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1
Cazares, Victor, Itay Snir, José María Rosales, Ferenc Laczó, Anja Osiander et Heikki Haara. « Reviews ». Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, no 1 (1 juin 2013) : 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080106.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Zachary Sayre Schiffman, The Birth of the Past (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), xvi + 316 pp.Sophia Rosenfeld, Common Sense: A Political History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 337 pp.Joris Gijsenbergh, Saskia Hollander, Tim Houwen, and Wim de Jong, eds., Creative Crises of Democracy (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2012), 444 pp.Mary L. Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 221 pp.Anneli Wallentowitz, “Imperialismus” in der japanischen Sprache am Übergang vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert: Begriffsgeschichte im außereuropäischen Kontext [“Imperialism” in the Japanese language at the turn of the 20th century: A history of concepts in a non-European context] (Bonn: Bonn University Press, 2011), 380 pp., incl. Japanese-German glossary.Annabel S. Brett, Changes of State: Nature and the Limits of the City in Early Modern Natural Law (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), 242 pp.
2
Marten, Michael. « Imperialism and Evangelisation : Scottish Missionary Methods in Late 19th and Early 20th Century Palestine ». Holy Land Studies 5, no 2 (novembre 2006) : 155–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines Scottish missionary methods in Palestine from the 1880s until World War One. Missionary activity in this context was aimed primarily at the conversion of Jews to (Protestant) Christianity. The methods employed consisted primarily of direct confrontation, provision of education, and the off ering of medical facilities. The article looks at how and why these approaches were taken and the general ineff ectiveness of each method in producing converts. The article also outlines the reaction of local populations and concludes by describing some of the consequences of the Scots' missionary efforts.
3
Komel, Dean. « Revolution between Ideology, History and Philosophy : World Imperialism ». Monitor ISH 20, no 1 (13 juin 2018) : 197–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.20.1.197-226(2018).
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper addresses the problem of the October Revolution and revolution as such in its historical, ideological and philosophical aspects. The unity of all three aspects and their mutual permeation is reflected in the question how the event of the October Revolution is inscribed into the history of the 20th century, considering that the latter was largely written by this event itself. Being more than just an intra-historical event, revolution presupposes the transformation of history. Thus one needs to ask: What enables a self-transforming history? There is no supernatural force involved: it is rather that the subjectivity of society perceives history and the whole world as space for its own expansion and participation in power. In the context of world history as a self-establishing social power, even communism finally proves to be what it allegedly fights against: world imperialism.
The thesis is based on Ivo Urbančič’s essay from 1971, ‘Lenin’s philosophy’ or Imperialism, and on recent discussions about the possibility of revolution today, which is mentioned in the last part of the article. The rampant imperial expansionism of society as subjectivity must give us pause with the question how there can persist a hope in the meaningfulness of humanity. Does anyone dare to offer resistance, perhaps to launch a revolution?
4
Restrepo, Luis Fernando. « 'Infausto teatro de sombras' : la persistencia del trauma de la conquista en los dramas de Fernando de Orbea, Manuel Castell y Fernando González Cajiao ». Estudios de Literatura Colombiana, no 18 (4 novembre 2013) : 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.elc.17392.
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Este trabajo examina tres obras dramáticas cuyo tema es la cultura muisca o chibcha que datan de los siglos XVII, XIX y XX, los cuales ilustran cómo la cultura muisca es utilizada como una figura discursiva para formular tres proyectos políticos diferentes: la imposición del imperialismo ibérico, una democracia liberal asimiladora de los indígenas, y un movimiento de liberación popular inspirado en el Marxismo. Se analiza la representación de la violencia colonial, el trauma de la conquista y la apertura del pasado visto en el contexto del surgimiento de democracias pluriculturales y movimientos indígenas en Colombia y Latinoamérica. Descriptores: Muiscas; Chibchas, indigenismo; indianismo, poscolonialismo; representación de la violencia; trauma; colonialismo; imperialismo; multiculturalismo; Colombia; movimientos indígenas; memoria, teatro; psicoanálisis e historia. Abstract: This article examines three plays based on Muisca culture (also known as the Chibcha) from the 17th, 19th and 20th century, illustrating how Muisca culture is used as a discursive figure to articulate three different political projects: the imposition of the Iberian imperialism, a liberal democracy that assimilates indigenous cultures, and a popular liberation movement inspired in Marxism. The representation of violence, the trauma of conquest, and opening the past are three topics explored in relation to the debate the emerging multicultural democracies and indigenous movements in Colombia and Latin America. Key words: Muiscas; Chibchas; indigenismo; Postcolonialism; representation of violence; trauma; colonialism; imperialism; multiculturalism; Colombia; indigenous movements; memory; theater; psychoanalysis and history.
5
Kersffeld, Daniel. « Beyond the borders. Ahmed Hassan Mattar and his activism between Africa and South America ». Culture & ; History Digital Journal 11, no 2 (16 novembre 2022) : e025. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2022.025.
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The biography of Ahmed Hassan Mattar expressed the multiple identity lines assumed by those revolutionary cadres of the first decades of the 20th century, who emerged in a colonial and neocolonial world and developed their political activity in different settings and distant spheres of their own culture. The story of A. H. Mattar is, therefore, that of a militant and journalist of Sudanese origin who developed his political work in Africa, especially in Morocco, together with Abd el-Krim, the warlord of the Rif, as well as in European countries such as France and Germany, once incorporated into the Communist International. However, it would be in South America, in countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, where he would stand out not only in anti-imperialist struggles but also as a chronicler and community leader of communities of Arab origin, even producing original empirical and statistical research. In sum, Mattar’s course can be seen as that of an activist who understood the social reality of a certain time and who assumed politics as a commitment to fight against colonialism and imperialism.
6
Bland, Yana. « The Economics of Imperialism and Health : Malta's Experience ». International Journal of Health Services 24, no 3 (juillet 1994) : 549–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/7jx4-57vv-622v-jbpf.
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The thesis of this article is that the prevalence of disease and premature death depends more on national, class, and gender relationships than on medical and biological factors. The political and economic realities of life in the British Colony of Malta revealed here clearly determined the severity of both infant mortality rates and the attacks of brucellosis. A brief history sets the background for an in-depth study of the interaction between socioeconomic conditions and disease in the first half of the 20th century. Britain's adherence to imperialist “free” trade policies and refusal to consider Malta's economy beyond its use as a military base had resulted in the “underdevelopment” of Malta's traditional cotton agroindustry and the erosion of household economic stability. Persistently high infant mortality rates and the absence of preventive disease measures were a clear manifestation of continuing exploitative imperialist policies. In this scenario, the devastation of the Second World War became a catalyst for change.
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Tantivejakul, Napawan. « Nineteenth century public relations : Siam's campaign to defend national sovereignty ». Corporate Communications : An International Journal 25, no 4 (26 juillet 2020) : 623–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-11-2019-0134.
Texte intégralRésumé :
PurposeThis research aims to identify the use of the public relations (PR) methods implemented by King Rama V and his administration to counter the threat to Siam of imperialism in the late 19th century. It also seeks to demonstrate the interplay of the communication strategies used in international diplomacy to enhance Siam's visibility among major European nations.Design/methodology/approachThis is a historical study using both primary and secondary sources. It is a development of the national PR history methodology using a descriptive, fact-based and event-oriented approach.FindingsThe main findings are that (1) a PR strategy drove international diplomacy under the administration of Siam's monarch incorporating strategies such as governmental press relations activities; (2) the strategy in building Siam's image as a civilized country was successfully communicated through the personality of King Rama V during his first trip to Europe; (3) with a close observation of the public and press sentiments, the outcome of the integrated PR and diplomatic campaigns was that Siam defended its sovereignty against British and French imperialists’ pressures and was therefore never colonized.Research limitations/implicationsThis research adds to the body of knowledge of global PR history by demonstrating that PR evolved before the 20th century in different countries and cultures with different historical paths and sociocultural, political and economic contexts.Originality/valueThis study from an Asian nation demonstrates that PR was being practiced in the late 19th century outside the Western context, prior to the advent of the term. It is a rare example of PR being developed as a part of an anti-colonization strategy.
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Atanov, Andrei. « Social Reality in the System of Textual Influence : the Breaking Point in Russian History ». Bulletin of Baikal State University 29, no 4 (20 décembre 2019) : 560–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2019.29(4).560-575.
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The author considers texts which have significantly influenced the formation of the subject and subject relations in Russia in the early to mid-20th century. These are the texts by V. Lenin and I. Stalin which concern the proletarian revolution, capitalism and imperialism. In these texts, one can reveal non-observance of the canonical Marxist dogmas by V. Lenin and I. Stalin due to the changed historical context, according to them. The research is based on the following methodological principles: dialectics, theory of objects, regression and logical analysis of conceptual framework. The study object is the structure of phantasms emerging when the position of the object is changed in regard to the subject, which is exposed to impact or influenced by someone or something. The subject of the research is textual reality expressed through the categories of «possibility» and «real life» and through the notion of «will» which allows the author to clearly specify the primary bases of the object-subject relations in an influence situation.
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Mahroof, M. M. M. « Toward the lslamization of History ». American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no 1 (1 avril 2000) : 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i1.2074.
Texte intégralRésumé :
History, or more properly the writing of history, had been during thetimes of the ancient Greeks and Romans an elitist activity, meant forglorifying the class of power, position, and birth. Parts of these historieswere fabulous in nature. The Muslims (Arabs) introduced the ideaof history as factual record. During the Middle Ages, history writingslipped into what it was in the Greco-Roman times. In the 16th century,the middle class, those with accumulated capital, wrote histories. Acolonial history, too, developed, enshrining a Euroean view of historythat still continues in school curricula. The 20th century saw changes.The writing of history became an imperialist necessity. When imperialismcollapsed, the focus disappeared. History became miniaturized andatomized. The entry of television and information technology broughtinstant histories. Islamic history writing accepts history as an instrumentof Allah's will and mode of living the good life.
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Sagimbaev, A. V. « Concept of British Commonwealth in Activities of Round Table Group at Beginning of ХХ Century ». Nauchnyi dialog 1, no 7 (29 juillet 2021) : 449–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-7-449-462.
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Some aspects of the complex intellectual discussion that accompanied the transformation of the British colonial system at the beginning of the 20th century are considered. Based on the analysis of published works, a generalized description of the conceptual views of the members of the “Round Table” group regarding the formation of the political and legal foundations of the British Commonwealth, as well as the development of close cooperation between Great Britain and self-governing dominions is given. At the same time, special attention is paid to the study of the practical significance of the ideas of A. Milner, L. Curtis and other intellectuals who were part of the group of intellectuals for transforming the forms and methods of managing the vast domains of the British crown. This transformation was due to a complex of factors of a socio-economic, political, moral and psychological nature, which Great Britain was forced to face in the first decades of the 20th century. It is noted that the changes that took place in the governing system of the largest colonial empire in history, among other things, contributed to the subsequent formation of mechanisms of international influence, which at the beginning of the 21st century were called “soft power”. It is shown that, on the other hand, in their theoretical constructions A. Milner and his followers strove to preserve the continuity of the ideology of imperialism, which gained popularity in the British establishment in the late Victorian period.
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Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. « Pre-Colonial and Colonial British Equation of Exploration, Expropriation and Exploitation (3Es) Through Monarchical Hierarchical Orders of Diplomatic Agents in the Gold Coast (Ghana) of West Africa 1621-1957 ». Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 9, no 9 (9 septembre 2021) : 400–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2021.v09i09.004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present paper brings 111 British pre-colonial and colonial diplomatic agents who moderated the activities of Exploration, Expropriation and Exploitation (3Es) in the Gold Coast (GC) located in the Rich Zone of African Gulf of Guinea (RZAGG) in the West African Region between 1621 and 1957 when GC gained independence as Ghana been the first Black African Country under the President ship of an African legend Pan-Africanist known as Kwame Nkrumah. The history of Ghana is very important in views of its previous Ghana Empire and Kingship system which European imperialist and colonisers destroyed with over ambitions of 3Es in the Centuries that followed culminated with slavery and slave trade dealings of human beings shipped as lodge of woods across the Atlantic Ocean to American plantations. The teaching of African History in the 21st Century entails us to know those agents and goes deep into their archives to search and evaluate their Machiavelli did in the specific countries during their tenure in office. This is because they laid the groundwork and foundation of Western European imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism which later cropped up during the second decade of the 20th Century at independence. Our intension is not to bring out all what they did but rather, the identification of principal actors of the period which can be beneficial to the young generation of historians to open up new research avenues by going deeper to illustrate the activities carried out by each of those foreign diplomatic agents in their 3Es instructions and executions. The scrutiny of specialized and secondary sources facilitated us to use a historical analytical approach with visible statistical tables illustrating each of those monarchical actors of Kings and Queens and agents appointed to fulfil their foreign gains from natural and human resources of GC later Ghana at independence.
12
Crawford, Neta. « A Discussion of Robert Vitalis's White World Order, Black Power Politics : The Birth of American International Relations ». Perspectives on Politics 14, no 4 (décembre 2016) : 1123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003091.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations, Robert Vitalis presents a critical disciplinary history of the field of international relations, and the discipline of political science more broadly. Vitalis argues that the interconnections between imperialism and racism were “constitutive” of international relations scholarship in the U.S. since the turn of the 20th century, and that the perspectives of a generation of African-American scholars that included W. E. B. Dubois, Alain Locke, and Ralph Bunche were equally constitutive of this scholarship—by virtue of the way the emerging discipline sought to marginalize these scholars. In developing this argument, Vitalis raises questions about the construction of knowledge and the racial foundations of American political development. These issues lie at the heart of U.S. political science, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and its implications for our discipline.
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Ling, L. H. M. « A Discussion of Robert Vitalis’s White World Order, Black Power Politics : The Birth of American International Relations ». Perspectives on Politics 14, no 4 (décembre 2016) : 1126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003108.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations, Robert Vitalis presents a critical disciplinary history of the field of international relations, and the discipline of political science more broadly. Vitalis argues that the interconnections between imperialism and racism were “constitutive” of international relations scholarship in the U.S. since the turn of the 20th century, and that the perspectives of a generation of African-American scholars that included W. E. B. Dubois, Alain Locke, and Ralph Bunche were equally constitutive of this scholarship—by virtue of the way the emerging discipline sought to marginalize these scholars. In developing this argument, Vitalis raises questions about the construction of knowledge and the racial foundations of American political development. These issues lie at the heart of U.S. political science, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and its implications for our discipline.
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Sabaratnam, Meera. « A Discussion of Robert Vitalis’s White World Order, Black Power Politics : The Birth of American International Relations ». Perspectives on Politics 14, no 4 (décembre 2016) : 1129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003121.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations, Robert Vitalis presents a critical disciplinary history of the field of international relations, and the discipline of political science more broadly. Vitalis argues that the interconnections between imperialism and racism were “constitutive” of international relations scholarship in the U.S. since the turn of the 20th century, and that the perspectives of a generation of African-American scholars that included W. E. B. Dubois, Alain Locke, and Ralph Bunche were equally constitutive of this scholarship—by virtue of the way the emerging discipline sought to marginalize these scholars. In developing this argument, Vitalis raises questions about the construction of knowledge and the racial foundations of American political development. These issues lie at the heart of U.S. political science, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and its implications for our discipline.
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Ian Shin, K. « The Chinese Art “Arms Race” ». Journal of American-East Asian Relations 23, no 3 (27 octobre 2016) : 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02303009.
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Interest in Chinese art has swelled in the United States in recent years. In 2015, the collection of the late dealer-collector Robert Hatfield Ellsworth fetched no less than $134 million at auction (much of it from Mainland Chinese buyers), while the Metropolitan Museum of Art drew over 800,000 visitors to its galleries for the blockbuster show “China: Through the Looking Glass”—the fifth most-visited exhibition in the museum’s 130-year history. The roots of this interest in Chinese art reach back to the first two decades of the 20th Century and are grounded in the geopolitical questions of those years. Drawing from records of major collectors and museums in New York and Washington, D.C., this article argues that the United States became a major international center for collecting and studying Chinese art through cosmopolitan collaboration with European partners and, paradoxically, out of a nationalist sentiment justifying hegemony over a foreign culture derived from an ideology of American exceptionalism in the Pacific. This article frames the development of Chinese art as a contested process of knowledge production between the United States, Europe, and China that places the history of collecting in productive conversation with the history of Sino-American relations and imperialism.
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Sioridze, Marine, et Ketevan Svanidze. « European Ideals and National Identity in Georgian Emigrant Literature of the XX Century ». Balkanistic Forum 30, no 1 (5 janvier 2021) : 138–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The political processes of the 20th century became a kind of test for Georgian writers, the passing of which was largely manifested by the writers’ physical presence-absence, the denial of their own beliefs. Immigrant literature has become a form of free expres-sion of dissident thoughts. The authors were forced to move to another language space for their spiritual and physical survival in order to at least somehow get closer to the national culture. However, new contradictions arose at the same time. Writers lived in a foreign country, in a society of a different mentality and worldview, for which the topic that was close to the Georgian way of life could possibly be completely alien and uninteresting. The works of Georgian emigrant authors could be incompatible or less compatible with foreign literary discourse.The goal of writers and poets of the early 20th century was to remove the shack-les of imperialism from Georgia and to become closer to Europe. The Soviet authori-ties launched a cruel and immoral campaign against the writer, caused by the ideolo-gy of that time. One of the outstanding representatives of this particular era was Grigol Robakidze. The present paper deals with the research and analysis of the movement that began at the beginning of the 20th century and was aimed at bringing Georgia closer to Europe; it also discusses the reasons that served the public to appeal to European ideals and how the struggle went on to establish their cultural values. Grigol Robaki-dze's German-language work is essentially a part of Georgian literature.The writer was delighted with the poetic greatness of the Georgian language and its capabilities. Robakidze's works clearly show his selfless love for the mother-land. He was in love with the Georgian language, the Georgian land, the Georgian character and, in general, with everything Georgian. It is easy to imagine that the stay in emigration even more strengthened the writer's patriotic feelings. The creative path of the emigrant writer was in expressing his own and national identity, on the one hand, and in adapting to the literary environment, the part of which the author should have become himself, on the other hand. Thus, he did not move away from his native roots and found his place in a foreign literary discourse.
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Weber, Heloise, et Martin Weber. « Colonialism, genocide and International Relations : the Namibian–German case and struggles for restorative relations ». European Journal of International Relations 26, no 1_suppl (septembre 2020) : 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066120938833.
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The case of the first genocide of the 20th century, committed by German colonial troops against Ovaherero and Nama peoples in what is today Namibia, poses a significant ethical and political challenge not only in practice but also for International Relations theory and theorising. We develop our critical analysis by building on postcolonial critiques of eurocentrism in IR and world politics, and on critical historiographies of the discipline. In particular, we show how the bedrock of dominant international institutional arrangements in the early 20th century rests on a normative inversion, which can be explicated clearly in the context of the Ovaherero and Nama experiences. The normative inversion is manifested in the claims to supreme moral authority for continued European colonial rule in the aftermath of genocidal violence. While the League of Nations (LoN), and the legacies of imperialism have increasingly been addressed in historiographies of IR, neither this normative inversion, nor its political implications have been explicated in the way we pursue this here. Through the lens of our case, we argue that how IR and IR theory conventionally conceive of the international political order is not plausible or justifiable in light of the normative inversion. The struggles for justice and restorative relations by Ovaherero and Nama peoples draw attention to necessary shifts in political practices. The case signals the need for a more fundamental rethinking of premises in international political theory, and of global public political history. This can be meaningfully addressed by acknowledging and explicitly processing the implications of the normative inversion, its antecedent conditions, and its continuing presence in world ordering.
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Bickers, Robert A., et Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom. « Shanghai's “Dogs and Chinese Not Admitted” Sign : Legend, History and Contemporary Symbol ». China Quarterly 142 (juin 1995) : 444–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the potency and persistence of myth and language in the context of the dispute, now over 80 years old, about the officially-sanctioned wording of regulations in the municipal parks of foreign-administered Shanghai. Specifically, it examines the potent symbol of the sign placed in Shanghai's Huangpu Park that allegedly read: “Chinese and Dogs Not Admitted.” This symbol has secured a totemic position in the historiography of the Western presence in China before 1949 and is deeply embedded in contemporary Chinese and Western perceptions and representations of that era, and of the whole question of Western imperialism in China. It is the subject both of popular discourse and official fiat in China today. Drawing on a series of revisionist writings and new archival research this article shows that the true facts of the case are both beyond dispute and irrelevant, but that the legend survives undiminished.For over 60 years before June 1928 most Chinese certainly were barred from the parks administered by the foreign-controlled Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC) of the International Settlement in Shanghai. As shown below, the enforcement of the ban varied over time but for the first three decades of the 20th century it was rigidly administered. Dogs, ball games, cycling and picking of the flowers were also forbidden, but the alleged juxtaposition of the bans on dogs and Chinese became notorious. The potency of “dog” as an insulting and dehumanizing epithet in China undoubtedly exacerbated the insult, and also made the story of the sign's outrageous wording seem all the more plausible.
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SUGIMOTO, Shogo. « A Report on the 9th East Asia and Contemporary Japanese-Language Literature Forum ». Border Crossings : The Journal of Japanese-Language Literature Studies 14, no 1 (28 juin 2022) : 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22628/bcjjl.2022.14.1.220.
Texte intégralRésumé :
I had the opportunity to participate in the 9th Forum on East Asia and Contemporary Japanese-Language Literature, an international conference which was held on October 16 and 17, 2021. Unfortunately, as in the previous year, the conference had to be held online due to COVID-19. However, it provided an invaluable opportunity for me to deepen my thinking about “glocal” culture, which was the subject of the conference. When focusing on the region of East Asia, it should be noted that “glocalism” is not unique to this global age but was also observed during the modern period. From the 19th to the 20th century, East Asia was affected by imperialism, colonialism, modernization, and westernization, the confluence of which created a complex cultural topography that gave rise to diverse “glocal” cultures. These were primarily related to the movement around the region of various writers and the translations, adaptations, and distribution of their work across borders and regions. I was able to explore the complex history of “glocal” culture in East Asia through the numerous presentations at the conference, including the main symposium “Glocal Culture in Modern and Contemporary Asia：Identity, Literature, and History.” As the COVID-19 crisis is gradually abating, I look forward to a time when the conference will be held offline, and am eager to share further fruitful discussions with participants in the future.
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Booth, Marilyn. « WOMAN IN ISLAM : MEN AND THE “WOMEN'S PRESS” IN TURN-OF-THE-20TH-CENTURY EGYPT ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no 2 (mai 2001) : 171–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380100201x.
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The first periodical in Egypt to focus on women as both subject and audience, Al-Fatat (The Young Woman, 1892), heralded the founding by women of many periodicals for women in Egypt. The women's press emerged in a time of intense public debate concerning putative intersections of systemic gender relations and gender ideology with anti-imperialist nationalism: what would constitute “national” strength sufficient to assert, or force, an independent existence based on claims to autonomous nation-state status?1Women writing in the women's press, as well as in the mainstream—or “malestream”—press, shaped the debate over how gender did and should inflect social organization and institutional change.2 Equally, male intellectuals and politicians participated in a rhetoric of persuasion, edification, and ambition. When women and men wrote treatises on what was called the “woman question” (qadi¯yat al-mar[ham]a), articles in the women's press challenged, debated, and refined the points of these treatises. Writers approached that fraught “question” from another direction, too, establishing a thriving industry of conduct literature that fed on translations of European works as well as original works by Egyptian and other Arab writers. Books on how to behave as a proper father, a good mother, a fine son or daughter, or a responsible schoolgoer went through numerous printings for a reading public prepared by various rhetorics of nationalism, theology, and reform to bring this debate into everyday life by following the guides for behavior that such literature—including essays in the women's press—supplied.3
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Anan’ev, Denis A. « RUSSIA’S FAR EASTERN POLICY IN THE LATE 19TH — EARLY 20TH CENTURY IN THE WORKS OF THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN-LANGUAGE RESEARCHERS ». Ural Historical Journal 73, no 4 (2021) : 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-97-105.
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The paper analyzes the works of the English- and German-language researchers who studied the history of Russia’s Far Eastern policy at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. According to these scholars, a striking feature of that policy was the inseparability of the foreign and internal political tasks, while its main result was Russia’s involvement in the war against Japan. However, Western authors focused not only on the foreign policy and military aspects of the “Russian eastward expansion” (analyzed by C. von Zepelin, A. Malosemoff, S. Marks, R. Quested, J. Stephan) but also on the geographic, demographic, social and economic aspects (B. Sumner, A. A. Lobanov-Rostovsky, R. Quested, D. Geyer, J. Lensen et al.). The ideological component of the Far Eastern policy (associated with the ideas of Russia’s historical civilizing mission in Asia and the need to oppose the “Yellow Peril”) was considered in the works by A. Malozemoff, D. Schimmelpenninck van der Oye. The economic reasons for the development of the region were discussed by the authors who studied processes of “modernization” and S. Yu. Witte’s policy of “peaceful penetration” (B. Sumner, A. A. Lobanov-Rostovsky, R. Quested, D. Geyer, J. Lensen et al.). Sociocultural processes that led to the formation of “national identity” and “regional identity” were analyzed by J. Stephan, Ch. Y. Hsu, D. Wolff, Sh. Corrado. Despite the diversity of conceptions proposed by the Englsih- and Germanlanguage researchers it is possible to identify the two key trends in the study of the topic. The majority of works emphasized the expansionist intentions of Russia as one of the “imperialist powers” who participated in dividing spheres of influence in the Asia-Pacific region. However, many authors acknowledged Russia’s objective need to strengthen its position on the Pacific frontier, to protect its Far Eastern territories, to settle them and develop their economy.
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Amado, María Luisa. « Impressions of National History : Retracing Panama through Memory Lines ». Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 11, no 1 (1 janvier 2021) : 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.11.1.24.
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Abstract Against the background of the 30th anniversary of the invasion of Panama by U.S. troops, this article analyzes cross-generational differences in how Panamanians evoke and signify this event. Panama’s current climate is ideal to explore this topic, because 2019 also marked 500 years since the foundation of Panama City. This article focuses on how different generations revamp collective memory and relate a story that befits the circumstances of their time. Drawing on informal interviews, secondary data, and relevant aspects of family biography, it examines the interplay between generational drifts and subjective knowledge of Panama. This analysis spotlights how local and transnational processes intersect with biography, shaping perceptions of national history. By the end of the 20th century, U.S. militarized presence in the Panama Canal Zone gave way to a less conspicuous—yet no less significant—influence over Panamanian affairs. Thereupon, past generations’ concern with sovereignty has been overshadowed by a growing focus on the country’s integration in the global economy. While Panamanian millennials are not oblivious to recent U.S. armed intervention, their attitude towards this action is impersonal and dispassionate. Their perception of an increasingly faster course to meet the future dovetails with both a subjective distancing from Panama’s neocolonial history and a growing disconnect from the anti-imperialist discourse of past generations.
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Abdurazakov, Ruslan Abdurazakovich. « On the issue of the synthesis of geopolitics and racialism in the early days of contemporary history ». Мировая политика, no 3 (mars 2021) : 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.3.35146.
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The purpose of the research is the consideration of the problem of synthesis of racialism and geopolitics in the late 19th - the early 20th century and the substantiation of such a new concept in geopolitics as geopolitical racialism which hasn’t been used before neither in Russian nor in foreign science. To solve this task, the author applies the fundamental geopolitical dualism methods to the analysis of supremacist and imperialist mindset typical for scientific and sociopolitical life in Britain and the U.S. of the considered period, which became a core for the formation of Anglo-Saxon exceptionality, and formed the basis for the foreign policy of these states. The author arrives at the conclusion that until recently, Anglo-Saxonism was considered as a result of the Western elites’ fascination with the ideas of social Darwinism rather than as a geopolitical form of racism, since its analysis was mostly based on the peculiarities of “blood and descendance” of Anglo-Saxon peoples rather than on their “thalassocratic nature” or the influence of natural and climatic factors on their development. The differentiating feature of continental geopolitics was, vice versa, not only distancing from social Darwinism, but also the repudiation of the possibility of ultimate victory in the struggle between the West and the East. Theoretical and practical importance of the research consists in the fact that based on the analysis of the works of the Western authors of the late 19th - the early 20th centuries, both already known and left out in the cold, the author substantiates the definition and characteristics of geopolitical racism in its Anglo-Saxon variant, upholding the supremacy of maritime powers (thalassocracies) over land powers (tellurocracies) predefined by geographical factors, which in many aspects predetermined the development of the Western geopolitical mindset in contemporary history.
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Coggins, Chris. « British Naturalists in Qing China : Science, Empire, and Cultural Encounter. By Fa-Ti Fan. [Cambridge, MA and London : Harvard University Press, 2004. ix +238 pp. £32.95. ISBN 0-674-01143-0.] ». China Quarterly 180 (décembre 2004) : 1115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004350769.
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For those who have conducted research on the fauna and flora of China and who have been curious about the “Reeves” in Muntiacus reevesi (the Chinese muntjac) or the “Cunningham” in Cunninghamia lanceolata (the Chinese fir), this book is a great revelation. Many wild plants and animals from China bear scientific names honouring Western naturalists, and this book is the first historical analysis of how Westerners conducted natural history research in China from the mid-18th to the early 20th century. By focusing on British naturalists during a period of dramatic change in the relationship between China and the West, the author has developed a richly textured account of the encounter between vastly different systems of knowledge and representation of the natural world. As such, this work is sure to be of great interest for scholars of the social sciences, cultural studies and the social construction of nature.Drawing on a vast and diverse array of scientific journals, personal correspondence, memoirs and administrative records from the period, the author convincingly ties British natural history research to larger imperial demands for useful information on natural resources in a vast area that was scarcely known by outsiders before the Opium War (1839–1842). The connection between commerce and natural history is exemplified by the English East India Company's interest in botanical, biogeographic and horticultural information on tea trees. Of greater significance still, according to the author, was the way in which knowledge of the natural world was produced through an elaborate network of relationships between British naturalists and Chinese people of all walks of life. The latter included not only the bureaucrats who monitored the already highly circumscribed lives of British expatriates in Canton [Guangzhou] at the beginning of the 19th century, but also collectors, who often made long trips into the interior in search of specimens, and painters, who had to learn an entirely new repertoire in order to provide scientific drawings to British patrons from the factories of Guangzhou to Kew Gardens. Indeed, one of the primary goals of the book is to “explain the formation of scientific practice and knowledge in cultural borderlands during a critical period of Sino-Western relations.” The author sets himself a difficult task: to reconstruct the economic and cultural lineaments of “scientific imperialism” without ignoring “the indigenous people, their motivations, and their actions.” Not only does the book succeed in this effort, it avoids facile demonization of the main Western actors in this drama. Instead, we see a compelling set of portraits of British men of widely differing backgrounds and interests who often made great sacrifices in their quests for scientific knowledge. Generally, these men were keenly aware of the degree to which they relied on local Chinese experts and indigenous knowledge for the success of their own endeavours.
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Троицкий, Сергей Александрович. « TOPOGRAPHY OF THE ALIEN : NATIONAL STEREOTYPES OF GEOGRAPHY TEXTBOOKS AS A BASIS FOR CARICATURED VISUALIZATION OF IDEAS ABOUT SPACE AT THE TURN OF THE 20TH CENTURY ». ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, no 4(30) (28 octobre 2021) : 234–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2021-4-234-255.
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Рассматривается, как построение визуальных образов, отражающих культурные стереотипы, в то же время создает культурную карту. Анализируя взаимовлияние национальных стереотипов на уровне обыденного сознания, формируемых посредством преподавания географии, с одной стороны, и визуальную риторику Чужого, воплощенную в карикатуре, – с другой, мы фиксируем взаимные изменения обоих. Наша задача – воссоздать систему визуальных образов в политической карикатуре короткого периода истории русской культуры, названного империализмом, когда идеология романтического национализма, выражавшаяся в активном колониальном переделе мира, протекционизме, была на пике, то есть последнего десятилетия XIX века, фактически завершившегося в политической истории России русско-японской войной (1904) и началом первой русской революции (1905). Для выявления сложившихся национальных стереотипов привлекаются описания ментальных особенностей различных стран (народов) из российских учебников географии, использовавшихся для преподавания накануне исследуемого периода. Такой подход является новым для изучения политической карикатуры и приводит к неожиданным выводам. Авторы учебников исходят из романтической установки, что определения носят характер сущностных, неотъемлемых, а значит, изображение любого представителя является изображением каждого представителя народа (страны). Другими словами, учебники географии транслируют общие национальные стереотипы о других народах, фиксировавшиеся с помощью преподавания на уровне обыденного сознания, что позволяет понимать юмор карикатурных изображений практически всем. Карикатура является продолжением культурного или политического дискурса, чьи установки она транслирует, поэтому именно карикатурные визуальные образы и позволяют исследователю выявить типическое (стереотипное) содержание в повседневной культуре (на уровне обыденного сознания) и определить черты культурного и политического дискурса того периода, а также зафиксировать какие-либо изменения в стереотипах (правда, такие изменения могут произойти только под воздействием каких-то глобальных событий, таких как революция). В статье показывается, как ментальная карта мира из учебника географии, где в центре находится Россия, конкретизируется и трансформируется в ментальную карту мира, где существуют стереотипные чудовища – Другие, легко трансформируемые во врагов, а научный дискурс того периода легко трансформируется в инструмент политической пропаганды. Исследование строится от общего описания исторического и политического контекста, исследовательских установок, основных характеристик имагологического дискурса в карикатуре к рассмотрению более конкретных примеров, сопоставлению национальных стереотипов из учебников географии Германии, Франции, Турции, Японии, Китая с национальными стереотипами, фиксировавшимися карикатуристами в отношении этих же стран. The article discusses how constructing visual images that reflect cultural stereotypes simultaneously creates a cultural (mental) map. The objective of the paper is to reconstruct the system of visual images in political caricatures of a short period of history of Russian culture (the last decade of the 19th century and the first five years of the 20th century) culminating in fact in the Russo-Japanese war (1904) and the first Russian revolution (1905). Then the ideology of romantic nationalism was at its peak. That period is referred to as imperialism because it was characterized by an active colonial redivision of the world and protectionism. To reveal the main national stereotypes, the article draws on descriptions of the mental characteristics of various countries (peoples) from Russian geography textbooks used for teaching on the eve of the analyzed period. Attracting geography textbooks as a source of national stereotypes for political caricature studies is a new approach, and it leads to unexpected conclusions. The authors of textbooks proceed from the romantic attitude that definitions are essential, integral, which means that the image of any representative is the image of every representative of the population (country). Geography textbooks transmit common national stereotypes about other peoples, which, by teaching, are fixed at the level of everyday consciousness. It allows almost everyone to understand the humor of caricature images. Caricature is a continuation of the cultural or political discourse whose attitudes it translates, so it is caricature visual images that allow the researcher to identify (stereo)typical content in everyday culture (at the level of everyday consciousness), determine the features of the cultural and political discourse of that period, and record any changes in stereotypes. The article shows how the mental map of the world from the geography textbook in which Russia is located in the center is concretized and transformed into an everyday mental map of the world that has stereotypical monsters-Others, easily transformed into enemies. The scientific discourse of that period is easily transformed into a tool of political propaganda. The research develops from the general description of the historical and political context, research attitudes, and the main characteristics of imagological discourse in caricature to the consideration of more specific examples, comparisons of national stereotypes from geography textbooks (Germany, France, Turkey, Japan, and China) with national stereotypes recorded by caricaturists in relation to these countries.
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Petras, James. « Cultural imperialism in the late 20th century ». Journal of Contemporary Asia 23, no 2 (janvier 1993) : 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339380000091.
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Zhou, Xun. « The Troublesome Legacy of Commissioner Lin : The Opium Trade and Opium Suppression in Fujian Province, 1820s to 1920s. By Joyce A. Madancy. [Harvard and London : Harvard East Asia Monograph, 2003. 430 pp. $50.00 ; £32.95. ISBN 0-674-01215-1.] ». China Quarterly 182 (juin 2005) : 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005320261.
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Visiting New York's Chinatown, it is surprising to find there a memorial statue of the legendary anti-opium hero, Lin Zexu, instead of the more usual statue of the father of modern China, Sun Yat-sen. Perhaps Lin deserves his place in New York's Chinatown: it is generally believed the history of Chinese migration into the New World was a chapter of humiliation, resulting from the evil opium and the opium trade. Until very recently, the conventional wisdom has been that it was the opium trade that ended the house of Qing, and that opium had turned China into a nation of hopeless addicts, smoking themselves to death while their civilization descended into chaos (a view challenged by Dikötter, Laaman and Zhou in Narcotic Culture: A History of Drugs in China).In her book The Troublesome Legacy of Commissoner Lin, Joyce Madancy argues that, like opium, Lin Zexu was turned into a potent symbol of nascent Chinese nationalism (p. 5). Like opium, the legacy of Lin continued well into the 20th century. In his native Fujian, for instance, Lin “came to represent the vitality of elite activism and the complex links between provincial, national, and international interests. Lin Zexu's character and mission embodied the themes and motivations of Fujian's late Qing opium reformers – the righteousness of opium reform, pride in country and province, and a none-too-subtle slap at foreign imperialist greed.” Accordingly, during the late Qing/early Republican anti-opium campaign in Fujian, “reformist elites, and officials presided over the apotheosis of Lin Zexu, whose image loomed, literally and figuratively, over their efforts and shaped the rhetoric and tone of suppression” (p. 5).
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Soler, Renaud. « De la Palestine à la terre d’Israël : le rôle de l’archéologie biblique dans le regard de l’Occident protestant (xixe-xxe siècle) ». Arabica 63, no 6 (18 novembre 2016) : 627–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341421.
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Alphonse Dupront analysed in Le mythe de croisade the survival of the idea of Crusade until the contemporary era. In this history, the 19th century has a special interest, since it actualized this latent virtuality of the western collective consciousness, and gave it new directions. The rediscovery of Palestine was made possible by the conjunction of very different factors such as the revolution in transportation, the rise of European imperialism, or the internal reforms in the Eastern countries (Egypt and the Ottoman Empire). The episteme of the Western sciences was also transformed by the emergence of new disciplines (biology, geology, philology), and the gradual formation of archaeology. The Christian and biblical Holy Land was rediscovered by the biblical archaeologists, and its image disseminated well beyond the scholars and learned men. This article studies some of the mechanisms of dissemination of these discourses, overall in the protestant world, and points to the connection to the birth of the Zionist movement: it has given more and more importance to the matter of the land, which has become in the 20th century the main issue, and has largely used not only results from the biblical archaeology, but also its methods for naming and framing the territory. Thinking about the birth of a Western protestant way of seeing the Holy Land lets us understand better the relations between Israel and the West since World War ii, and we must finally remember of Alphonse Dupront’s wider project, who tried to promote history as a psychoanalysis of the western collective consciousness and consequently a way of mutual understanding. This article is a contribution to such a project. Alphonse Dupront avait livré dans Le mythe de croisade une analyse magistrale de la survivance de l’idée de croisade jusqu’à la période contemporaine. Le xixe siècle joua dans cette histoire un rôle central, en rechargeant cette virtualité de la conscience collective et en lui imprimant de nouvelles directions. La redécouverte de la Palestine fut rendue possible par la conjonction d’éléments aussi divers que la révolution des transports, l’affirmation de l’impérialisme européen ou les réformes internes des États du Proche-Orient (Égypte et Empire ottoman) ; l’épistémè des sciences occidentales se transforma quant à elle de façon significative, avec l’apparition de nouvelles disciplines comme la biologie, la géologie ou la philologie, et la structuration progressive de l’archéologie. La Terre sainte, chrétienne et biblique, fut redécouverte par les archéologues et son image diffusée dans des cercles beaucoup plus larges que les simples savants ou érudits. Cet article étudie quelques-uns des mécanismes de dissémination de ces discours dans les milieux protestants et réfléchit à son lien avec l’émergence du sionisme, pour lequel la terre d’Israël devint l’enjeu principal au cours du xxe siècle, et qui remploya résultats et méthodes de l’archéologie biblique. En définitive, faire retour sur l’éducation du regard occidental, singulièrement, sur la Palestine, au xixe siècle, permet de mieux comprendre les relations internationales entretenues avec Israël depuis la Seconde Guerre Mondiale. Or, une part importante du projet d’Alphonse Dupront fut très tôt de faire de l’histoire une psychanalyse de la conscience collective, partant une véritable thérapie, par l’inventaire des passions collectives : cet article y contribue. This article is in French.
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Schulze-Marmeling, Friederike. « »20th century Aisha« ? » Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 32, no 2 (6 décembre 2019) : 346–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2019.32.2.346.
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Schmidt, Ingo. « Synthesis Wanted : Reading Capital After 20th Century Orthodoxies and Revisions ». tripleC : Communication, Capitalism & ; Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no 2 (4 mai 2018) : 608–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i2.975.
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The article distinguishes between revisionist and orthodox readings of Capital and identifies two waves of innovations in Marxist political economy. The first produced the classical theories of imperialism; the second produced a diversity of Neo-Marxisms and new orthodoxies sowing the seeds for the 1000 Marxisms developing in the age of neoliberal globalisation. Reading all of these approaches to Marxist Political Economy in context, the article suggests and offers a key to the understanding of capitalist development and socialist movements in the 20th century. Using them as background for a new reading of Capital also allows an understanding of contemporary capitalism and considerations of socialist futures.
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Poiger, Uta G. « Imperialism and Empire in Twentieth-Century Germany ». History & ; Memory 17, no 1 (2005) : 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ham.2005.0019.
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Poiger. « Imperialism and Empire in Twentieth-Century Germany ». History and Memory 17, no 1-2 (2005) : 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/his.2005.17.1-2.117.
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Wilson, Robin. « The 20th Century ». Mathematical Intelligencer 42, no 2 (18 décembre 2019) : 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00283-019-09956-x.
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Atiyah, Michael. « Mathematics in the 20th century ». NTM International Journal of History and Ethics of Natural Sciences, Technology and Medicine 10, no 1-3 (septembre 2002) : 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03033096.
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Fogler, Karen, et Mala Hoffman. « Exploring 20th Century History through Photographs ». Gifted Child Today 17, no 3 (mai 1994) : 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107621759401700313.
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Mathew, W. M., et C. C. Eldridge. « British Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century. » Economic History Review 38, no 4 (novembre 1985) : 673. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597231.
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Dennell, Robin. « Progressive gradualism, imperialism and academic fashion : Lower Palaeolithic archaeology in the 20th century ». Antiquity 64, no 244 (septembre 1990) : 549–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00078431.
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The Lower Palaeolithic has always been studied within a framework based on different types of flaked stone. Although this evidence might seem solid and unambiguous, the way it has been studied has been strongly influenced by wider social and political factors
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Westfall, Catherine. « Reimagining 20th-Century Physics ». Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 50, no 1-2 (avril 2020) : 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2020.50.1-2.209.
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KALMAN, JULIE. « COMPETITIVE IMPERIALISM IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH-CENTURY MEDITERRANEAN ». Historical Journal 63, no 5 (6 mai 2020) : 1160–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000096.
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AbstractHistorians of empire are well aware of the importance of finding moments and spaces of connectedness between empires. The question of how to do so meaningfully remains open. This article brings to light a significant moment of imperial connectedness, through imperial contest. It tells the story of the humiliating expulsion of the British consul John Falcon from the strategic Mediterranean port of Algiers, during the Napoleonic wars. Both France and Britain sought to establish an informal imperial presence in the regency of Algiers, for access to the grain that both needed – France for its southern regions and armies, and Britain for the supply of its Mediterranean base in Gibraltar. The consuls of both powers were obliged to deal with a Jewish trading house that acted as middleman, both in trade and in diplomatic relations in the regency: the House of Bacri and Busnach. As the two powers competed, and sought to shut one another out, they attributed failures and frustrations to this trading house. Through French and British perceptions of Falcon's expulsion, and both powers’ understanding of the role of the trading house in events, this article offers a picture of imperial connection, bringing together middlemen, diplomacy, and international relations.
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Altschuler, Glenn C. « Urban Religion’s 20th-Century Renaissance ». Reviews in American History 49, no 1 (2021) : 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2021.0007.
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Friedel, Robert. « Engineering in the 20th Century ». Technology and Culture 27, no 4 (octobre 1986) : 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105321.
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Wilson, Robin. « The Early 20th Century ». Mathematical Intelligencer 42, no 1 (4 novembre 2019) : 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00283-019-09942-3.
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Kößler, Reinhart. « Imperialismus und Globalisierung ». PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 33, no 133 (1 décembre 2003) : 521–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v33i133.649.
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The article revisits classical theory of imperialism, stressing the commonalities in seeing imperialism as an outgrowth of the basic dynamics and restructuring of capitalism, as well as the controversy over the conceptualisation of this dynamic. During World War I, the Bolshevik theorists, Bukharin and Lenin, took up the theme and gave it important twists that had grave consequences, both for later Comintern policy and for Soviet planning practice. In comparison to the classical theories, conceptualisations of globalisation address a similar, though also markedly changed situation in much more complex ways. The article discusses mainly the issues of the state and US hegemony, in connection with claims for a resuscitation of Kautsky's concept of ultra-imperialism and the different forms of wars that haunt the present, in contradistinction to the early 20th century.
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Jeffries, Bayyinah S. « Black Religion and Black Power : The Nation of Islam’s Internationalism ». Genealogy 3, no 3 (29 juin 2019) : 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3030034.
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The Nation of Islam’s influence has extended beyond the United States. This Black American Muslim movement has used the intersection of race and religion to construct a blueprint of liberation that has bonded people of African descent throughout the Diaspora. Their transnational dimensions and ideas of freedom, justice and equality have worked to challenge global white imperialism and white supremacy throughout the 20th century and beyond.
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O'Riordan, Timothy. « Ecology in the 20th century : a history ». International Affairs 66, no 1 (janvier 1990) : 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622225.
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Mason, Herbert J., et Anna Bramwell. « Ecology in the 20th Century : A History ». Taxon 40, no 3 (août 1991) : 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1223244.
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Sheail, J., et A. Bramwell. « Ecology in the 20th Century : A History. » Journal of Ecology 77, no 3 (septembre 1989) : 895. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2261002.
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Probert, R. « The History of 20th-Century Family Law ». Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 25, no 1 (1 mars 2005) : 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/gqi009.
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Sterling, Christopher. « CBQ review essay:Cryptography in 20th‐century history ». Communication Booknotes Quarterly 30, no 3 (juin 1999) : 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10948009909361621.
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Ikenberry, G. John, et Richard Bulliet. « The Columbia History of the 20th Century ». Foreign Affairs 77, no 6 (1998) : 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049140.
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