : Monetary and Financial Policy, 1914-1922. » American Historical Review 100, n^o 5 (décembre 1995) : 1621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170007.

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DeGrand, Alexander, et MacGregor Knox. « Common Destiny : Dictatorship, Foreign Policy, and War in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany ». Journal of Military History 65, n^o 1 (janvier 2001) : 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677482.

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Middlemas, K. « Industrial Reorganization and Government Policy in Interwar Britain ». English Historical Review CXXI, n^o 492 (1 juin 2006) : 962–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel198.

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Tommaso, Marco R. Di, et Lauretta Rubini. « Industrial policy for 'new' industries in 'old' Europe : virtual cluster in genetics in Italy ». International Journal of Healthcare Technology and Management 8, n^o 5 (2007) : 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijhtm.2007.013520.

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Bianchi, Patrizio, et Sandrine Labory. « Industrial policy after the crisis : the case of the Emilia-Romagna region in Italy ». Policy Studies 32, n^o 4 (juillet 2011) : 429–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2011.571858.

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Lavista, Fabio. « Structural Policies, regional Development and industrial Specialization in Italy, 1952-2002 ». Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, n^o 1 (24 mai 2017) : 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0005.

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Abstract The article analyses Italian regional developmental policies between the 1950s and 1990s. It focuses in particular on the intervention through state-owned enterprises and public agencies in the underdeveloped southern regions known as the Mezzogiorno. Analysing the flow of investments in these regions, the article assesses the targets and the results of the so-called “extraordinary intervention,” advancing some hypotheses about the causes of its long-term failure: the lack of planning, the preference for top-down actions, and the peculiar institutional framework. The article also evaluates the long-term effects of this failure on the Italian industrial structure.

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Missiaia, Anna. « Market versus endowment : explaining early industrial location in Italy (1871–1911) ». Cliometrica 13, n^o 1 (28 mai 2018) : 127–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11698-018-0172-6.

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Wright, A. D. « French policy in Italy and the Jesuits, 1607–38 ». Papers of the British School at Rome 75 (novembre 2007) : 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200003561.

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LA POLITICA FRANCESE IN ITALIA E I GESUITI, 1607–38Agli inizi della guerra dei Trent'anni (1618–48) le ostilità affliggevano la penisola italiana, benché il conflitto fosse iniziato nei territori boemi e tedeschi. Queste estensioni della guerra erano dovute in gran parte all'intervento francese nella penisola, anche prima che la Francia entrasse apertamente nella guerra principale (1635). Un simile intervento preliminare minacciò da solo di sciogliere la solidarietà cattolica, per cui fu criticato non solo in Italia ma, nella Francia stessa, anche da alcuni estremisti cattolici, che si opponevano alia politica estera del cardinale Richelieu, primo ministro di Luigi XIII. Un recente studio ha dimostrato convincentemente che la presenza, durante la guerra, presso varie corti cattoliche, di confessori della casa reale rappresentati dalla Compagnia di Gesù non risultava in nessuna normale politica adottata dagli stati cattolici che furono coinvolti nella guerra. Un'ulteriore ricerca negli archivi centrali dei Gesuiti a Roma, qui presentata, rivela quanto complessi e ambigui erano gli interessi della società, quando la politica francese colpiva gli affari italiani.

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Caloffi, Annalisa, et Marco Bellandi. « Enterprise and innovation policy in Italy : an overview of the recent facts ». Revue d'économie industrielle, n^o 158 (15 juin 2017) : 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rei.6580.

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Fabbrini, Sergio, et Simona Piattoni. « Introduction : Italy in the EU—pigmy or giant ? » Modern Italy 9, n^o 2 (novembre 2004) : 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294042000304910.

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SummaryThis introductory article discusses the circumstances under which Italy manages to forge ‘national preferences’ and push them through the European policy-making process. Drawing from the analysis of several policy areas, it concludes that Italy plays a major policy-making role, particularly when it acts as mediator between large countries and small- and medium-sized ones, and when it argues its case according to policy- and EU-appropriate logics. While Italy may not have it ‘its way’ all the time (as no member-state does), it still manages to influence the EU policy-making process more frequently and more significantly than the literature has so far conceded.

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Ipsen, Carl. « The Organization of Demographic Totalitarianism : Early Population Policy in Fascist Italy ». Social Science History 17, n^o 1 (1993) : 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171245.

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