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1
Khan, Surat. « Indo-Russian Strategic Relations under Putin ». Global Political Review V, no I (30 mars 2020) : 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).05.
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Trust, mutual understanding and compatibility, and common interests in the international system remained the pillars of Indo-Russian relations for seventy years. It brought them closer to each other to cooperate in the areas of defense, trade and technology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both New Delhi and Moscow experienced a low-level relation, but since the coming of Putin, relations between the two have taken a new turn. Besides strategic cooperation, the nations joined hands to make policies for better diplomacy, multipolar world, countering insurgencies, climate change, technology and defense cooperation and terrorism. Besides this strong partnership and common interests, Indo-Russia is facing multiple challenges, particularly in the wake of changing dynamics in Asia politics. This research intends to analyze the history of the indo-Russian strategic partnership with a specific focus on Putins era.
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Ghosh, Partha S. « Book Review : Indo-Soviet Relations : Problems and Prospects ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 43, no 2 (avril 1987) : 175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848704300210.
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Vavachan, Davis. « Indo-Russia Relations : A Political Analysis ». Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 03, no 02 (2022) : 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2022.3202.
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Global Political scenario has always been influenced by relations between the states, which in turn affects the global order. The Indo-Russia relations cannot be explained merely as a Bi-lateral relationship. The seven-decade friendship between these two Asian giants should be analysed in the spheres they collaborated in the context of the impressive magnitude of their engagements. The historic relationship had withstood the turbulence of cold war, aftermath of the collapse of USSR and the challenges posed by a unipolar world order. Russia’s resurrection after the Soviet collapse and India’s fast paced development gave these nations new arenas for cooperation and engagement. The purpose of this paper is to study this enigmatic relationship between these two nations using a theoretical approach, drawing from primary and secondary published data. By exploring Indo-Russian relations in the historical and current international scenario, this paper attempts to chart out the scope for furthering constructive engagement in the evolving Indo-Pacific scenario.
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Singh, Balwinder. « INDO-US STRATEGIC RELATIONS IN 21ST CENTURY ». International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no 7 (31 juillet 2017) : 417–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i7.2017.2148.
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The disintegration of Soviet Union had positively impacted Indo-US relations in post Cold-War era. The post Cold-War strategic scenario provided a chance to both countries to redefine their bilateral priorities. The US was always keen to improve bilateral relationship with India and therefore India initiated Defence cooperation with the US in changing strategic environment. India’s nuclear explosion [1998] had posed some divergences in Indo-US relationship. India and the US signed strategic partnership in 2000 and therefore the US set-aside its sanctions against India. India signed ‘Next Steps in Strategic Partnership’ [NSSP] with the US in 2004 and both countries started strategic dialogue in 2009. Both the nations signed a ‘New Framework for Defence Relationship’ in 2005 and ‘123 Civil Nuclear Agreement’ in 2008. India has always supported US’s ‘pivot-aria’ policy and played a meaningful role in counter China strategy. India and the US renewed their ‘New Framework for Defence Relationship’ in 2015 and signed ‘Logistic Support Agreement’ in 2016. Indo-US strategic relations were touched new heights when the Obama administration had declared India as a major Defence partner in 2016. The new US President Trump also showed its softness towards India and called Indian Prime Minister Modi as a ‘True Friend of US’. The decline of US-Pakistan strategic relations has positively affected Indo-US relations. The Pakistan factor has always affected Indo-US relations. The US administration considers that India would play a meaningful role in counter China planning. The study explores the raison d’être of Indo-US strategic partnership. The present paper intends to look into the Indo-US strategic cooperation and points out the improvement in Indo-US strategic relations in 21st century.
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Bukharin, Mikhail. « Soviet Historical Science and Foreign Policy Dynamics in the Late 1930s and 1940s : The Mishulin Line ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 3 (2023) : 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023730-1.
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Historical scholarship in the USSR in the 1930s and 1940s developed along with the dynamics of foreign policy. The main issue that shaped the development of historical scholarship was Soviet-German relations. The Soviet alignment with Great Britain and France determined the dominance of the “anti-German” line even in those areas of historical research which, at first glance, were unrelated to modern history in general and German history in particular. Thus, this line is clearly evident in the discussion of the causes of the decline of the Harappan civilisation, which allegedly came about under pressure from the Indo-Aryan tribes, with whom Germany was implicitly identified in relevant studies in the second half of the 1930s. The initiator of the “anti-German” line in ancient history was Alexander Mishulin. After the conclusion of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Treaty on 23 August 1939, the tone of the works on ancient history changed abruptly to “Germanophile” at the initiative of the same scholar. At the same time, the first – “anti-German” – line still persisted and developed in parallel with the second. Soviet-German academic cooperation was also progressing, as can be observed in the documents of the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The “pro-German line” disappeared with the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, while the “anti-German” (“anti-Indo-Aryan”) one disappeared with the independence of India in 1947 and the gradual forging of friendly relations between the USSR and India.
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Mohanty, Arun. « Some Reflections on Indo-Russian Trade and Economic Relations in the Post-Soviet Period ». China Report 44, no 4 (octobre 2008) : 421–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550804400411.
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Chaliha, FarziaYashmeen. « Russia’s interest in Pakistan and its implications on India ». International journal of health sciences 6, S1 (15 mars 2022) : 501–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.53730/ijhs.v6ns1.4794.
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The main objective of this paper is to examine the five prime reasons under which Russia had shifted its interest towards deepening their strategic relations with Pakistan keeping at stake its historic relations with India. Historically, both Soviet Union and Pakistan looked at each other either through the prism of U.S or India leaving little scope for independent foreign-policy making towards each other or even extending strategic manoeuvring. Currently, the orbit of their relations is undergoing rapid changes in the backdrop of the New Cold War. As such, besides, covering the historical background, the present study is therefore an attempt to analyse the growing geo-strategic interest of Russia in Pakistan and examine whether this reapproachment have any impact on Indo-Russian relations. In the process it also examines how their strategic synergy may alter the existing balance of power in South Asia and international peace.
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Shah, Ayaz Ali, Mehreen Ali et Syed Aizaz Ali Shah. « Pakistan's Foreign Policy and Eastern Border Security Threats (1947-55) ». Volume 2, Issue 2 2, no 2 (30 décembre 2021) : 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.449446601.
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Since Independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has been indo-centric. There were two main goals that drove foreign policy decisions during the 1947-55 period: security and foreign economic aid. Rather than going to the Soviet Union to achieve its goals, Pakistan turned to the West and offered conditional support against the spread of communism throughout South Asia. In the end, Pakistan joined the U.S.-backed anti-Soviet alliances without receiving any guarantees of security from the United States. Pakistan's foreign policy was radically altered as a result of this. Strategic, political, and economic implications of this new overture are the focus of this paper. These two phases of foreign policy are examined in terms of their costs and benefits. Pakistan's security and economic affairs will also be examined in light of this development. Relations between the United States and Pakistan and Pakistani institutions will also be considered.
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Nesterova, O. A., et O. L. Solodkova. « Area Studies at the Modern University : Experience in Studying International Communication Strategies ». Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 28, no 11 (3 décembre 2019) : 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2019-28-144-154.
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In this paper, we show the importance of including the large corpus of scholarly, popular and media texts describing the experience of 20th-century Russian and Soviet Indologists in bachelor’s Asian studies programmes. We explain the significance of the practical work of Soviet Asian scholars on developing and implementing international communication strategies and practices and show that this work is topical and relevant for modern tertiary education. We emphasize the extensive experience accumulated by Russian Indologists in developing scenarios and models of interaction between Russia and Asian countries that take regional particularities into account. We examine the work of the Russian Indologist, scholar, journalist, publicist and professor Leonid Mitrokhin (1934-2002), winner of the Nehru Award (1985), who worked for over a decade in India and devoted his entire life to studying South and Central Asia. We analyse Leonid Mitrokhin’s key communicative practices, whose results are reflected in his monographs, popular books and articles. The results of our linguocultural study confirm the effectiveness of the implementation of friendly communication strategies in Indo-Soviet relations in the 1960s and 1970s. The case study of Leonid Mitrokhin’s work shows the broad range of professional competencies of Soviet Indologists, who had in-depth knowledge of the political and sociocultural makeup of South Asia, the systemic connections between individual social, economic and political groups and institutes, and the ethnopsychological, ethnocultural and religious particularities of interethnic communication. The knowledge and skills of Soviet Indologists allowed them to make accurate forecasts of the development of the political and economic situation in South Asia and neighbouring regions, promote communication, make expert assessments in key areas of interaction between the USSR and countries in the region, elaborate effective communication strategies, and shape a positive image of their country in the international arena. The study of the communication experience of Soviet Indologists shall help contemporary students to learn the methodology of area studies, develop their strategic thinking, expand their study and research interests, improve their knowledge of the region’s history and interregional relations, and learn the basics of foreign impact strategies and the practice of foreign propaganda in Asia.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, et Shakila Tul-Kubra. « Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia : Late 20th- early 21st century ». Contemporary Research : An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no 1 (8 novembre 2020) : 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Elahi, Muhammad Manzoor, Ahmed Raza Khan et Aatir Rizvi. « Examining US Strategic Interests in South Asia : A Decade-Long Study of Triangular Relations (US-Pakistan-India) in the Post-Cold War Era ». Spring 2023 3, no 2 (30 juin 2023) : 828–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54183/jssr.v3i2.323.
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This study is devoted primarily to the security priorities of the US towards South Asia in the post-Soviet decade of the 1990s. Indeed, the world witnessed the end of Cold war with the demise of Communist USSR. The United States, therefore, nourished more enthusiastically its inherent desire of a ‘New World Order’. For this purpose, South Asia again became a ‘land of desire’ for Washington to consolidate its preponderance in the strategically vital region of Asia. The research, therefore, delves into a decade long post-cold war security environment of South Asia by analyzing the US policies towards India and Pakistan. The study uses a qualitative methodology that includes a systematic review of existing literature and primary sources, including official documents and statements to identify the important factors that have influenced US strategic partnerships in South Asia and concludes that contemporary Indo-US strategic partnership has its roots since the end of cold war.
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Avramenko, I. « Strategies of US foreign policy at the end of the 20-th – at the beginning of the 21-st centuries ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law 2, no 76 (14 juin 2023) : 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.76.2.30.
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The article investigates the foreign policy strategies of the United States, beginning with the collapse of the Soviet Union, with an emphasis on key regions - the Middle East, Central and Eastern Europe, and the Indo-Pacific region. The work assesses the international situation and presents the author’s views on future changes in the system of international relations.
It is noted that since the beginning of the XXI century, the USA began to lose its position on the international arena, which was due to the difficulty of maintaining existing positions, as well as the incompetence of the state elites that came to power in the USA at the beginning of the XXI century. In view of this, in the process of increasing confrontation between Сhina and USA, the attention of the latter was gradually shifted from the regions of the Middle East and Central-Eastern Europe to the Indo-Pacific region. The article emphasizes that the complexity of the situation for Ukraine lies in the fact that the further involvement of the United States in the confrontation with the Russian Federation will most likely lead to the split of the Western coalition, primarily in the European Union and NATO, and will push states suffering from economic sanctions, lack of energy resources and rare earth materials to ensure the «green transition», to deepen cooperation with China.In this context, it is extremely important for the United States to preserve the current balance of power and maintain allied relations with the main partners of the United States in Europe - the French Republic and Germany. Difficulties will be added by the ambiguous policy of Great Britain, which after leaving the EU began to pursue a more independent foreign policy course that does not always correspond to the national interests of the United States of America. The situation looks most threatening in the Indo-Pacific region, where the interests of the main geopolitical players intersect. Currently, in order to consolidate resources, the US is reducing its military presence in the Middle East and focusing on forming new alliances in the region, as well as strengthening relations with allies. In this context, it will be extremely important to maintain allied relations with the main partners of the USA in Europe - the French Republic and Germany. Difficulties will be added by the ambiguous policy of Great Britain, which after leaving the EU began to pursue a more independent foreign policy course that does not always correspond to the national interests of the United States of America.
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Shahzad, Faisal. « The Indo-US Strategic Partnership : An Analysis of the Trump Era ». Journalism, Politics and Society 1, no 4 (31 décembre 2023) : 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.63067/exv0da34.
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The United States, as a superpower, after the collapse of the former Soviet Union, plays a significant role in shaping international politics. Its actions and decisions have a major impact on global and regional events. It establishes strategic partnerships with regional allies and powers to maintain its hegemony across the world. The United States has recently established partnerships with India to keep its influence in the region and counter emerging forces like China and Pakistan. This study examines the impact of the Indo-US strategic partnership since the Trump era and its impact on Pakistan. The analysis focuses on the political, economic, and security aspects of the relationship and how they have affected Pakistan. The study finds that the partnership poses a major security threat to Pakistan, particularly in terms of economic relations and security cooperation. Through an examination of primary and secondary sources, the study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the strategic partnerships established between India and the US during this period and their impact on the region.
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Saha, S. C. « United States-India Relations 1947–1962 : Stresses and Strains Over Communist China ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 44, no 1-2 (janvier 1988) : 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.
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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.
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Konoreva, Irina A., et Igor N. Selivanov. « History of Relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in Documents from Serbian and Russian Archives ». Herald of an archivist, no 2 (2018) : 630–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-630-639.
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The review characterizes two collections of archival documents published in Belgrade and Moscow. They contain materials on the history of Yugoslavo-Soviet relations in 1964-1980s from the Archive of Yugoslavia and the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History. The reviewed collections continue the series of publications of the Archive of Yugoslavia (‘Documents on Yugoslavia Foreign Policy’) and of the International Fund ‘Democracy’ (‘Russia: The 20th century’). The collections contain over 100 documents, most of which are published for the first time. They address problems of international relations and domestic policy of the two countries. These problems were discussed by the leaders of Yugoslavia and the USSR at their one-on-one meetings. These discussions allow to trace the process of establishment of mutually beneficial relations. There are materials on general problems of international relations, as well as regional issues: estimation of the role of the USA in the international affaires; impact of the Non-Aligned Movement; European problems; political situation in the Near, Middle, and Far East, and in the Southeast Asia; etc. The chronological framework include events of the Second Indo-Chinese War. The 2-volume collection includes I. B. Tito’s and L. I. Brezhnev’s assessments of the operations in Vietnam and their characterization of the American policy in the region. Its name index and glossary of abbreviations simplify working with documents. The materials of these collections may be of interest to professional historians, Master Program students specializing in history and international relations, who may use them as an educational resource, and post-graduate students researching issues of World and East-European history.
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Malysheva, D. B. « Post-Soviet Central Asia in the Focus of Interests of Major Asian States (2019-2020) ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 14, no 2 (2 avril 2021) : 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-2-5.
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The study aims at identifying some areas of international political interaction between post-Soviet Central Asian states and the major economic powers of Asia -China, India and Japan. The task is to determine their interests in the Central Asian region with an emphasis on the political component. The current state of political cooperation between China, India, Japan and the countries of Central Asia is considered. Their joint efforts to solve the problems and threats facing the sustainable development of the region are characterized, while overcoming those problems occurs within the framework of the formation of both bilateral and multilateral relations. The dynamics of political and military interaction between China and its Central Asian partners is revealed. It is shown that the regional security sphere is directly linked by China with the problem of protecting its own economic interests in the countries undergoing its Belt and Road program, aimed at changing the economic landscape not only in Central Asia, but throughout Asia. India and Japan, whose positions have come closer against the background of rising China, has defined their own strategies for Central Asia. Politics of major Asian powers in post-Soviet Central Asia are analyzed through the prism of the emergence of a polycentric world in Asia. Its distinctive features are: the emergence of new regional “centers of power”; their confrontation along the line of Sino-Pakistani, Sino-Indian rivalries; involvement of external players (the U.S.) in regional processes. In this regard, attention is drawn to the activities of such a multilateral international structure as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), as well as to the development of alternative infrastructure projects and concepts - QUAD, Indo-Pacific, Blue Dot Network. The results of the study are formulated in the following conclusion: the countries of Central Asia and the major regional economic powers in Asia base their relations on the foundation of mutually beneficial interests and equal partnership of independent states.
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Kapur, S. Paul. « India and Pakistan's Unstable Peace : Why Nuclear South Asia Is Not Like Cold War Europe ». International Security 30, no 2 (octobre 2005) : 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124570.
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Scholars attribute conventional violence in a nuclear South Asia to a phenomenon known as the “stability/instability paradox.” According to this paradox, the risk of nuclear war makes it unlikely that conventional confict will escalate to the nuclear level, thereby making conventional confict more likely. Although this phenomenon encouraged U.S.-Soviet violence during the Cold War, it does not explain the dynamics of the ongoing confict between India and Pakistan. Recent violence has seen Pakistan or its proxies launching limited attacks on Indian territory, and India refusing to retaliate in kind. The stability/instability paradox would not predict such behavior. A low probability of conventional war escalating to the nuclear level would reduce the ability of Pakistan's nuclear weapons to deter an Indian conventional attack. Because Pakistan is conventionally weaker than India, this would discourage Pakistani aggression and encourage robust Indian conventional retaliation against Pakistani provocations. Pakistani boldness and Indian restraint have actually resulted from instability in the strategic environment. A full-scale Indo-Pakistani conventional confict would create a significant risk of nuclear escalation. This danger enables Pakistan to launch limited attacks on India while deterring allout Indian conventional retaliation and attracting international attention to the two countries' dispute over Kashmir. Unlike in Cold War Europe, in contemporary South Asia nuclear danger facilitates, rather than impedes, conventional confict.
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Strelkova, Guzel V. « Creations of Ch. S. Guleri and His Role in the Formation of a Small Narrative Form in Hindi Literature ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 15, no 4 (2023) : 673–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2023.404.
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The genre form of the story appeared in Hindi literature relatively late, in the first decades of the twentieth century. The formation and development of the short story genre in Hindi literature of the twentieth century attracts the attention of researchers both in India and abroad. In this regard, it is important to consider the work of Chandradhar Sharma Guleri, the author of one of the first stories written in Hindi. Together with famous writers Jayashankar Prasad and Premchand, Geleri is considered one of the founders of modern Hindi literature. He wrote mostly short stories. It is noteworthy that some sources drastically reduce their number, mentioning only three stories, although there are almost 20 of them. The writer’s stories attracted the attention of literary critics, who highly appreciated them. Some of Guleri’s stories have been translated into foreign languages, including Russian. The article examines one of the early stories of Ch. Sh. Guleri “She said”, in which the readers see almost the entire short life of the main character, from childhood to his heroic death. The article focuses on the content, characteristics of the artistic and stylistic features of this story, briefly examines its adaptation, and also characterizes a kind of literary continuation — the story of the famous Hindi writer Shailesh Matiani “She didn’t say”, which takes place during the Indo-Chinese conflict. Guleri’s story was translated into Russian in the 1950s, when Soviet-Indian relations began to develop actively.
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Reiter, Dan. « Bargaining and Learning in Recurring Crises : The Soviet-American, Egyptian-Israeli, and Indo-Pakistani Rivalries. By Russell J. Leng. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 2000. 336p. $64.50 cloth, $24.95 paper. » American Political Science Review 95, no 2 (juin 2001) : 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401822024.
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In the past ten years there has been a burst of theoretical and empirical research on the topic of learning in international relations. Russell J. Leng's new book is the latest addition to this body of scholarship, and it builds on his past research on learning and crisis bargaining. Leng examines the role of learning in crisis bargaining strategies within ongoing, inter- national rivalries. He asks a series of questions, including: Do patterns of crisis behavior repeat from one crisis to the next?
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Reynolds, Nathalène. « On the Muslim Minority in India ». Journal of Development Policy, Research & ; Practice (JoDPRP) 1, no 1 (31 décembre 2017) : 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.59926/jodprp.vol01/03.
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Western media usually describe India as ‘the largest democracy in the world’, paying little attention to the various dark corners surrounding this rosy picture , especially if one takes into consideration the difficulties its neighbours have had in their roads to democracy. It is true that the country has historically benefitted from generally good press in the West due to concerns about the increasing assertiveness of another demographic giant – the People’s Republic of China. As the centre of global gravity moves inexorably towards Asia, Western Europe and North America, with their ageing populations, seek to keep on board allies with whom they believe they share a similar system of values. Above all, western powers have their gaze fixed on the Indian market, assuming that its annual economic growth of 7% can offer rich dividends.Prime Minister Narendra Modi has acquired almost rock star status in recent years: November 2015 saw him address crowds packed inside London’s Wembley Stadium, while in June 2016, American Congressmen and women applauded him as he made an extended comparison of the virtues of American and Indian democracy. Incidentally, he boasted that the ‘biggest democracy in the world’ guarantees equal rights to all its citizens, whatever their religious beliefs. Indeed, he declared himself in favour of stronger Indo-American linkages, especially, he added, when it came to the fight against terrorism (Kelly 2016). Some observers may recall a remark made by Modi as the Chief Minister of Gujarat in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks during The Big Fight, a Star News Channel debate programme, on 14 September 2001. He stated that, ‘All Muslims are not terrorists, but all terrorists are Muslims’ (Engineer 2015). During political debates, especially televised ones, politicians often make use of such rhetorical devices to nurture or boost their popularity. Even limiting oneself to India itself, such a declaration was factually incorrect. According to figures for the year 2014 cited by Aakar Patel in a revealingly titled article, Most extremists in India are not Muslim – they are Hindu, published on 8 June 2015, the country had: Some 976 deaths from terrorism (or extremism, whatever name one wants to use for it) in India. Of these, the most (465) came in the North East. The second most (314) came from left-wing extremism, by a group of people called Maoists. Deaths in Jammu & Kashmir, assuming one wants to attribute the whole lot to terrorism, stood at 193. Outside of these conflict theatres, Islamist extremism claimed four lives (Patel 2015). India is home to a very significant Muslim population that is scarcely reassured by the absolute majority enjoyed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (India People’s Party, Hindu nationalist in outlook) in the Lok Sabha (House of the People, the lower house of India’sbicameral parliament). Before looking at the fragile position of the Muslim community and the campaigns it believes are conducted at its expense, the author would first like to see how India has projected its power across the New World Order that emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union. India rightly seeks recognition as a great power, but is inclined to forget that in a sense, it remains a colossus with feet of clay – top end scientific research juxtaposed with aching poverty. It is made up of a mix of different religious communities, harmony between which has been key to the successful construction of the nation. More extreme sections of the Sangh Parivar (a group of Hindu nationalist organisations) who play up – without always sticking close to the facts – the threat of rapid population growth of the Muslim community. This seems to neglect one of the attributes that has the potential to increase India’s global influence: its 180 million Muslim inhabitants that have the potential to project India’s power in the Islamic world. This work, therefore, seeks to first of all look at India’s position internationally, and how this has enabled the most extreme Hindu nationalist components to adopt policies and political positions of concern with regard to minorities in general and Muslims in particular. Narendra Modi was formally cleared of all the various accusations made against him pertaining to his role in Gujarat in 2002. However, some schools of thought continue to cast doubt as to his innocence. Given the difficult relations between India and Pakistan in recent times, the author will abstain from any recommendations as to what the Indian government should or should not do. However, the author would encourage India’s civil society to undertake a greater role in reinforcing inter-communal harmony so necessary to the construction of a country that remains uniquely diverse in a world characterised by a worrying level of polarisation.
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« Indo-Soviet Relations ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 41, no 1 (janvier 1985) : 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100122.
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Subrahmanyam, K. « The Indo-Soviet Treaty ». Strategic Analysis, 15 juillet 2021, 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2021.1943227.
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-, Debarshi. « India-Russia Relations Through the Ages ». International Journal For Multidisciplinary Research 5, no 4 (26 août 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.36948/ijfmr.2023.v05i04.5636.
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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a speech said when Indian kids are asked to mention the most valuable friend of India, they without any hesitation say it is Russia. From the very beginning of our foreign relations, we have Russia who stood beside us through thick and thin. Russia is an all-weather friend of India. Enunciation of the policy of non-alignment by India received accolades from the Soviet Union but ruffled the feather of America. After independence when India had a tussle with Pakistan on the issue of Kashmir only the Soviet Union had extended much required political support to India. During the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war and in particular, the 1971 war with Pakistan Indian sovereignty was threatened by America and Pakistan. Pakistan being a member of the US-led NATO alliance immediately sought help from America in the wake of an outbreak of war with India. Being a soft power, it was beyond India’s military capability to rebuff the possibility of joint aggression by Pakistan and the USA. Considering this, India concluded Peace, Friendship, and Co-operation Treaty with the Soviet Union in 1971. This treaty proved to be a boon for India when the Indo-Pak war broke out and America and China the two most powerful countries backed aggressor Pakistan. The decision of the Soviet Union to move its fleet to the Indian Ocean area was considered an effective deterrent to the decision of the US to deploy its Seven Fleet from the Gulf of Tonkin to the Bay of Bengal during the Indo-Pak war. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, India’s growing friendship with America created rifts in the Indo-Russia relationship. Shifts from a socialist planned economy to liberalisation and opening of the Indian market to the outside world and foreign private investment in the Indian market and deepening cooperation with America have led to a tumultuous relationship between two old friends. Dilapidated relations somehow improved when India decided to release the five pilots of Russian origin sentenced to life for their involvement in the Purulia arms drop case. Russia extends its support to India for its claim of permanent membership in the Security Council of UNO. Presently Russia is the second-highest defence supplier to India. In the pandemic situation of covid 19, Russian President Putin visited India ignoring his health concern and promised to give medical aid in India’s effort to fight covid 19.
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Vavachan, Davis. « Indo-Soviet Relations and its Reflections in the Current India- Russia Relations ». SSRN Electronic Journal, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4394138.
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Warren, Spenser A., et Sumit Ganguly. « India–Russia Relations after Ukraine ». Asian Survey, 2022, 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1799235.
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India and Russia have enjoyed a strong relationship since the collapse of the Soviet Union, partially as a legacy of the Indo–Soviet partnership during the Cold War. But how will this invasion impact future relations between New Delhi and Moscow? We argue that the war will likely harm this relationship over the long term, although some scenarios might minimize this harm. Western sanctions and Russian material losses in the war will make it difficult for Russia to fulfill Indian arms orders, especially if the sanctions regime remains in place for several years, forcing India to turn to other sources of weapons, including the United States. Its increasing isolation from Europe could also force Russia to move even closer to India’s rival China, making India less secure. There may be opportunities to improve energy ties between India and Russia, but Western sanctions and geographic barriers will limit any energy gains.
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Lian, Bo. « A Shaky “Wedge” : An Analysis of India’s Strategic Behavior under the US “Indo-Pacific” Strategy ». East Asian Affairs 01, no 02 (décembre 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s273755792150011x.
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America’s Indo-Pacific strategy is essentially a combination of its Asia-Pacific and Indian strategies: through the consolidation of its strategic alliances, it can deepen its relations with Asia-Pacific allies, and through its “wedging strategy” it can pull India into its orbit to become a strategic “fulcrum” bridging the region. India was both a key member and leader of the non-aligned movement, while also previously forming a “quasi-alliance” with the Soviet Union. At present, it has responded to the US Indo-Pacific strategy with cautious initiative. From the vantage point of a state targeted vis-à-vis a wedging strategy, India’s strategic behavior is shaped by the strategic environment, its primary strategic objectives, and the relations between allies within the context of a unique strategic environment. This paper identifies two types of strategic environments: the general strategic environment and the specialized strategic environment; it further identifies primary strategic objectives as economic development, sovereign integrity and independence, national security and great state status (especially with respect to that of regional or global major powers); meanwhile, the alliance relationship is defined according to the extent to which there are divisions across state interests and the capacity of states to act autonomously vis-à-vis the alliance. Through an analysis of India’s diplomatic experiences, this paper argues that against the backdrop of America’s “Indo-Pacific” strategy and a lose general strategic environment, the primary strategic objective of achieving major state status and a “large divide over interests and a major space for autonomous action” shape India’s cautious initiative with respect to its alliance relationships.