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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « India – Politics and government – 16th century »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "India – Politics and government – 16th century"

Shaw, Julia. « Ayodhya's sacred landscape : ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’ ». Antiquity 74, n^o 285 (septembre 2000) : 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060087.

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Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).

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Sibarani, Dame Maria-Nova. « Economic Policy in Indonesia and Prospects of Russian-Indonesian Trade and Economic Cooperation ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, n^o 3 (15 décembre 2019) : 450–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-450-462.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current economic situation in Indonesia and the prospects for RussianIndonesian economic cooperation. The author covers the economic development of Indonesia since 1998 Asian economic crisis, the domestic economic agenda and the policy of new President D. Widodo, as well as the history and potential for the further development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Indonesia. The relevance of the research is determined by the increasing role of Indonesia in international politics in the 21st century. Indonesia is the fourth largest country in terms of population, after China, India and the United States. Its economy is 16th in the world and first in ASEAN. It is a member of G20. It is expected that Indonesia will enter the top five largest world economies by 2030. For Russia, the development of relations with the rapidly developing Asian countries is an important element in of its foreign policy strategy of diversifying trading partners and entering the promising markets of developing countries. The main purpose of the article is to analyze current challenges faced by the Indonesian government in implementing new economic policy, to identify promising areas of bilateral cooperation of Russia and Indonesia in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The article points out the potential of these relations and the mutual benefits for the Russian and Indonesian economy. The author used mainly the historical method, which allows tracing the history of the development of the economic situation in Indonesia and the evolution of Russian-Indonesian relations. While analyzing Indonesia’s domestic economic policy, the key research method has been a comparative analysis, which contributed to summarizing the achievements of Indonesian politics. In conclusion, the author identifies promising areas for further development of Russian-Indonesian trade and economic relations taken into account modern Indonesian economic policy’s need agenda.

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Çirakman, Asli. « FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM : THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, n^o 1 (février 2001) : 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.

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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.

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Aguirre, Rodolfo. « The Indians and Major Studies in New Spain : Monarchical Politics, Debates, and Results ». Social Sciences 10, n^o 4 (25 mars 2021) : 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040115.

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This article studies some stages and debates about the access of New Spain’s Indians to major studies: The discussion about their mental capacity in the 16th century, the impulse of Carlos II to the indigenous nobility in the 17th century, or the reticence in the Royal University of Mexico and the Church to their acceptance in the 18th century. It also analyzes the responses given by the Crown to the interest of the Indians elites in superior studies, degrees and public positions, protected by their rights as free vassals of the kingdom and as nobles, comparable to the Spanish nobility. Despite the insistent resistance of sectors of the colonial government and society to the rise of Indians, they firmly defended, in the 18th century, the rights and privileges granted to them by the monarchy since the beginning of New Spain, thereby achieving their entry into the university, colleges, and clergy.

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Bárány, Attila. « Humanist Diplomat in Early 16th Century Hungary : Hieronymus Balbus ». Acta Neerlandica, n^o 15 (10 juillet 2020) : 11–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36392/actaneerl/2019/15/2.

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The article investigates new sources, Western European, mainly English diplomatic reports – several being so far unknown for Hungarian scholarship, or, if known, not examined in this regard – e.g. held at the British Library Manuscript Collection to shed light on Hungarian-Ottoman relations at the eve of the fall of the “shield of Christendom”, Belgrade in 1521. The article follows the mission of Hieronymus Balbus, an Italian at the diplomatic personnel of Jagiellonian Hungary, in 1521 to the Habsburg, Tudor and Valois courts. Balbus’s diplomatic workings – through the embassy to the Emperor (Charles V in Worms and Brussels), a peace conference at Calais and Cardinal Wolsey and Henry VIII, King of England – has not been adequately seen in Hungarian historiography, and some of his letters and political activity ranging from Bruges, Worms, Calais, London and Cologne has not so far been mapped, yet new insights can be given for the understanding of Louis II’s diplomatic efforts during the stress of the siege and loss of Belgrade in 1521. The investigation is largely based on Balbus’s dispatches – which has not survived in Hungarian archival material but were preserved in the reports of English envoys of his activity, to the maker of Tudor policy, Chancellor Wolsey. The correspondence of Balbus provides valuable information on the administration of Louis II, about its relationship with the Turks and the Emperor. The leaders of Hungarian diplomacy did not lack astuteness and “had a clear picture” about the international power relations. The government experimented with alternatives, provided they did not receive any aid from the Habsburgs: they were willing to go as far as making an alliance with not only the English, but even with the Emperor’s enemies, the Valois. In 1521, despite the powerful Habsburg dominance, Hungarian foreign politics did have some room to manoeuvre.

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Morve, Roshan K. « Contextualizing Power Politics of Tamasha Art and Female Suffering in Dalit Autobiography ». Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 1, n^o 2 (31 décembre 2014) : 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v1i2.285.

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“Tamasha” is a form of entertainment, which came in the 16th century and transforms it into business and politics after the independence of India. It became a cultural part of the Kolhati community in Maharashtra. This paper has significant to define that the politics of Tamasha and female suffering through the twentieth century dalit autobiography Kishor Kale’s Kolhatyach Por (1994). It will also discuss that his personal and painful experiences where he born and grown up in the misery environment. It needs to understand that how the dalit women becoming the victims of politics and how their family takes tragic and painful end. Therefore, this paper tries to make a link between the Tamasha dancers and the dalit experiences through the power politics. In the end, it comes to conclude that emergence of the dehumanized social conditions and ignorance of the dalit Kolhaty community. It demands for their right and the respect of the Tamasha art.

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Moss, Michael, et David Thomas. « How the File was Invented ». Administory 4, n^o 1 (31 décembre 2019) : 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/adhi-2019-0003.

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AbstractThe file is synonymous with British bureaucracy but it had a long gestation from at least the 16th century. It emerged slowly from the chrysalis of the docket during the 19th century, differentially in the various departments of state and became a fixity following reforms in the aftermath of the First World War. Even then the system of recording information in government was not uniform and was subject to the exigencies of the financial crisis and the commitment of officials. Although India and the rest of the Empire had separate administration, there was very little attempt to manage and preserve information effectively. Most initiatives met only with partial success and were often resented by junior officials. Registries in keeping with long-held commitment to paucity in government spending were and are poorly staffed and resourced. This article traces the evolution of the file until its demise in the digital age.

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Chervin, Reed. « “Cartographic Aggression” : Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute ». Journal of Cold War Studies 22, n^o 3 (août 2020) : 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00911.

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The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international community. The British government, for its part, demonstrated its support for India. Because British leaders sympathized with their former colony and because the borders of India were a product of the British Empire, leaders in the United Kingdom endorsed Indian propaganda. Nevertheless, democracy in India and the United Kingdom rendered complete control of the media difficult. The Sino-Indian conflict therefore represented a war over information as well as territory.

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Smirnova, Nataliya Vladimirovna, et Anastasiya Igorevna Karpova. « History of Indonesia in the Master's Degree Course of the Department of Foreign History, Political Science and International Relations, Petrozavodsk State University ». Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), n^o 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2201-04.

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The article shows the importance of oriental publications Sulalat-us-salatin: Malay Manuscript of Kruzenshtern and its Cultural and Historical Significance and Travel and Latest Observations in China, Manila and the Indo-China Archipelago for studying the colonial policy of the Netherlands in Indonesia as part of the training course "Politics of European Powers in the Countries of the East in the 16th-early 20th century" of Master's program at the Petrozavodsk State University. The organization of the first Dutch expedition to the East Indies in 1595-1597 and the creation of the United East India Company are analyzed. The materials of the article can be useful in preparation for classes in the field of History.

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Marzali, Amri. « ISYU KETUANAN MELAYU DI MALAYSIA ». Jurnal Kajian Wilayah 10, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2020) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jkw.v10i2.824.

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Ketuanan Melayu” is a conception of Malay political hegemony in Malaysia. The terminology was firstly introduced by a member of Parliament of Malaysia from the United Malay National Organization, namely Dato’ Abdullah Ahmad, in a speech offered at the Institute of Intenational Affairs, Singapura, Agustus 30, 1986. The speech was originally aimed at countering the negative propaganda proposed by the Malaysian Indian and the Malaysian Chinese, who accused that the special socio-political privileges given to the indigenous Malaysian peoples in the Malaysia’s Constitution (partaicularly in article 153) and the affirmative discriminative New Economic Policy of 1971 have been a servere strategy to condemn the Indian and Chinese Malaysians. On the other hand, the Malays in Malaysia traced the idea of Malay political hegemony from the political situation in the period of Malay kingdom of Melaka in the 15th century. They considered the period of Melaka as the golden age of Malay political sovereignty in Selat Melaka. When Melaka was occupied by the Portuegese in the 16th century, and followed by the Dutch in the 17-18th centuries, the political sovereignty of the Malays in the Malaysian Peninsula was carried on by the newly subsequent Malay kingdoms, such as Johor, Kedah, Kelantan, and others. In this article, I proposed that what is now called Malay political hegemony could be compared to what was called beschikkingsrecht in Dutch language, in the colonial period of Indonesia. This terminology was introduced by an adat law scholar, van Vollenhoven, in 1905, referring to the sovereignty of the native peoples in Malay Archipelago over their land and political state. Lastly I find the debate on the Malay political hegemony in Malaysia recently, whether between the natives versus the immigrants, or between the ruling Malays versus the opposition Malays, are pertaining with 6 articles in the Constitution and Act of Malaysian Armforce of 1972. This set of rules is knownly called Wasiat Raja-raja Melayu (The Wasiat of the Malay Sultans). Therefore, I conclude, the Malay political hegemony is constitutionalized, thus it is unnecessary for the Malays to boasting it anymore. The real problems of the Malay political hegemony now in Malaysia rests on the way it has been implemented by the Malaysian government.

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Thèses sur le sujet "India – Politics and government – 16th century"

Osman, Newal. « Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.

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Watkins, Kevin. « India : colonialism, nationalism and perceptions of development ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670394.

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Pandit, Aishwarya. « From United Provinces to Uttar Pradesh : heartland politics 1947-70 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709289.

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Bishop, Jennifer Jane. « Precious metals, coinage, and 'commonwealth' in mid-Tudor England ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708796.

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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. « Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.

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Myles, John Eric. « The Muscovite ruling oligarchy of 1547-1564 : its composition, political behaviour and attitudes towards reform ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa3000e9-f181-45de-9600-4352f58a02a6.

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In recent decades considerable progress has been made in elucidating the assumptions and the dynamics of Muscovite court politics, and further scrutiny is attempted in this enquiry into the ruling oligarchy of 1547-1564. Chapters 1 to 3 are devoted to groundwork. In Chapter 1 an introduction to the ruling oligarchy is provided against the background of Muscovy's contemporary government and population. The goal of territorial aggrandisement pursued by Muscovite rulers from Ivan HI favoured "rationalisation" of the central government and reforms of the army's discipline and technology; moreover, the wars of conquest left untouched no element of the population. Tsar Ivan and his exercise of authority were especially strongly affected: the precedents established by earlier rulers encouraged him to consider Muscovy his private votchina. but such an attitude became increasingly anachronistic as the realms expanded and the tasks of governing it grew too complex for any one man. During the Oprichnina he attempted to resolve this contradiction by ruling autocratically; autocratic rule and those circumstances favouring it by 1564 are the dissertation's main theme. Even before 1564 Ivan IV was the central actor in Muscovite politics, and criteria are advanced whereby advisers close enough to qualify for the ruling oligarchy are identified. The mid-sixteenth century, as a prelude to autocracy, was a critical moment in Muscovite politics; the rich and varied historiography is surveyed in Chapter 2. The sources - their authors, dates, and value as historical evidence - are critically assessed in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 to 7 comprise the heart of the dissertation. In Chapters 4 to 6 an attempt is made to identify members of the ruling oligarchy of 1546-1564; their political behaviour and where feasible, their political attitudes are explored. In Chapter 7 the attitudes individual members maintained towards particular reforms envisaged at mid-century are explored. The dissertation's main conclusions are systematically expounded in Chapter 8, and as appropriate, their broader implications for Russian and European history are brought out.

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Schmitz-Thursam, Trevor Charles. « The Tumult of Amboise and the Importance of Historical Memory in Sixteenth-Century France ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4789.

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Humanist legal scholarship was the catalyst to historical revolution that took place in sixteenth-century France. French philologists succeeded in demonstrating the cultural distinctiveness of France from a heretofore assumed classical heritage shared with ancient Rome. As a result, scholars sought to retrace the historical origins of France in the non-Roman Gauls and Franks. Their intensive study of the laws, customs and institutions that developed in France, as distinct from ancient Rome, transformed the understanding of the national past. Following the introduction of the principles of historical anachronism and cultural relativism, the sixteenth century witnessed a transformation of traditional perceptions of historical time. It was during this period when the historical myths, legends and traditions that comprised the cultural fabric of French society were called into question, were transformed, and emerged as new myths that spoke more directly to the crises of the French Religious Wars. The purpose of this study is to attach greater significance to the Tumult of Amboise of 1560 than has previously been afforded in the scholarship of this period. The Tumult of Amboise provide not only the impetus for the civil wars that were waged in France for nearly half a century, but also served as the catalyst for an first expression of Protestant resistance theory that was to change the face of political discourse in this period. The debate centered around the Tumult of Amboise set the stage for constitutional theories regarding the laws of succession and the role of the Estates-General that were dominate political discourse in the latter half of the sixteenth century. As political polemicists increasingly sought to reconstruct an image of the mythical French past, in order to demonstrate the ancientness of the French constitution, the historical fiction that developed around these efforts became a functioning political ideology that should be viewed as one of the first concerted expressions of French nationalism. In this regard, the recreation of the national past took on a patriotic dimension heretofore absent from traditional, chroniclesty led medieval histories and, in time, developed into a uniquely Gallican mythology that stood defiantly as a rival to the cultural heterodoxy of Rome. Further, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate the developmental nature of political discourse in this period. As the civil wars progressed, doctrines of constitutionalism and limited monarchy began to be laced with more abstract theories regarding the nature of political obligation and the responsibility of the ruler to his subjects. Employing a comparative analysis of discourse from the 1560's to the succession of Henri IV, it will be shown that the transformation of political propaganda was direct! y dependent on the historical memory of the participants, who engaged in an effort to frame the political and religious crises within the context of their perceptions of the past.

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der, Weduwen Arthur. « Selling the republican ideal : state communication in the Dutch Golden Age ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16612.

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This study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of 'state communication': the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life. The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.

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Culberson, James Kevin. « Obedience and Disobedience in English Political Thought, 1528-1558 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278873/.

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English political thought from 1528 to 1558 was dominated by the question of obedience to civil authority. English Lutherans stressed the duty of obedience to the prince as the norm; however, if he commands that which is immoral one should passively disobey. The defenders of Henrician royal supremacy, while attempting to strengthen the power of the crown, used similar arguments to stress unquestioned obedience to the king. During Edward VI's reign this teaching of obedience was popularized from the pulpit. However, with the accession of Mary a new view regarding obedience gained prominence. Several important Marian exiles contended that the principle that God is to be obeyed rather than man entails the duty of Christians to resist idolatrous and evil rulers for the sake of the true Protestant religion.

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Ray, Rabindra. « The Naxalites and their ideology : a study in the sociology of knowledge ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670404.

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Livres sur le sujet "India – Politics and government – 16th century"

Crossette, Barbara. India : Facing the twenty-first century. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1993.

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Veṅkaṭēśu, I. Grassroots politics in India. New Delhi : Serials Publications, 2010.

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Veṅkaṭēśu, I. Grassroots politics in India. New Delhi : Serials Publications, 2010.

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Grassroots politics in India. New Delhi, India : Serials Publications, 2010.

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Śarmā, Gīteśa. India-Vietnam relations : First to twentyfirst century. Kolkata : Dialogue Society, 2004.

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India-Vietnam relations : First to twentyfirst century. Kolkata : Dialogue Society, 2004.

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Rajendra, Prasad. India divided. New Delhi : Penguin Books, 2010.

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Power and influence in South-Eastern Europe, 16th-19th century. Zürich : Lit, 2013.

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Nanda, Ravi. Preparing India for the next century. New Delhi : Lancers Books, 1997.

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A, Subramanyam Raju, dir. India-Sri Lanka partnership in the 21st century. Delhi : Kalpaz Publications, 2007.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "India – Politics and government – 16th century"

Masuki, Yui. « Ideas and Practices for Restoring the Humanity of Sanitation Workers in India ». Dans Global Environmental Studies, 21–45. Singapore : Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7711-3_3.

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AbstractThis chapter briefly traces the struggle to restore sanitation workers’ humanity in India since the early twentieth century. Sanitation labor has generally been carried out by people from the Dalit community, a group of castes formerly referred to as “untouchables.” By paying attention to M. K. Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar, government authorities, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), this chapter examines how humanitarian interventions were made via ideological and practical approaches to address the circumstances of sanitation workers and the limitations thereof. Gandhi’s emphasis on the moral aspect of scavenging and Ambedkar’s stress on the structural inequalities in the division of sanitation labor informed the mainstream ideas in preindependence India. However, efforts after independence were committed to abolishing the specific task of manual scavenging as a sine qua non for the emancipation of sanitation workers. These endeavors primarily entailed abolishing scavengers’ customary rights, the technological invention of low-cost flush toilets, and legal actions taken against the government. However, these attempts have led to dismissing the importance of providing “adequate sanitation” to the bulk of the population (Chaplin, The politics of sanitation in India. Orient Blackswan, New Delhi, 2011: 185, 267), enhancing nonscavenging sanitation workers’ conditions, and developing a more mechanized, holistic human waste disposal system. Further, having underlined the unsanitary, inhuman, or moral dimensions of sanitation labor, these interventions did not necessarily consider the complicated context of actual sanitation workers regarding how they perceive the labor on their own terms.

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« Politics and Government in the Spanish Empire during the 16th Century ». Dans A Companion to the Spanish Renaissance, 61–86. BRILL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004360372_004.

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Mitra, Subrata. « The Dilemma of Balancing Growth and Social Justice ». Dans Seeking Middle Ground, 27–49. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495450.003.0002.

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At Independence in 1947, India emerged from a century and half of economic stagnation, a radicalized and land-hungry peasantry, chronic food deficit and the spectre of mass starvation and famine looming over parts of the country. Faced with similar challenges, post-war ‘developmental states’ followed the course of economic development based on a template of state-controlled economic designs for growth, investment and trade. However, despite the challenge of resettling millions of refugees following the bloody partition of the country, war against Pakistan, and a violent peasant uprising in the South, the government of India, under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru, decided to open up all aspects of politics to democratic consultation. Many specialists of the time, including Barrington Moore and Gunnar Myrdal considered a ‘soft-state’, whose power and legitimacy derived from popular consent, to be ill-equipped to take hard decisions such as land reforms, and industrial growth. Contrary to such pessimistic prognoses, India has held together as a strong, stable, emerging economy. One can infer the strength and ingenuity of the Indian model in meeting the twin imperative of growth and justice from the steady growth of Indian economy and democratic consolidation over the past seven decades since Independence.

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« monarch’s power, delegated to the Lord Chancellor, gave rise to a stream of English law known as equity, that area of law which rectifies the cruelties and injustices of the common law. An area of law where would-be litigants must prove their moral worth prior to the hearing of the case. It can be seen that it is the body of the sovereign that tacitly unites religion, law and politics. It is, of course, the Government that has acquired these powers in reality ; the monarch is merely the symbol of their existence. English monarchs still retain, by law, the power to heal. The English system of secular justice, in terms of personnel, processes and rules, is steeped in the Judaeo-Christian justice as interpreted and mediated through English translations of the Greek translations of the Hebrew and Aramaic of the Bible. A Greek language whose vocabulary is shot through with the philosophy of dualism— light/dark, good/bad, good/evil, male/female, slave/free, gods/humans—a dualism not that apparent in Hebrew and Aramaic. This dualism has entered the law through language. So language is powerful, it enables the manifestation of the past in the present and the projection of the future into the present. Language, thus, facilitates easy discussion of complexities like time. Lawyers too, in a similar manner, have tried to prove that the integrity of the judge and/or legislator is carried in the words. A key problem in relation to the integrity of law is the maintenance of certainty despite the variability of language. Some legal doctrines relating to the interpretation of law deny that language has a flexibility, fearing that this would be a sign of its weakness and lack of certainty ; others acknowledge the flexibility of language and look to the legislators intention. This, too, is a search for the mythical as legislation is changed for a variety of reasons during its drafting and creation stages. If language is seen to be too flexible, the law begins to look less certain. The root problem here is the language, not the law, yet the two are intimately connected, for the law is carried by the language ; so is it not true that the law is the language ? The following illustration of linguistic difficulties that concern translation, interpretation and application initially draws quite deliberately from religion to attempt to break preconceptions about language, and to illustrate the problems arising from the necessarily close relationship between language and law. There will be a return to law shortly. The Christian religion, rather than any other religion, is being considered because it is the religion that remains today at the core of English law. This is one reason why English law can have, and has had, difficulty with concepts from differing religious traditions that have presented themselves before the courts demanding acceptance and equality. Whilst English law states that it maintains neutrality in matters of religion and yet fails to resolve major tensions within it in relation to Christianity, discrimination remains at the heart of English law. The law’s understanding of Christianity has come from the collected texts that make up the Bible : texts that different Christian groups in England, Scotland and Wales went to war over in the 16th and 17th centuries. The wars were initiated and supported by differing political factions established after Henry VIII made his break with the authority, but not the theology, of Rome in the early 16th century. Henry VIII took for ». Dans Legal Method and Reasoning, 27. Routledge-Cavendish, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843145103-14.

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