Bibliographies thématiques / Indian Party

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Indian Party »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 18 mai 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Indian Party"

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Diwakar, Rekha. « Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system ». Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no 4 (25 novembre 2016) : 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.

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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., et John R. Petrocik. « The Puzzle of Indian Politics : Social Cleavages and the Indian Party System ». British Journal of Political Science 19, no 2 (avril 1989) : 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005433.

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The social cleavage theory of parly systems has provided a major framework for the study of Western party systems. It has been quite unimportant in studying other party systems, especially those of developing countries, where comparative development, and not mass electoral politics, has been the focus of study. This article reports the results of an attempt to bridge these traditions by analysing popular support for the Congress Party of India in terms of the expectations of the social cleavage theory of parties. This analysis illustrates the degree to which Indian partisanship conforms to the expectations of the theory. More importantly, this social cleavage theory analysis offers some new perspectives on (1) the inability of the Indian political system to develop national parties other than the Congress and (2) the ‘disaggregation’ of the Congress party.
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. « The New Indian Party System ». Party Politics 4, no 3 (juillet 1998) : 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068898004003005.

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Webb, Martin. « Digital Politics in the Diaspora : U.K. Aam Aadmi Party Supporters Online and Offline ». Television & ; New Media 21, no 4 (30 août 2019) : 420–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476419871672.

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In 2012, the Aam Aadmi (common man) Party (AAP) made its debut on the Indian political scene on a platform promoting ethical politics, anticorruption action and active citizenship. Inspired by the AAP’s call to “change politics,” many nonresident Indians (NRIs) in the U.K. Indian diaspora joined an international network of groups that provided support for the party in subsequent successful election campaigns. This article follows the ways in which digital media played a key role in the formation of intense individual attachments to the party, and how, for some, it became the means through which disillusionment with the party and its project was expressed. By attending to digital politics in the Indian diaspora as it plays out in this relatively recent political formation, we can gain a new perspective on the circulations, connections, and class values through which postliberalization projects to reform the nation are worked on from beyond its borders.
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Ketaki, Kalinga. « Today's Party System in Indian Politics ». Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no 2 (2019) : 729. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2321-5828.2019.00120.7.

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Herrick, Rebekah, et Jeanette Mendez. « American Indian party identification : why American Indians tend to be democrats ». Politics, Groups, and Identities 8, no 2 (2 avril 2018) : 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1457964.

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Norvell, John M. « Jonathan W. Warren, Racial Revolutions : Antiracism and Indian Resurgence in Brazil. Durham and London : Duke University Press, 2001. 368 pp. $74.95 cloth ; 22.95 paper ». International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (avril 2004) : 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904350131.

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Racial Revolutions comes at a crucial time for indigenist policy in Brazil. Newly elected president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva takes over with several orders for the permanent protection of Indian reserves on his desk, completed but left unsigned by outgoing president Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Lula's party, the Workers Party, has a strongly progressive social platform on issues of racial discrimination but no track record or firm positions on Indian issues. Fundamental changes in Brazilian Indian law have been proposed and may come before Congress early this year. Three fatal attacks on Indians occurred in January 2003, the first month of Lula's presidency. One of these cases, the murder by youths of a seventy-seven year-old Indian man in Porto Alegre, recalls the fatal 1997 immolation of a visiting Pataxó leader while sleeping at a bus stop in Brasília, a well-publicized case with which Jonathan Warren opens his book. Finally, anthropologists who work with Indians in Brazil are still dealing with the repercussions of serious ethical charges involving research among the Yanomami Indians raised against senior Amazonianists by journalist Patrick Tierney in his book Darkness in El Dorado (2000).
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Cooke, Robin. « Party Autonomy ». Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 30, no 1 (1 juin 1999) : 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v30i1.6022.

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This is an augmented version of a paper delivered at the International Centre for Alternative Dispute Resolution, New Delhi, in December 1998. Party autonomy describes the principle whereby the parties to a dispute have full autonomy when making their arbitration agreement. The author discusses the Arbitration and Conciliation Act 1996 of the Parliament of India, focusing on the principle of party autonomy. He describes his formative experiences to arbitration in cases like Wellington City v National Bank of New Zealand Properties Ltd, the Arbitration and Conciliation Act itself, Indian case law before the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, and a brief look at New Zealand's Arbitration Act 1996.
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Mitra, Subrata. « The 2008 Survey of Indian Third-Party Logistics (3PL) Service Providers ». International Journal of Applied Logistics 2, no 1 (janvier 2011) : 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jal.2011010104.

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This paper presents a survey of Indian third-party logistics (3PL) providers and compares the state of the industry with that in 2004 based on an earlier survey. The 3PL industries of India and North America are also compared. The survey finds that the Indian 3PL industry lags behind North America in terms of global reach and breadth of service. Indian 3PL providers also underperform in key variables that determine performance levels. Other problems identified by the survey are the lack of awareness among Indian shippers, shortage of management talent, inadequate infrastructure, complex documentations, and multiple tax systems. Despite these limitations, the Indian 3PL industry is growing. Many global players are entering the Indian market through direct investments, acquisitions, and alliances. The Indian government is also improving the infrastructure, reducing paperwork, simplifying taxation systems, and implementing economic policies conducive to growth. This paper provides significant insights for logistics managers, government, and other stakeholders.
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Rehman, Sharaf N. « Om Puri : The man who presented the real faces of the subcontinent of India ». Asian Cinema 31, no 2 (1 octobre 2020) : 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00028_7.

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The Indian film industry continues to turn out between 1600 and 2000 films every year, making it the largest movie-producing country in the world. Yet, it would be a challenge for an average European or American moviegoer to name a film actor from the Indian subcontinent. Naming the films may be easier. For instance, millennials may be able to name Slumdog Millionaire (2008), Generation X crowd may mention Gandhi (1982) and the older audiences may recall The Party (1968) and Ganga Din (1939) as movies about the Indians and India. It was not until the movie Gandhi that Indian actors were allowed to play as Indians. Sam Jaffe and Abner Biberman played as Indians in Ganga Din; Peter Sellers was the Indian actor in The Party, and Shirley MacLaine was the Princess Aouda in Around the World in 80 Days (1956). It is reasonable to assume that many film viewers may be unfamiliar with Om Puri, an actor who played in over 325 films in India, Pakistan, the United Kingdom and the United States, and made films in English, Bengali, Punjabi and Tamil languages. Om Puri passed away in 2017. His name may be unfamiliar, but his face and his work as an actor will remain unforgettable. Between Gandhi (1982) and Viceroy’s House (2017), Puri acted in two dozen films in the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States. This article discusses Puri’s work in popular Hindi cinema, in Indian Parallel Cinema, and European and North American films.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Indian Party"

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Dey, Mouli. « Indian party system and party systems in the states since 1989 ». Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2797.

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Becker, Philipp [Verfasser]. « Indian Summer - Party Affiliation in the 21st Century / Philipp Becker ». Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1223090590/34.

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Owen, Nicholas. « The confusions of an imperialist inheritance : the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284270.

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Diwakar, Rekha. « An investigation into the determinants of the size of Indian party systems ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1921/.

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Research on the Indian party system has been dominated by descriptive approaches, wherein case studies of a specific party, election or geographic region have been analysed. Cross-country studies that include the Indian data tend to focus only on the national level, paying little attention to the party systems at the sub-national level. My thesis compiles a comprehensive database covering the period 1951 to 2004, and undertakes an empirical investigation into the determinants of the size of Indian party system at the sub-national level. The main focus of my thesis is the state level, but I also undertake analysis at the district level to evaluate Duverger's Law, and the effects of District Magnitude and Electoral reservation on the size of the Indian party system. I investigate the effects of institutional, sociological and contextual variables on the size of the party systems in the Indian states. I find that Assembly Size and Effective Threshold are important institutional variables affecting the size of party system. States with larger Assembly Size tend to have higher number of parties, while higher Effective Thresholds are associated with lower number of parties. Further, higher social and religious heterogeneity increases the number of parties in the Indian states. Federal centralisation and dependence of the states' on the national government emerge as important contextual variables affecting the size of the Indian party system I find that these two factors reduce the number of parties at the state level. My unified regression analysis shows the importance of institutional, sociological and contextual factors in determining the size of the party systems in the Indian states. Finally, I discuss the implications of my findings on the electoral and political system and democracy in India, and identify some important areas of future research.
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Ansara, David. « The decline of a dominant party : the Indian National Congress, 1967-1977 ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10034.

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Includes abstract.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-109).
This thesis is concerned with the phenomenon of Single Party Dominance (SPD) and the implications of such a phenomenon on the party system in post-Independence India. Specifically, the work is tasked with explaining how dominance can end by providing an analytical narrative of a single case of SPD and its collapse. This will be done by examining the precipitous decline of the Indian National Congress over a ten-year period from 1967, where Congress lost its first state-level elections, to 1977, where the party was finally rejected at the national level after three decades of dominance.
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Raman, Parvathi. « 'Being an Indian communist the South African way' : the influence of Indians in the South African Communist Party, 1934-1952 ». Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2002. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29274/.

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The Indians that settled in South Africa were differentiated by class, caste, religion, language and region of origin. Whilst some Indians were imported as indentured labourers to work on the sugar plantations in Natal, others came as merchants and traders and set up businesses in South Africa. In this thesis, I consider the historical background to the construction of 'Indianness' in South Africa, where the idea of 'community', a contested and transformative concept, called upon existing cultural traditions brought from India, as well as new ways of life that developed in South Africa. Crucially, central to the construction of 'Indianness' were notions of citizenship and belonging within their new environment. I look at the ways in which sections of the Indian 'community' were radicalised through fighting for democratic rights and citizenship in South Africa, and subsequently joined the South African Communist Party. With Indian South African communists, there was, I argue, a complex articulation between the influence of Gandhi and the Indian national movement, socialism and class politics, and the circumstances of their new social and political landscape. Historically, Indians have been disproportionately represented in the South African Communist Party in relation to their numbers in wider South African society. They have played an important part in the development of political strategies within the party and, in particular, have contributed to the ongoing debate on the relationship between nationalism and socialism and the practical application of this in party work. In this thesis, I look at the role of Indians in the South African Communist Party and consider the social, cultural and political influences that they brought to the organisation. I examine how these traditions were woven into new forms of political resistance within the CP, and how these fed into the Defiance Campaign of 1952.
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Kundu, Apurba. « How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy ? » Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.

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No
The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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Sundar, Aparna. « The state and labour : party regimes and state-labour relationships in three Indian states ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69604.

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The role of the political party in power in mediating the relationship between the state and labour was examined. The Indian states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal--each governed by a political party representing a different ideology and class coalition--were compared in terms of conditions for workers. Other factors likely to affect the position of workers in the state, such as its industrial profile, and the strength of its labour movement prior to the period under study, were also considered.
It was found that, although the nature of the party regime did significantly influence the state-labour relationship, workers were not necessarily better off under the most sympathetic and interventionist party. The nature of industry in the state was central in determining conditions for workers. Thus, the party in power influenced conditions for workers as much through policies not aimed specifically at workers, as through intervention in industrial relations.
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Weigold, Auriol, et n/a. « The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942 ». University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.

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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative. This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership. Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India. Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to retain control of its empire. Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate. The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's. The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could be presented as damaging to allied war aims. The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates. Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942 and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was Britain.
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Feinhandler, Ian Alexander Nicholas. « Geographical contextual influences in the vote for the Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2004 Indian election ». Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3239465.

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Livres sur le sujet "Indian Party"

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Thakkar, Geeta. Party snacks indian ane continental. Mumbai : Geeta Thakkar, 2002.

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Congress, Indian National, et Indian National Congress. All India Congress Committee., dir. Indian National Congress Party publications. New Delhi : Library of Congress Office, 1996.

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Congress, Indian National. Indian National Congress Party publications. New Delhi : Library of Congress Office, 2002.

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Mukhopadhyay, Sadhana. Rakam rakam birthday party. Calcutta : Ananda, 2000.

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(I), Indian National Congress. Indian National Congress (I) Party publications. New Delhi : Library of Congress Office, 2002.

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Party politics in Indian National Congress. New Delhi : Anamika Publishers & Distributors, 2002.

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Jha, Shiva Chandra. Indian party politics : Structure, leadership, programmes. New Delhi : Deep & Deep Publications, 1989.

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(I), Indian National Congress, dir. Indian National Congress (I) Party publications. New Delhi : Library of Congress Office, 1996.

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Mathur, Sudha. Party va davati vyanjan. New Delhi : Prabhat Prakashan, 2004.

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Swaraj Party and the Indian National Congress. New Delhi : Vikas Pub. House, 1985.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Indian Party"

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Chakrabarty, Bidyut, et Rajendra K. Pandey. « Party System ». Dans Indian Political System, 205–18. London : Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434726-14.

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Singh, M. P., et Rekha Saxena. « The party system in India ». Dans Indian National Congress, 1–27. London : Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003254676-1.

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Kumar, Rajesh. « The Congress Party and the Indian Party System ». Dans Indian Politics and Political Processes, 237–58. London : Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-14.

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Jha, Mithilesh Kumar. « Bharatiya Janata Party ». Dans Indian Politics and Political Processes, 259–74. London : Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-15.

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Choudhary, Sunil K. « Locating Israeli and Indian Parties and Party Systems ». Dans The Changing Face of Parties and Party Systems, 23–32. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5175-3_2.

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Jal, Murzban. « The Indian left and the Indian National Congress Party : What is to be Done ? » Dans The Magical Lantern, 58–80. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003333111-4.

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Das, Samir Kumar. « Navigating Between Nation and Civilization : Regimes of Citizenship and Migration Under Bharatiya Janata Party ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 83–95. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-34194-6_6.

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AbstractThis paper seeks to understand the complicated nature of the relation of ‘nation’ to ‘civilization’ and vice versa and most importantly the implications that these relations have for the evolution of official migration regimes in India since Independence. While civilization continues to be one of the abiding elements of Indian State’s world-view in general and foreign policy in particular, the country is still grappling as it were with the reality of the nation(-state) and its twin imperatives of territorial enclosure and restriction on free movement of people across borders. The paper concentrates on how Indian State’s self-understanding as a ‘civilizational nation’ in the immediate aftermath of Independence gives way to the present stage when the nation is understood as a self-contained civilization itself. It proposes to view the evolution with reference to a few stages and focuses mainly on how the evolving nature of our State ideology might help explain the variation in State’s responses to cross-border migration over the decades.
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Choudhary, Sunil K. « Indian National Congress : From a ‘’ to the Political Pioneer of Freedom Struggle ». Dans The Changing Face of Parties and Party Systems, 47–55. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5175-3_4.

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Ahmed, Raja Qaiser. « Bharatiya Janata Party, the Rise of Modi and Indian Foreign Policy ». Dans Pakistan Factor and the Competing Perspectives in India, 53–73. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7052-7_4.

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Sharma, Hritika, Saket Shanker et Akhilesh Barve. « Risks Associated with Third-Party Logistics in Indian Restaurant Supply Chain ». Dans Lecture Notes in Mechanical Engineering, 1–10. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7059-6_1.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Indian Party"

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Mishra, D. K., et M. Chandwani. « Anonymity enabled secure multi-party computation for indian BPO ». Dans TENCON 2007 - 2007 IEEE Region 10 Conference. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tencon.2007.4429049.

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Rajadesingan, Ashwin, Anmol Panda et Joyojeet Pal. « Leader or Party ? Personalization in Twitter Political Campaigns during the 2019 Indian Elections ». Dans SMSociety'20 : International Conference on Social Media and Society. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3400806.3400827.

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Mitra, Subrata. « A comparative study of North American and Indian third-party logistics (3PL) service providers ». Dans 2nd International Conference on Computer and Automation Engineering (ICCAE 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iccae.2010.5451460.

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Sharma, Ajay Kumar. « HSE and City Gas Distribution ». Dans ASME 2017 India Oil and Gas Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/iogpc2017-2452.

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City Gas Distribution is one of the most assured businesses in current times as Natural Gas being a clean fuel becomes the first choice of consumers. Though CGD Network has enormous potential and has evident advantages however, it brings alongwith it’s own challenges but the biggest challenge is the vicinity of CGD Network with common public. A major factor for success of CGD Network depends on the discipline and involvement of common public in keeping CGD Network safe and effective. This paper intends to discuss on HSE issues with focus on like Single Call system for India, Indian regulations Vs other countries and Quality Assurance. Single Call system for India is the most important issue of CGD Network that really needs to be deliberated. In India, more than 20 clearances need to be obtained from various statutory and civil authorities before execution of any CGD Network project which really affects the project cost, time, consumer benefits, emergency response and third party damages. Now let’s consider few international regulations like National Energy Board in Canada which is the nodal agency to ensure CGD pipelines are safe for public and environment. NEB regulations harmonize with provinces to ensure that any third party excavation work within pipeline corridor is carried out only after due communication to the pipeline company. The 49 US Code 60114 - One Call notification system also mandates that any third party before carrying out any excavation needs to establish if there are underground facilities present in the area of the intended activity and contact appropriate system. Indian regulations like T4S and ERDMP for CGD Network are indeed bringing all CGD companies at par in terms of design, safety, O&M and Integrity Management System. However, they need to sincerely look into Single Call System alongwith specific issues like interdistances, space constraints in big cities, compressor installation at height. Quality Assurance involves periodic inspection and maintenance of CGD asset through a systematic plan including identification of critical equipments, Preventive Maintenance Schedules, carrying out maintenance as per the PM, maintaining a database of observations and defects. A key component is the generation of baseline data for implementing and monitoring Integrity Management System for CGD Network. Hence, as CGD Network is a complex and dynamic distribution system involving public, private industries/commercials, civil authorities and wide geography, it is imperative to have a multi-pronged approach involving strict regulation enforcement, well informed public and latest technologies to ensure safe and efficient CGD Networks.
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Dutta, Sujan, Parth Srivastava, Vaishnavi Solunke, Swaprava Nath et Ashiqur R. KhudaBukhsh. « Disentangling Societal Inequality from Model Biases : Gender Inequality in Divorce Court Proceedings ». Dans Thirty-Second International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-23}. California : International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2023/661.

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Divorce is the legal dissolution of a marriage by a court. Since this is usually an unpleasant outcome of a marital union, each party may have reasons to call the decision to quit which is generally documented in detail in the court proceedings. Via a substantial corpus of 17,306 court proceedings, this paper investigates gender inequality through the lens of divorce court proceedings. To our knowledge, this is the first-ever large-scale computational analysis of gender inequality in Indian divorce, a taboo-topic for ages. While emerging data sources (e.g., public court records made available on the web) on sensitive societal issues hold promise in aiding social science research, biases present in cutting-edge natural language processing (NLP) methods may interfere with or affect such studies. A thorough analysis of potential gaps and limitations present in extant NLP resources is thus of paramount importance. In this paper, on the methodological side, we demonstrate that existing NLP resources required several non-trivial modifications to quantify societal inequalities. On the substantive side, we find that while a large number of court cases perhaps suggest changing norms in India where women are increasingly challenging patriarchy, AI-powered analyses of these court proceedings indicate striking gender inequality with women often subjected to domestic violence.
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Emran, Ashraf, Shivam Garg, Simon Mertes, Anirudh Gautam, Marvin Schmidt, Maximilian Wick, Marius Walters, Sachin Wagh et Vijay Sharma. « Fuel Cell Electric Metro Train Concept – Zero Emission Rail Transport Solution for Indian Cities ». Dans Symposium on International Automotive Technology. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States : SAE International, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/2024-26-0179.

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<div class="section abstract"><div class="htmlview paragraph">Indian cities are among the most polluted in the world. The transportation sector is one of the major sources of gaseous pollutants. In recent years, also the effects of climate change and global warming have been felt across the globe. India has therefore committed at the CoP26 summit in 2021 to reduce its CO<sub>2</sub> emissions by 45% till the year 2030. The Indian automotive sector is already addressing the problem with implementation of the Stage 2 BS VI norms, CAFÉ &amp; Stage V standards and pursuing rapid electrification with application of zero emission vehicles.</div><div class="htmlview paragraph">India also has the largest rail network of Asia, and a significant proportion of greenhouse gases is emitted by this sector. Deployment of zero emission fuel cell trains would be one of the solutions to meet India’s emission reduction targets. Indian Railways has already started its journey towards zero emissions and has set a target to launch hydrogen fuel cell trains on some routes soon as part of the “Hydrogen for Heritage” initiative.</div><div class="htmlview paragraph">In this study, the application of fuel cell technology in an Indian metro train is investigated. The dimensioning of the major powertrain components like the fuel cell system, HV battery pack, and the hydrogen storage system for the fuel cell train are presented. Also, a retrofit approach will be developed, which includes a packaging study of the major powertrain components in the engine and passenger coaches of the existing train. System simulations with validated models allow an assessment of the system weight and costs for the new fuel cell metro train.</div></div>
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Jagtap, Amol Shivaji. « Impact of Driving Cycles on the Range Performance of Battery Electric Vehicle ». Dans WCX SAE World Congress Experience. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States : SAE International, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/2024-01-2149.

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<div class="section abstract"><div class="htmlview paragraph">When compared to traditional cars with internal combustion engines (ICEs), electric vehicles (EVs) are seen as a more environmentally friendly option. However, the widespread acceptance of EVs in India faces several obstacles, including the high cost of the technology, inadequate charging infrastructure, and limited driving range. Additionally, potential customers are concerned about the actual range of EVs, which often falls short of the certified range. The certified range is determined based on a standardized driving cycle so selecting the appropriate driving cycle for range estimation is of utmost importance. In India, the modified Indian drive cycle (MIDC) has been implemented, which is comparable to the New European Driving Cycle (NEDC). Modified Indian Driving Cycle (MIDC) consists of four Urban Driving Cycles (Part I) and one Extra Urban Driving Cycle (Part II), however range measured with Part-I of the modified Indian driving cycle is considered as the approved/certified value of the electric vehicle's range.</div><div class="htmlview paragraph">The objective of this research is to analyze the influence of standard driving cycles, namely NEDC, MIDC (Part I), and WLTC (World harmonized Light-duty vehicles Test Cycle), on the range of electric vehicles (EVs). A 1D- Vehicle simulation model has been developed to investigate the impact of these driving cycles on the range of EVs. The vehicle model is evaluated against published energy consumption values, which show a reasonable level of accuracy with an error range of 1.8% to 7.3% between simulation and experimental results for auxiliary loads of 150W to 250W on MIDC Part I cycle. The simulation findings have confirmed that the choice of driving cycle significantly affects the range of EVs. It has been observed that MIDC (Part I) is not suitable for Indian driving conditions. Therefore, it is recommended that India adopt the WLTC or an equivalent driving cycle to accurately determine the range of EVs. This will help bridge the gap between the certified range and the actual range of EVs.</div></div>
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Mukherjee, Sankar, et Shyamal Kumar Das Mandal. « Bengali parts-of-speech tagging using Global Linear Model ». Dans 2013 Annual IEEE India Conference (INDICON). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indcon.2013.6726132.

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Sundararajan, G., Y. R. Mahajan et S. V. Joshi. « Thermal Spraying in India : Status and Prospects ». Dans ITSC2009, sous la direction de B. R. Marple, M. M. Hyland, Y. C. Lau, C. J. Li, R. S. Lima et G. Montavon. ASM International, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.31399/asm.cp.itsc2009p0511.

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Abstract This paper provides a summary of the status and potential of thermal spray activities in India. A meaningful indicator of the future growth of thermal spray technology in India is the rapid rise in the number of job shops that offer thermal spray coating services. The number of captive units meeting in-house coating needs has also increased markedly in recent years. These trends have in part been fueled by an increase in the number of home-grown Indian companies manufacturing spray systems, handling equipment, and performance evaluation test rigs. Research in areas such as cold gas dynamic spraying (CGDS) and solution precursor plasma spraying (SPPS) is also on the rise in India.
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Reddy, G. Sridhar, et K. Srinivas Rao. « Photovoltaic based power electronic converter systems-Part II ». Dans 2014 Annual IEEE India Conference (INDICON). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indicon.2014.7030378.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Indian Party"

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Busch, Carsten. The Policy of the Bharatiya Janata Party, 1980 and 2008 : Possible Influence of Hindu Nationalism on Indian Politics. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juin 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada501143.

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Trembeczki, Zsolt. Japanese FDI in India Part II : Drivers and Obstacles from the Viewpoint of Japanese Investors. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.69.

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This policy brief is part of a two-part series analysing the history and current situation of Japanese foreign direct investment (FDI), and its potential role in India’s economy. The previous part found that while Japan has become a major investor in India over the recent decades, top-level political relations in the past had limited impact on India’s actual ability to attract Japanese foreign direct investment. This policy brief examines the factors that determine Japanese companies’ willingness to establish or increase their presence in India. It finds that India’s dynamically growing market, relatively cheap talent pool, infrastructure ‘spending spree’, and recent policies promoting the industry are highly attractive to Japanese companies. That being said, Japanese investors are deeply concerned about India’s poor infrastructure and still relatively restrictive regulatory environment. For these reasons, the realisation of the 2022 March announcement by Japanese Prime Minister Kishida, which would add an up to 136% increase in Japanese FDI stock in India, would first and foremost depend on India’s own ability to implement reforms and improve its infrastructure, rather than on the political will of top Indian and Japanese leaders.
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Trembeczki, Zsolt. Japanese FDI in India Part I : From the Licence Raj to the Modi–Abe Years. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.68.

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In March 2022, while celebrating the 70th anniversary of Indo-Japanese diplomatic relations, Japan’s Prime Minister announced his country’s plan to invest USD 42 billion in India over the next five years. This policy brief, the first in a two-part series dedicated to India–Japan investment relations, examines whether, if realised, this plan would be a true game changer in Indo–Japanese investment relations. It finds that, historically, Japanese investments in India have mostly followed the broader trends in India’s ability to attract FDI, as well as Japan’s global investment position, and while over the last eight years Indo–Japanese diplomatic relations have intensified remarkably, this has only translated to a mild relative (although significant absolute) increase in Japanese investors’ role in the Indian economy. Against this background, the realisation of PM Kishida’s March announcement would only require a moderate uptake in the trends of the past decade. Whether this happens, however, is more a function of India’s ability to implement further meaningful reforms than of the spirit of high-level bilateral relations.
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Townsend, John. Technical assistance for expanding contraceptive choice in India. Population Council, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1995.1017.

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One of the roles of the ANE OR/TA Project in India was to participate in policy dialogues with national counterparts, in the public sector and among NGOs, about expanding contraceptive choices, and to provide technical assistance for facilitating changes in service-delivery procedures. The public sector provides five contraceptive methods through its 11,500 hospitals and primary health care facilities. NGOs, private physicians, and pharmacies have access to a broader range of brands. While India is one of the world's leaders in contraceptive research, in recent years products have come to market slowly. New technology is often embraced, however the cost of contraceptive options is not trivial in the Indian context. As stated in this report, the OR Project became formally involved in the effort to expand contraceptive choices in 1993 at the request of the USAID Mission in India. The Secretary of Family Welfare supported concerns for quality and choice as part of the preparation for the International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo, September 1994. Similar recommendations were made during development of a draft national population policy.
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Yadav, Mukesh, et Deepika Jha. Decoding the Unique Codes for Revenue Plots in Uttar Pradesh. Indian Institute for Human Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24943/ducrpup02.2022.

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In 2018-19, the Government of Uttar Pradesh (UP) became the first state in India to assign a unique property code to every rural land parcel to ensure its exclusivity. The Unique Property Identification Code (UPIC) is a 16-digit code combining census village code, khasra/ gata number, division of khasra, and land type. It has been used as a common identification number to integrate various other land-allied applications such as Bhu-Lekh, Bhu-Naksha, RCCMS, PRERNA, and Anti-Bhu-Mafia in the state. This policy brief is a part of the study on land records modernisation aspects in UP conducted by the Indian Institute for Human Settlements (IIHS). The study found that some aspects of the UPIC needed improvement. This policy brief also compares UPIC with the Unique Land Parcel Identification Number (ULPIN), launched by the Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India, in some other states.
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Jha, Deepika, Sudeshna Mitra, Amlanjyoti Goswami, Sahil Sasidharan et Kaye Lushington. Land Records Modernisation in India : Bihar. Indian Institute for Human Settlements, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24943/9788195648535.

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This work provides an institutional, legal and policy review of crucial aspects of land records modernisation systems in Bihar. The state’s progress with land records modernisation efforts has been historically slow but in the last few years, it has taken long strides in computerisation of land records and associated processes, and is on the way to a more accessible land information system. Bihar is a significant example to understand that in certain parts of India, issues of land and property ownership are embedded in socio-historical conditions, which can be addressed only in part by current modernisation efforts. The state is undertaking an attempt to address some of these issues through a resurvey, supported by large scale strengthening of capacity, and legislative framework. The ability of the state to address multiple claims in a judicious and timebound manner would determine, to a large extent, how successful these ongoing surveys and computerisation initiatives will be.
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Bhan, Gautam, Divya Ravindranath, Rashee Mehra, Divij Sinha, Amruth Kiran et Teja Malladi. Deficits in decent work : employer perspectives and practices on the quality of employment in domestic work in urban India. ILO, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54394/alhg1042.

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This study report contributes towards understanding employers’ perspectives on existing working conditions and practices relating to recruitment, income security, employment security and social security available to domestic workers. To do so, this report draws upon data from 3,067 households in two large metropolitan Indian cities– Bengaluru and Chennai – with variations across socio-economic status, caste, religion, neighborhood type and across households with and without women working for wages. This report is the second of a three-part series, with the first report looking at the total number of paid and unpaid hours it takes to reproduce a household in urban India, and the third assessing employer motivations, beliefs and perspectives about domestic work and workers.
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Oneschuk, D., J. Tod et G. Kilfoil. Red Indian Line, airborne geophysics compilation (part I), central Newfoundland. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/212737.

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Gopinath, Ranjani, Rajesh Bhatia, Sonalini Khetrapal, Sungsup Ra et Giridhara R. Babu. Tuberculosis Control Measures in Urban India : Strengthening Delivery of Comprehensive Primary Health Services. Asian Development Bank, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps200409-2.

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Approximately 2.69 million tuberculosis (TB) cases—about a quarter of the global cases—were reported in India on The Global TB Report 2019. There are nearly half a million “missing” cases every year, either undiagnosed, unaccountable, or inadequately diagnosed and treated. This paper analyzes the magnitude of TB transmission and the quality of interventions in urban areas and migrant populations in India. It identifies key factors and areas that need to be further strengthened for the country to achieve its goal of eliminating TB by 2025. The study is aligned with the government’s objective to strengthen the provision of comprehensive primary health care services for the urban poor as part of India’s National Strategic Plan, 2017–2025.
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Gopinath, Ranjani, Rajesh Bhatia, Sonalini Khetrapal, Sungsup Ra et Giridhara R. Babu. Tuberculosis Control Measures in Urban India : Strengthening Delivery of Comprehensive Primary Health Services. Asian Development Bank, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps200409-2.

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Approximately 2.69 million tuberculosis (TB) cases—about a quarter of the global cases—were reported in India on The Global TB Report 2019. There are nearly half a million “missing” cases every year, either undiagnosed, unaccountable, or inadequately diagnosed and treated. This paper analyzes the magnitude of TB transmission and the quality of interventions in urban areas and migrant populations in India. It identifies key factors and areas that need to be further strengthened for the country to achieve its goal of eliminating TB by 2025. The study is aligned with the government’s objective to strengthen the provision of comprehensive primary health care services for the urban poor as part of India’s National Strategic Plan, 2017–2025.
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