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1
Osman, Newal. « Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
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2
Watkins, Kevin. « India : colonialism, nationalism and perceptions of development ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670394.
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3
Pandit, Aishwarya. « From United Provinces to Uttar Pradesh : heartland politics 1947-70 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709289.
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4
Bishop, Jennifer Jane. « Precious metals, coinage, and 'commonwealth' in mid-Tudor England ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708796.
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5
Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. « Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.
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6
Myles, John Eric. « The Muscovite ruling oligarchy of 1547-1564 : its composition, political behaviour and attitudes towards reform ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa3000e9-f181-45de-9600-4352f58a02a6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent decades considerable progress has been made in elucidating the assumptions and the dynamics of Muscovite court politics, and further scrutiny is attempted in this enquiry into the ruling oligarchy of 1547-1564. Chapters 1 to 3 are devoted to groundwork. In Chapter 1 an introduction to the ruling oligarchy is provided against the background of Muscovy's contemporary government and population. The goal of territorial aggrandisement pursued by Muscovite rulers from Ivan HI favoured "rationalisation" of the central government and reforms of the army's discipline and technology; moreover, the wars of conquest left untouched no element of the population. Tsar Ivan and his exercise of authority were especially strongly affected: the precedents established by earlier rulers encouraged him to consider Muscovy his private votchina. but such an attitude became increasingly anachronistic as the realms expanded and the tasks of governing it grew too complex for any one man. During the Oprichnina he attempted to resolve this contradiction by ruling autocratically; autocratic rule and those circumstances favouring it by 1564 are the dissertation's main theme. Even before 1564 Ivan IV was the central actor in Muscovite politics, and criteria are advanced whereby advisers close enough to qualify for the ruling oligarchy are identified. The mid-sixteenth century, as a prelude to autocracy, was a critical moment in Muscovite politics; the rich and varied historiography is surveyed in Chapter 2. The sources - their authors, dates, and value as historical evidence - are critically assessed in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 to 7 comprise the heart of the dissertation. In Chapters 4 to 6 an attempt is made to identify members of the ruling oligarchy of 1546-1564; their political behaviour and where feasible, their political attitudes are explored. In Chapter 7 the attitudes individual members maintained towards particular reforms envisaged at mid-century are explored. The dissertation's main conclusions are systematically expounded in Chapter 8, and as appropriate, their broader implications for Russian and European history are brought out.
7
Schmitz-Thursam, Trevor Charles. « The Tumult of Amboise and the Importance of Historical Memory in Sixteenth-Century France ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4789.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Humanist legal scholarship was the catalyst to historical revolution that took place in sixteenth-century France. French philologists succeeded in demonstrating the cultural distinctiveness of France from a heretofore assumed classical heritage shared with ancient Rome. As a result, scholars sought to retrace the historical origins of France in the non-Roman Gauls and Franks. Their intensive study of the laws, customs and institutions that developed in France, as distinct from ancient Rome, transformed the understanding of the national past. Following the introduction of the principles of historical anachronism and cultural relativism, the sixteenth century witnessed a transformation of traditional perceptions of historical time. It was during this period when the historical myths, legends and traditions that comprised the cultural fabric of French society were called into question, were transformed, and emerged as new myths that spoke more directly to the crises of the French Religious Wars. The purpose of this study is to attach greater significance to the Tumult of Amboise of 1560 than has previously been afforded in the scholarship of this period. The Tumult of Amboise provide not only the impetus for the civil wars that were waged in France for nearly half a century, but also served as the catalyst for an first expression of Protestant resistance theory that was to change the face of political discourse in this period. The debate centered around the Tumult of Amboise set the stage for constitutional theories regarding the laws of succession and the role of the Estates-General that were dominate political discourse in the latter half of the sixteenth century. As political polemicists increasingly sought to reconstruct an image of the mythical French past, in order to demonstrate the ancientness of the French constitution, the historical fiction that developed around these efforts became a functioning political ideology that should be viewed as one of the first concerted expressions of French nationalism. In this regard, the recreation of the national past took on a patriotic dimension heretofore absent from traditional, chroniclesty led medieval histories and, in time, developed into a uniquely Gallican mythology that stood defiantly as a rival to the cultural heterodoxy of Rome. Further, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate the developmental nature of political discourse in this period. As the civil wars progressed, doctrines of constitutionalism and limited monarchy began to be laced with more abstract theories regarding the nature of political obligation and the responsibility of the ruler to his subjects. Employing a comparative analysis of discourse from the 1560's to the succession of Henri IV, it will be shown that the transformation of political propaganda was direct! y dependent on the historical memory of the participants, who engaged in an effort to frame the political and religious crises within the context of their perceptions of the past.
8
der, Weduwen Arthur. « Selling the republican ideal : state communication in the Dutch Golden Age ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16612.
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This study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of 'state communication': the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life. The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.
9
Culberson, James Kevin. « Obedience and Disobedience in English Political Thought, 1528-1558 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278873/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
English political thought from 1528 to 1558 was dominated by the question of obedience to civil authority. English Lutherans stressed the duty of obedience to the prince as the norm; however, if he commands that which is immoral one should passively disobey. The defenders of Henrician royal supremacy, while attempting to strengthen the power of the crown, used similar arguments to stress unquestioned obedience to the king. During Edward VI's reign this teaching of obedience was popularized from the pulpit. However, with the accession of Mary a new view regarding obedience gained prominence. Several important Marian exiles contended that the principle that God is to be obeyed rather than man entails the duty of Christians to resist idolatrous and evil rulers for the sake of the true Protestant religion.
10
Ray, Rabindra. « The Naxalites and their ideology : a study in the sociology of knowledge ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670404.
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11
Moran, Arik. « Permutations of Rajput identity in the West Himalayas, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a5436935-3a87-4702-8b0a-471643633c46.
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The sustained interaction of local elites and British administrators in the West Himalayas over the decades that surrounded the early colonial encounter (c. 1790-1840) saw the emergence of a distinctly new understanding of communal identity among the leaders of the region. This eventful period saw the mountain ('Pahari') kingdoms transform from fragmented, autonomous polities on the fringes of the Indian subcontinent to subjects of indigenous (Nepali, Sikh) and, ultimately, foreign (British) empires, and dramatically altered the ways Pahari leaders chose to remember and represent themselves. Using a wide array of sources from different locales in the hills (e.g., oral epics, archival records and local histories), this thesis traces the Pahari elite's transition from a nebulous group of lineage-based leaders to a cohesive unitary milieu modelled after contemporary interpretations of Hindu kingship. This nascent ideal of kingship is shown to have fed into concurrent understandings of Rajput society in the West Himalayas and ultimately to have sustained the alliance between indigenous rulers and British administrators.
12
Alford, Stephen. « William Cecil and the British succession crisis of the 1560s ». Thesis, St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/641.
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13
Webb, Claire L. « The 'gude regent?' : a diplomatic perspective upon the Earl of Moray, Mary, Queen of Scots and the Scottish regency, 1567-1570 / ». Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/459.
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14
ZVER, Uros. « The elephant and the ass : Jesuit mission and political advice between Europe and Mughal India at the turn of the seventeenth century ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/59146.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 28 September 2018Examining Board: Professor Jorge Flores, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Stéphane Van Damme, EUI; Professor Jos Gommans, Leiden University; Professor Joan-Pau Rubiés, Universitat Pompeu Fabra
This thesis explores the history of cross-cultural political advice in India. Specifically, it deals with the encounter between Indo-Persian and Jesuit ideas of kingship at the court of the Mughal emperor at the turn of the seventeenth century. The main question underlying this work concerns how political ideals were communicated in a globalising world. It takes as its starting point the entangled world of a Spanish Jesuit who was sent to convert the Mughal Emperor of India in 1595 and produced a political manual written in Persian, commissioned by his royal Muslim host. The thesis uses a contextual reading of that manuscript, left untranslated and unexamined for centuries in European libraries, to argue that more than religious rivalry, shared political language shaped the way empires interacted in the early modern period. Underlying this research is also a critical intervention into questions about scales of historical analysis: how do micro-histories from early-modern empires help fabricate, or turn upside down, our ideas of long-term or wide-scale phenomena such as the gestation of political ideas and ideologies?
Chapter 4 ‘The Jesuit as Mughal courtie' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article '‘I picked these flowers of knowledge for you’ : Jesuit rules of statecraft for the emperor of Mughal India' (2019) in the journal ‘Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern law’
15
VOSKAMP, Henk. « Peasant revolts reconsidered : South West Germany and Languedoc in the 16th and early 17th century ». Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6011.
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16
ESCRIBANO-PÁEZ, Jose Miguel. « Juan Rena and the construction of the Hispanic monarchy (1500-1540) ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41804.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 June 2016Examining Board: Professor Jorge Flores, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Regina Grafe, European University Institute; Professor Wolfgang Kaiser, Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne (external advisor); Professor Pedro Cardim, Universidade Nova de Lisboa.
This thesis offers an innovative study in the construction of the Hispanic Monarchy during the first half of the sixteenth century. Focusing on a king's man: Juan Rena (Venice, ca. 1480-Toledo 1539); I explore subjects such as the Spanish expansionism in Europe and beyond, the configuration of the empire's frontiers, the shaping of the new imperial administration, and the functioning of Charles V's military machinery in the Mediterranean. In analysing Juan Rena's activity as a crown servant, this work reveals how the Hispanic Monarchy was constructed from below, out of multiple interactions between a wide array of socio-political actors. Furthermore, and this is one of the main contributions of this research, it will allow us to rethink the role of that the myriad of king's men, like Rena, played in the configuration of early modern empires. Hence, this thesis seeks to do more than simply reconstructing the activities of a royal servant, it aims to provide an in-depth study, which will contribute to our historical understanding of the construction of early modern empires.
17
Larmon, Kirsten Leigh. « Passive revolution and the transfer of power in India and the Gold Coast ». 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/505.
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18
BUXTON-DUNN, Oliver. « A state of corruption : fraud and the birth of British customs taxation, c. 1550-1590 ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34841.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 January 2015Examining Board: Jorge Flores, EUI (Supervisor); Michael J. Braddick, University of Sheffield (External supervisor); Regina Grafe, EUI; Catia Antunes, Leiden University.
The levying of royal fiscal 'impositions' on overseas trade in 1558 eclipsed varied yet relatively light customs taxation that had existed since at least the thirteenth century. The records of governors that concern this new, relatively lucrative trade taxation are dominated by reports of fraud and evasion. The methods by which merchants and particularly customs officers were said to have embezzled and concealed the taxation, imply organised networks that undertook the fraudulent schemes. This is a curious dominant fixation of Elizabethan ministers, and of those who laboured the issue to them. Such allegations amount to rich seam of source material, and were undoubtedly part of a greater, now perished body of similar records, and they communicate a great deal about Tudor customs taxation - still a mysterious subject. When it came to governing the new customs regime, the principal aim was to standardise and regulate data entered into customs accounts now known as port books. Mistrust of that information became a locus for dramatic allegations and legal activity. Both as practices, but also in a kind of discourse, misbehaviour was coming to be described as the 'corruption' of an essentially public resource. Whether the statements of endemic abuse are true or not, they highlight the structural changes that generated widespread fear of abuse. Historians have ignored such information, arguing that Elizabethan government of customs taxation was too effective to allow for such misbehaviour on any significant scale. However, I show that governance in this sphere was inchoate. The structural changes to English taxation and administration at around this time are outlined using architectural plans, early regional maps and other surviving images. This collection demonstrates the ambition and methods used by governors to augment royal trade taxation from 1558. This was to be achieved by control over strategic locations, along rivers and in English towns, and most strikingly by the control of the information to be submitted and collected at such places by merchants and customs men. We will look at examples of new standardised accounting books from 1565, which for the first time featured voluminous or "big" data. These books were designed in reality to ensure accuracy of customers 'entries', not as statistical devices of a state. There was an epistemological problem to the extension of governance over customs houses, which had previously been virtually free of central oversight. The way the Tudor monarchy came to know its customs taxation in theory would allow specifically for more precise auditing of customs declarations. I demonstrate that fraud and corruption were not side issues, but rather intimate with the very birth of this new 'modern' taxation and administration.
19
Thiruppugazh, V. « Post-disaster reconstruction : policies, performance and politics ; a comparative study of three states in India ». Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150774.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study compares evidence from the major reconstruction programs undertaken in three states in India after catastrophic disasters: Maharashtra earthquake (1993), Gujarat earthquake (2001) and Asian tsunami in Tamil Nadu (2004). It poses the central question: why, within the same broad political, social, economic and cultural framework, did some reconstruction programs go beyond pre-impact restoration to build back better?
I argue that post-disaster reconstruction is a political process in which vision, political leadership, political will and political culture are key ingredients. Reconstruction prescriptions must, therefore, go beyond the technical and embrace the political realm. One of the basic policy dilemmas is the choice between restoration status quo ante and betterment reconstruction. Discussions on the factors that contribute to effective use of post-disaster opportunity have remained largely normative with very little validation through intensive empirical research, particularly in the Indian context. This study has attempted to bridge this gap. This research has identified some of the key factors behind success in "building back better." This has been accomplished using extensive primary data (compiled from household-level surveys, village meetings and interviews), rigorous field visits, archival research, international comparison and personal experience. The study has identified, analyzed and categorized the myriad factors driving the reconstruction programs. The findings emphasize that disaster reconstruction cannot be depoliticized. It finds that the commitment of the State is a critical variable determining the leap forward after a disaster and that vision and political leadership define the scope and role of the State. Since betterment reconstruction is a long-drawn-out process, continued political commitment is needed to go beyond short-term objectives. The evidence indicates that the determinants of political will are not confined to the narrow domain of leadership, but are inseparable from the specific political cultures. The research finds that political culture is an over-arching determinant of policy choices, program implementation and the nature of stakeholder engagement. The study demonstrates that in a country like India, besides the national ethos, the political cultures of different states or even sub-cultures within them shape the larger contours of the reconstruction. This finding underscores the importance of understanding political culture while formulating policy prescriptions and designing programs. The thesis is in three parts. The first examines the recovery after the three disasters in three areas: housing reconstruction, economic transformation and disaster management. The second isolates and analyses key factors behind differential outcomes from the perspective of stakeholders and global literature. The third dwells on reconstruction as a political process.
20
Ganguly, Debjani. « Hierarchy and its discontents : caste, postcoloniality and the new humanities ». Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146075.
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21
SALAS, ALMELA Luis. « De la Corte Ducal a la Corte Real : los duques de Medina Sidonia, 1580-1670 : estrategias de poder nobilitario ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6592.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 7 October 2006Examining Board: Prof. Irving A. A. Thompson ; Prof. Anthony Molho ; Prof. Diogo R. Curto ; Prof. Rafael Valladares
First made available online: 16 June 2021
A fines de 1638 o comienzos del año siguiente se concluyeron las obras de un pasadizo secreto que don Gaspar Alonso Pérez de Guzmán el Bueno, IX duque de M edina Sidonia, había manado construir para unir su palacio con el castillo de Santiago, distantes ambos algunos cientos de metros y situados en lo alto del terraplén de Sanlúcar de Barrameda. Tan novelesca construcción incita a especular sobre su función, aunque la falta de datos concretos sobre su uso aconseja prudencia. En el tiempo del que nos vamos a ocupar, los descendientes de don Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, el héroe de Tarifa, comandaron expediciones de conquista, organizaron armadas, defendieron la costa andaluza y pacificaron reinos. Pero también pleitearon con la Corona, se opusieron a sus designios e interpretaron el bien común desde la perspectiva de su palacio sanluqueño, perspectiva que no siempre resultó coincidente con la voluntad regia. El objeto de este trabajo es desentrañar las lógicas que presidieron la elaboración de las estrategias políticas que los Medina Sidonia fueron desarrollando en este tiempo en un esfuerzo por armonizar sus propios intereses con los de la Corona, modificando unos u otros en la medida que sus posibilidades y cálculos les permitían hacerlo.