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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Ideologiat »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 25 juillet 2024
Mis à jour le 30 juillet 2024

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1

Lankinen, Pasi. « Kieli, tuo viekas seuralainen ». Puhe ja kieli, no 1 (16 mars 2017) : 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23997/pk.61124.

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Mannerström, Rasmus, Joona Muotka, Sointu Leikas et Jan-Erik Lönnqvist. « Hyvin toimeentuleva, terve ja suvaitsematon – Suomalaisten nuorten poliittiset ideologiat asenneprofiileina tarkasteltuna ». Politiikka 62, no 1 (15 avril 2020) : 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37452/politiikka.83247.

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Yksilön asenteet eivät ole satunnaiset. Sen sijaan ihmiset omaksuvat tiettyjä asennekokonaisuuksia – poliittisia ideologioita, joita eri sosiaaliset ryhmät ylläpitävät. Esimerkiksi maahanmuuton kannatus tai vastustus tuo useimmiten mukanaan tukun muita asenteita sosiaali-, talous- ja turvallisuuspolitiikasta. Tavanomainen muuttujakeskeinen lähestymistapa asenteisiin ei kuitenkaan tavoita tätä. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin nuorten aikuisten (N=744, ikä 18-29, M = 24,65) poliittisia asenteita henkilösuuntautuneesta näkökulmasta, toisin sanoen mitä latentteja ryhmiä (vrt. ideologioita) asenteista muodostuu ja miten vastaajat siirtyvät niiden välillä pitkittäisseurannassa. Asenteet maahanmuutosta, sosiaalietuuksista, tuloeroista, ympäristön huomioimisesta ja puolustusvoimien vahvuudesta muodostivat neljä asenneprofiilia: (1) vihervasemmistolaiset, (2) markkinaliberaalit, (3) populistit ja (4) oikeistokonservatiivit. Naiset ja miehet sijoittuivat odotetusti epätasaisesti eri profiileihin. Odotusten vastaisesti tosin, kaikkein parhaiten toimeentulevat, terveimmät ja keskiverto-koulutustason omaavat suhtautuivat kaikkein kielteisimmin maahanmuuttoon. Asenneprofiilien välillä ei tapahtunut merkittäviä siirtymiä yhdeksän kuukauden seurantajakson aikana. Tulokset kyseenalaistavat julkisuudessa ylläpidettyjä mielikuvia mm. enemmistön maltillisuudesta maahanmuttokysymyksissä, Perussuomalaisista kansan syvien rivien puolueena sekä yhteydestä syrjäytyneisyyden ja maahanmuuttovastaisuuden välillä.
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Artetxe Sarasola, Miren. « Hizkuntza-ideologiak. Euskararen biziberritzean eragiteko analisi-tresna ». Fontes Linguae Vasconum, no 136 (28 décembre 2023) : 457–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/flv136.8.

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Artikulu honetan hizkuntza-ideologia nozioaren baliagarritasuna azpimarratu nahi izan da, euskararen biziberritzearen ikuspegitik. Hizkuntza-ideologien kontzeptuan arakatu da lehenik, bigarrenik, hizkuntza gutxituen eta euskararen kasuan hiztun baten autoritatea baldintzatu dezaketen hainbat marko ideologiko aurkeztu dira, eta hirugarrenik, hizkuntza-ideologia horien baitan euskararen garapenak izan ditzakeen zenbait oztopo aipatu dira, marko ideologiko berrien beharra mahaigaineratuz. Azkenik, ikertzaile gisa hizkuntza-ideologien azterketan sakontzearen beharra azpimarratu da.
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Lopes, Maria Eduarda Olímpio, et Davi Augusto Santana de Lelis. « CONSTITUIÇÃO ECONÔMICA E DESENVOLVIMENTO : A POLÍTICA ECONÔMICA BRASILEIRA DE 1995 A 2018 / ECONOMIC CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT : THE BRAZILIAN ECONOMIC POLICY FROM 1995 TO 2018 ». RFD- Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UERJ, no 41 (21 octobre 2022) : 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rfd.2022.56622.

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Resumo: O artigo analisa as políticas econômicas adotadas pelos Presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, Dilma Rousseff e Michel Temer, no período de 1995 a 2018, e sua relação com a Constituição Econômica. O problema da pesquisa está em compreender se tais políticas cumprem a ordem econômica da Constituição de 1988, respeitando o dirigismo constitucional e garantindo a busca pelo desenvolvimento. A Constituição de 1988 recepciona uma pluralidade ideológica, que permite políticas voltadas tanto para o aspecto financeiro neoliberal como para o viés econômico social. Para concretização constitucional enquanto unidade, as ações estatais devem passar pelo filtro hermenêutico da ideologia constitucionalmente adotada que ressignifica, no texto constitucional, os fundamentos das ideologias econômicas puras. Como resultado, constata-se que a Constituição Econômica recepciona ambiguidade ideológica e políticas econômicas de diversas ideologias. Conclui-se que mesmo sendo recebidas pela Constituição Econômica, as políticas econômicas do período analisado não implementaram processo de desenvolvimento por completo no Brasil, falhando assim em desempenhar a ideologia constitucionalmente adotada e em alcançar os objetivos dirigentes da Constituição de 1988. Palavras-chave: Políticas Econômicas; Constituição Econômica; Constituição Dirigente; Ideologia Constitucionalmente Adotada; Desenvolvimento. Abstract: The article analyzes the economic policies adopted by Presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer, from 1995 to 2018, and their relationship with the Economic Constitution. The research problem is to understand whether such policies comply with the economic order of the 1988 Constitution, respecting constitutional leadership and guaranteeing the search for development. The 1988 Constitution welcomes an ideological plurality, which allows policies aimed at both the neoliberal financial aspect and the social economic bias. For constitutional concretization as a unit, state actions must pass through the hermeneutic filter of the constitutionally adopted ideology that resignifies, in the constitutional text, the foundations of pure economic ideologies. As a result, it appears that the Economic Constitution receives ideological ambiguity and economic policies from different ideologies. It is concluded that even though they were received by the Economic Constitution, the economic policies of the period analyzed did not fully implement the development process in Brazil, thus failing to carry out the constitutionally adopted ideology and to achieve the guiding objectives of the 1988 Constitution.Keywords: Economic Policies; Economic Constitution; Governing Constitution; Constitutionally Adopted Ideology; Development.
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Torninoja-Latola, Jaana. « Työläisperhe Elvi Sinervon kaunokirjallisessa tuotannossa ». Väki Voimakas, no 28 (2 novembre 2023) : 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.55286/vv.122904.

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Jaana Torninoja-Latola analysoi artikkelissaan työläisperheen roolia Elvi Sinervon tuotannossa. Torninoja-Latola pureutuu Elvi Sinervon esikoisromaaniin Palavankylän seppä (1939) sekä kolmeen Sinervon näytelmään työläisperheen representaatioiden näkökulmasta. Torninoja-Latolan mukaan Sinervo rakensi työläisperheestä neuvottelutilan, jossa erilaiset ideologiat kohtaavat, risteävät ja riitaantuvatkin. Analysoiduissa teoksissa voi nähdä paljon vaikutteita Sinervon omasta perheestä. Perheessä tapahtuneet sosiaalisen aseman muutokset tai ideologioiden taipumiset eri suuntiin nousevat kaunokirjallisessa muodossa laajempien muutosten kuvastimiksi. Perheen sisälle mahtuu monenlaisia henkilöitä ja persoonia, ja kaunokirjallisuus mahdollistaa Torninoja-Latolan mukaan monipuolisten näkökulmien esiin tuomisen. Yksi artikkelissa esiin nousevista teemoista on koulutusmahdollisuuksien epätasainen jakautuminen perheen sisällä. Työläisperheessä oli toisinaan mahdollista kouluttaa vain yksi lapsista, mikä saattoi aiheuttaa epäsopua ja ristiriitoja. Toinen keskeinen teema Sinervon työläisperhettä käsittelevissä teoksissa on äitiys. Sinervo käsittelee työläisäidin ihannetta ja ihanteen sisältämiä ristiriitaisuuksia, mikä tuo Torninoja-Latolan artikkelin keskusteluun muun muassa Mikko Kemppaisen artikkelin kanssa tässä kirjassa.
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GOLIĆ, TANJA. « MARKSOVO RAZUMEVANJE IDEOLOGIJE ». ARHE 13, no 26 (11 mai 2017) : 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/arhe.2016.26.275-298.

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Autorka u radu pokazuje Marksov odnos prema ideologiji posredstvom njegove kritike Hegelove filozofije prava. Kritika Hegela je ključ za Marksovo razumevanje ideologije. Razlikuje se racionalna ideologija koja prikriva mistifikacije i pripada području jedne konačne svesti, od znanstvene ideologije duha koja raskriva mistifikacije i misli spekulativno u odnosu priroda-sloboda, konačno-beskonačno. Pokazaćemo koje su stvarne osnove ideologije i koji su stvarni neophodni uslovi da se prevaziđe otuđenje.
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Marinković, Dušan, et Dušan Ristić. « DISKURZIVNI KARAKTER IDEOLOGIJE ». Годишњак Филозофског факултета у Новом Саду 38, no 2 (11 décembre 2013) : 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/gff.2013.2.167-181.

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Osnovna pretpostavka ovog rada je da su ideologije izražene i reprodukovane u diskursu i komunikaciji, uključujući i paleosimboličku dimenziju koju u sve većoj meri afirmišu informaciono-komunikacione tehnologije. Ideologija svoj društveni karakter duguje jeziku i govoru, odnosno diskursu. Društvene predstave, odnosi i strukture se često konstituišu, procenjuju, normalizuju i vrednuju, odnosno legitimišu kroz društvene prakse – pomoću teksta i govora. Jedan od načina da se ideologiji pristupi kao društvenom fenomenu jeste pratećenje njenih efekata u diskurzivnim društvenim praksama. U radu je istaknut stav da se ideologija ne može svesti na diskurzivne prakse, ali da njenu genezu, društvene funkcije i smisao, odnosno reprodukciju nalazimo u njima – to je smisao stava da diskurs otkriva semantički identitet ideologije, ali je ne obuhvata u potpunosti.
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Kowalska, Małgorzata. « Ideologie po ideologiach. O cynicznej naiwności ». Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych 30, no 1 (2018) : 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2018.30.1.01.

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The main idea of the article is that in our „postmodern” world ideologies are not at all dead but adopt new forms which I call both cynical (in Slotedijk’s sense of the term) and naïve. I start with reflecting on the very meaning of the term “ideology” and propose to adopt its broad and “dialectical” sense, embracing ideology as false knowledge and as false consciousness, but emphasizing its connection with power. After recalling some theories of the “end of ideology”, from Aron to Lyotard, through Polish thinkers such as Leszek Kołakowski, all based on a rather narrow sense of ideology. I argue that ideologies understood as a complex interconnection of desire and power have regained a crucial role, after the fall of the communist utopia, in the context of consumerist and technological capitalism and its conservative opponents.
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Mosca, João. « AGRICULTURA FAMILIAR EM MOÇAMBIQUE : IDEOLOGIAS E POLÍTICAS/ Family agriculture in Mozambique : ideologies and policies/ Agricultura familiar en Mozambique : ideologías y políticas ». REVISTA NERA, no 38 (1 septembre 2017) : 68–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.47946/rnera.v0i38.5296.

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O texto apresenta, com um enquadramento teórico os processos de transformação e de integração/resistência do campesinato às diversas políticas económicas e públicas que, durante décadas, foram persistentes em secundarizar a agricultura e o meio rural. Estas dinâmicas estão também e de forma não menos importante, relacionadas com as diversas formas de penetração do capital no meio rural (mineiro, agrário, comercial, turismo), aos contextos internacionais e às ideologias da governação após a independência. O autor conclui que durante os últimos quarenta anos e independentemente das políticas e ideologias dominantes do poder, existiu uma persistência secundarização da agricultura e em particular do sector familiar e a não verificação de alguma tendência para a transformação estrutural do sector agrário. A não-priorização dos pequenos produtores é resultante dos modelos de crescimento e de padrões de acumulação, onde as alianças políticas e económicas são, primeiro, a cooperação e, depois, o capital externo, em conexão e facilitado pelas elites locais, que deles beneficiam, configurando uma acumulação interna dependente do padrão externo e assente na obtenção de rendas.
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Torowska, Joanna. « Terra nullius and colonial and postcolonial ideologies. Selected aspects of educational ideologies in Australia ». Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Rocznik Polsko-Ukraiński 19 (2017) : 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rpu.2017.19.16.

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De Oliveira, Daniele. « Antinegritude e resistência nos comentarios à coluna de Djamila Ribeiro na Folha de SP ». Discurso y Sociedad 17, no 2 (22 juin 2023) : 276–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/dissoc.17.2.2.

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O objetivo deste artigo é problematizar as ideologias da antinegritude e de resistência presentes nos comentários postados na coluna da filósofa Djamila Ribeiro, no webjornal brasileiro Folha de São Paulo. Para tanto, parti dos conceitos de antinegritude, racismo, ideologia e resistência, com vistas a direcionar a análise às mencionadas ideologias. A discussão está fundamentada na abordagem sociocognitiva do discurso, proposta por Teun van Dijk, no escopo dos Estudos Críticos do Discurso. A análise demonstrou, em linhas gerais, que a ideologia antinegritude é mais recorrente no contexto do jornalismo online, ao passo que a ideologia da resistência é, por sua vez, mais criticamente embasada.
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Freitas, Eliano de Souza Martins, et Rogata Soares Del Gaudio. « Crise ecológica, escassez hídrica e ideologias : uma análise crítica da Carta de 2070 ». Sociedade & ; Natureza 27, no 3 (décembre 2015) : 439–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-451320150306.

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RESUMO O presente artigo analisa a relação entre a geografia e as ideologias, por meio do que tem sido denominado de “crise ecológica”, enfocando as discussões em torno da escassez hídrica. O artigo é dividido em três partes. Na primeira, descrevemos as abordagens predominantes sobre a água desde o final do século XX, em escala mundial. Na segunda, apresentamos algumas formas de relação entre as ideologias e as abordagens sobre a natureza, em diferentes momentos históricos e procuramos analisar os discursos a respeito da natureza tomando como base a “Ideologia do Desenvolvimento”, a “Ideologia do Progresso” e a “Ideologia do Desenvolvimento Sustentável”. Nessas discussões apresentamos as diferentes abordagens dadas à água, a partir dessas ideologias. Por fim, são traçadas algumas considerações que visam estimular um pensamento crítico relacionado às características atuais da reprodução social do espaço.
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Oliveira, Carlos, et Mathieu Turgeon. « Ideologia e comportamento político no eleitorado brasileiro ». Opinião Pública 21, no 3 (décembre 2015) : 574–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912015213574.

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Este artigo aborda o papel das ideologias esquerda edireita sobre o comportamento político do eleitorado brasileiro, com foco na constrição que essas ideologias devem gerar sobre suas preferências políticas. Em outras palavras, avalia se o eleitor estrutura suas atitudes políticas em consonância com a ideologia de que diz ser adepto. Usando dados de survey do Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro (Eseb), os achados indicam que parte significativa do eleitorado do Brasil nem se autoposiciona ideologicamente. Pior ainda, a ideologia declarada por poucos eleitores não constringe suas preferências políticas. Seguramente, a grande maioria dos eleitores não conhece a complexidade envolta no antagonismo programático de cada lado do espectro ideológico. Conclui-se, portanto, que as ideologias não são importantes para o comportamento político do eleitorado brasileiro.
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Kursar, Tonči, et Andrej Jelušić. « Pikettyjevo shvaćanje ideologije i implikacije „pasivne revolucije“ ». Socijalna ekologija 31, no 1 (2022) : 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/socekol.31.1.3.

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Autori istražuju Pikettyjevo shvaćanje ideologije na temelju njegove knjige „Kapital i ideologija“ (2020). Pokazuje se da on ideologiju shvaća kao samostalnu silu u povijesti. Osnovna je teza članka da kod Pikettyja nema kritičke političke teorije „prijelaznog razdoblja“ pa ne može uvjerljivo objasniti zašto kriza „hiperkapitalističke ideologije“ od 2008. naovamo ne vodi izravno u političku i ideologijsku transformaciju kojoj se nada (tzv. „participativni socijalizam). To se može razjasniti Gramscijevim shvaćanjem krize i pasivne revolucije. Pokazuje se da „transformizam“ (Gramsci) u krizi kapitalizma obnavlja osnovni konsenzus, ali da donja i niža srednja klasa nemaju previše utjecaja na „reorganizaciju države“. Zapravo te su klase danas više potaknute da sudjeluju u „platformskom populizmu“ (Morozov), nego u Pikettyjevom projektu stvaranja deliberativne „pravedne demokracije“. Taj populizam nastoji demokratizirati (a zapravo komercijalizirati) što je više moguće područja ljudskog djelovanja. S druge strane, postoje znakovi da će mainstream ljevica ići tragom onoga što Gramsci naziva (progresivni) cezarizam. Posrijedi je „polemičko- ideologijska formula“ kojoj treba, prije svega, politička akcija kako bi se iznova postigla „minimalna društvena homogenost“ (Monod) kao pretpostavka održivije demokracije. Autori pokazuju da ipak ima dokaza da je Pikettyjevo shvaćanje ideologije primjenjivo u suvremenoj politici.
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Gonzalez Cedillo, Joel Ivan. « Ideological Consistency and Ideological War : American Fascism vs Antifascism – January 2021 ». Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series : Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2021, no 1 (31 mars 2021) : 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2021-6-1-10-18.

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This work analyzes the ideological war between American fascists and antifascists and the relation between the existence of an ideological consistency among the masses and the emergence of this type of conflict. The storming of the US Capitol in January 2021 by fascists and the activities of fascists and antifascists on social media serve as subjects for the analysis of this ideological war. The purpose of this work is to study literature on ideological wars and analyze how States encourage extremist ideologies based on their own ideological consistencies. The method employed to expose the ideological war is a content analysis of social media used by the Proud Boys and Atlanta Antifascists. The results show that the two competing ideologies cannot coexist peacefully in the same territory and at the same time. The State and the elites agree that the confrontation should end. This work can be useful for academics, policy makers and students working on the issue of fascist and extremist ideologies, as well as for developing ways to fight these ideologies by addressing their enablers.
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Soborski, Rafal. « Ideologies of Crisis : Ideological Continuity in a Destabilized Age ». Global Studies Journal 8, no 3 (2015) : 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1835-4432/cgp/v08i03/40931.

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Martill, Benjamin. « International ideologies : paradigms of ideological analysis and world politics ». Journal of Political Ideologies 22, no 3 (30 juin 2017) : 236–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2017.1345139.

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Świder, Konrad. « Russian Neo-Eurasian Geopolitics as a Total Ideology on the Example of Aleksandr Dugin’s Concept ». Civitas. Studia z filozofii polityki 25 (30 décembre 2019) : 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2019.25.04.

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The purpose of this article is to outline the geopolitical concepts of Aleksandr Dugin, the guru of Russian Eurasian geopolitics as a total ideology. After the collapse of the USSR, there was a rapid renaissance of geopolitics in Russia, which was an ideological attempt to rationalise the role and place of the post-Soviet Russian state in the post-Cold War international system. The dynamic development of geopolitics in Russia was also a way for the Russians to overcome the post-imperial trauma and the post-Soviet identity crisis. Geopolitics was to define the global aspirations and goals of the Russian Federation, being the quintessence of postmodern Russian messianism and setting a new historical mission for this state. One of several geopolitical trends in Russia was neo-Eurasianism, whose main ideologist was Aleksandr Dugin. The Russian geopolitician has proceeded to formulate a total ideology based on geopolitics for Russia, which is to constitute an intellectually and conceptually attractive synthesis of all the universalist ideologies practised in this country throughout history. Dugin tries to integrate geopolitics with the metaphysics and philosophy of being, transforming it into a kind of ideocratic sacrum and ideological signpost for the contemporary Russian state.
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Luyckx, Joost, et Maddy Janssens. « Ideology and (de)legitimation : The Belgian public debate on corporate restructuring during the Great Recession ». Organization 27, no 1 (1 mars 2019) : 110–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508419830623.

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While scholars have examined how micro-textual argumentative strategies are used to (de)legitimize contested corporate practices, less attention has been given to the role of ideologies or broader belief systems, underlying discursive (de)legitimation. Analyzing newspaper articles published after the announcement of two highly debated corporate restructurings in Belgium during the Great Recession, we identify the ideologies underlying (de)legitimizing statements and examine the discursive strategies through which social actors reproduce elements of these ideologies in legitimacy struggles. We show how the ideologies of ‘neoliberal capitalism’ and ‘humanistic capitalism’ shape framings of the restructurings, identity constructions of actors involved and propositions for government measures to prevent future restructurings from happening. Apart from predictable patterns of reproduction, we discern four creative reproduction strategies: ‘refutation of elements of ideological representations’, ‘appropriation of key vocabularies’, ‘hybridization of ideological representations’, and ‘ideological pioneering’. Our study contributes by (1) providing novel insights into how ideologies function as discursive resources for (de)legitimation of contested corporate undertakings, (2) reconsidering the political nature of (de)legitimizing statements, and (3) reflecting on the (im)possibility of resistance against globalization-driven restructurings in multinational corporations and the neoliberal ideological project in general.
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Valentim, Erika Cordeiro do Rêgo Barros, Juliane Feix Peruzzo et Angela Santana do Amaral. « IDEOLOGIA EMPREENDEDORA E HEGEMONIA BURGUESA NO BRASIL ». Revista Práxis e Hegemonia Popular 7, no 11 (17 mars 2023) : 258–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2526-1843.2022.v7n11.p258-279.

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Este trabalho discute a materialidade da ideologia empreendedora no Brasil, evidenciando um dos principais Aparelhos Privados de Hegemonia (APHs) da burguesia nacional: o Sebrae. A pesquisa utiliza dados bibliográficos, documentais e estatísticos, no sentido de apreender a materialidade de tal ideologia burguesa na disputa pela hegemonia. Com base nas contribuições de Antonio Gramsci acerca da relação entre Estado, ideologias e disputas pela hegemonia, discute-se a centralidade da ideologia do empreendedorismo no Brasil, num contexto de avanço das contrarreformas trabalhista e previdenciária.
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Teixeira, Carlos Flavio, et Marcelo Souza Fransoze. « A ideologia como imanentização do eschaton : um estudo introdutório da perspectiva de Eric Voegelin ». Estudos de Religião 36, no 2 (6 octobre 2022) : 195–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.15603/2176-1078/er.v36n2p195-221.

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Existem diversas possibilidades de definição de ideologia, notadas nos âmbitos filosófico, político ou sociológico. Este breve estudo busca apresentar a definição de ideologia proposta por Eric Voegelin e evidenciar como o autor identifica as ideologias políticas modernas com uma imanentização do eschaton cristão. Adotando o método de revisão bibliográfica, recapitula alguns autores que formularam o conceito de ideologia, analisa as abordagens críticas em relação a ideologia, e apresenta o conceito formulado por Voegelin. Em seguida expõe o conceito de transcendência presente na escatologia cristã e finaliza apontando como se excluiu o elemento transcendente, assim criando uma escatologia secular.
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Teixeira, Carlos Flavio, et Marcelo Souza Fransoze. « A ideologia como imanentização do eschaton : um estudo introdutório da perspectiva de Eric Voegelin ». Estudos de Religião 36, no 2 (23 juillet 2024) : 195–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.15603/2176-0985/er.v36n2p195-221.

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Existem diversas possibilidades de definição de ideologia, notadas nos âmbitos filosófico, político ou sociológico. Este breve estudo busca apresentar a definição de ideologia proposta por Eric Voegelin e evidenciar como o autor identifica as ideologias políticas modernas com uma imanentização do eschaton cristão. Adotando o método de revisão bibliográfica, recapitula alguns autores que formularam o conceito de ideologia, analisa as abordagens críticas em relação a ideologia, e apresenta o conceito formulado por Voegelin. Em seguida expõe o conceito de transcendência presente na escatologia cristã e finaliza apontando como se excluiu o elemento transcendente, assim criando uma escatologia secular.
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Haltinner, Kristin. « Right-Wing Ideologies and Ideological Diversity in the Tea Party ». Sociological Quarterly 59, no 3 (3 juillet 2018) : 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2018.1479196.

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Valdez Fosaches, Gabriel, et Carmen Jená Machado Caetano. « Ideologias em questões de prova de português : Uma análise discursiva crítica ». Revista de Filología y Lingüística de la Universidad de Costa Rica 42, no 2 (24 janvier 2017) : 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rfl.v42i2.27804.

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Com este trabalho, temos por escopo evidenciar as atuais ideologias sobre a língua presentes nas avaliações, concretizadas no gênero discursivo questão de prova. Para isso, elegemos como corpus de pesquisa uma questão de prova do Enem – Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio, uma do Enade – Exame Nacional de Desempenho dos Estudantes do Ensino Superior e uma do concurso para professor da educação básica do estado de São Paulo. Selecionamos essas questões com base em seu tema comum: variação linguística. Como ferramenta de análise, adotaremos as categorias de operação da ideologia fornecidas por Thompson (2002), a fim de detectar as ideologias sobre a língua presentes nos textos selecionados. Assim, tomaremos como referencial teórico Chouliaraki & Fairclough (1999), no que concerne ao método-teoria da Análise de Discurso Crítica; Thompson (2002), em relação à concepção de ideologia que adotaremos; e Bagno (2011), no que diz respeito à discussão sobre norma(s). Com esse aparato teórico-metodológico, mostraremos como a abordagem da variação linguística pode sustentar ideologias (relações de dominação) quando baseada no modelo de adequação linguística.
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ȘOIMARU, Daniel. « HEZBOLLAH ÎNTRE MIT ȘI REALITATE ». Impact strategic 79, no 2 (23 septembre 2021) : 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477//1842-810x-21-06.

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Hezbollah este un actor nestatal cu o influență decisivă asupra modului în care evoluează dinamicile politice și de securitate din Liban, având un rol important în cadrul complexului regional de securitate din Orientul Mijlociu. Cu toate acestea, pentru a putea înțelege comportamentul acestui actor, este necesară evidențierea principalelor sale caracteristici ideologice. Prin urmare, întrebarea de cercetare care a permis materializarea acestui studiu este: Cum a influențat ideologia asumată de către liderii Hezbollah comportamentul organizației? Prin intermediul acestui studiu dorim să evidențiem contextul istoric al Libanului în perioada anilor 1980, precum și să analizăm principalii factori care au determinat materializarea Hezbollah. De asemenea, vrem să înțelegem principalii piloni ideologici ai Hezbollah și modul în care aceștia au influențat obiectivele și acțiunile organizației și să examinăm modul în care statele vestice percep activitatea desfășurată de Hezbollah. Totodată, ne propunem să analizăm relația dintre Iran și Hezbollah din perspectiva motivațiilor și intereselor pe care decidenții politici de la Teheran le au în raport cu creșterea influenței iraniene în Orientul Mijlociu.
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ȘOIMARU, Daniel. « HEZBOLLAH ÎNTRE MIT ȘI REALITATE ». Impact strategic 79, no 2 (23 septembre 2021) : 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477//1842-810x-21-06.

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Hezbollah este un actor nestatal cu o influență decisivă asupra modului în care evoluează dinamicile politice și de securitate din Liban, având un rol important în cadrul complexului regional de securitate din Orientul Mijlociu. Cu toate acestea, pentru a putea înțelege comportamentul acestui actor, este necesară evidențierea principalelor sale caracteristici ideologice. Prin urmare, întrebarea de cercetare care a permis materializarea acestui studiu este: Cum a influențat ideologia asumată de către liderii Hezbollah comportamentul organizației? Prin intermediul acestui studiu dorim să evidențiem contextul istoric al Libanului în perioada anilor 1980, precum și să analizăm principalii factori care au determinat materializarea Hezbollah. De asemenea, vrem să înțelegem principalii piloni ideologici ai Hezbollah și modul în care aceștia au influențat obiectivele și acțiunile organizației și să examinăm modul în care statele vestice percep activitatea desfășurată de Hezbollah. Totodată, ne propunem să analizăm relația dintre Iran și Hezbollah din perspectiva motivațiilor și intereselor pe care decidenții politici de la Teheran le au în raport cu creșterea influenței iraniene în Orientul Mijlociu.
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Nunes dos Santos, Jânio, et Adriana Cavalcanti dos Santos. « Política Nacional de Alfabetização no movimentun discursivo-ideologico ». Debates em Educação 15, no 37 (10 mai 2023) : e14937. http://dx.doi.org/10.28998/2175-6600.2023v15n37pe14937.

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O presente artigo discute a recepção da Política Nacional de Alfabetização (PNA) na relação discursiva entre as esferas oficial e do cotidiano de professores alfabetizadores no que concerne as ideologias. Para tanto, adotou-se para o diálogo a categorias Ideologia Oficial e Ideologia do cotidiano com base na teoria do Círculo de Bakhtin articulada ao Ciclo de Políticas de Ball para tessitura da análise dos enunciados concretos dos professores alfabetizadores no liame da Análise Dialógica Discursiva. Os resultados apontam que a Ideologia Oficial presente no discurso da PNA não é de todo ou tal qual tomada pelos professores enquanto palavra dada, pois, no contexto da prática, o encontro com ideologia do cotidiano faz emergir as palavras criadas.
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Fenyi, Kojo, et Georgina Afeafa Sapaty. « Ideological Underpinnings in President John Dramani Mahama’s 2013 State of the Nation Address ». Linguistics Initiative 1, no 1 (18 juin 2021) : 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53696/27753719.17.

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This study sets out to investigate, examine and understand the hidden ideologies and ideological structures/devices in the 2013 State of the Nation Address of President John Dramani Mahama. The study specifically aimed to (i) ascertain the ideologies embedded in the speech and (ii) investigate linguistic expressions and devices which carry these ideological colourations in the speech under review. It uses Critical Discourse Analysis as the theoretical framework to examine the role of language in creating ideology as well as the ideological structures in the speech. These hidden ideologies are created, enacted and legitimated by the application of certain linguistic devices. The researchers deem a study of this nature important as it will expose hidden motives that Ghanaian presidents cloth in language in order to manipulate their audience through their speeches in order to win and/or sustain political power. Through thematic analysis, it was revealed that Mahama projected these ideologies in his speech: ideology of positive self-representation, ideology of human value, ideology of economic difficulty, ideology of power relations and ideology of urgency. It also revealed that Mahama projects his ideologies through the following ideological discursive structures: pronouns, biblical allusion and metaphor. The study has shown that language plays a crucial role in human existence as a means of socialisation. Language has been revealed as a means of communicating ideologies and events of the world. In the tradition of CDA, this study has confirmed that text and talk have social and cultural character and that discourse functions ideologically.
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Remedio, José Antonio, et Bruno Bertolotti. « A INFLUÊNCIA DA IDEOLOGIA NO ESTADO DE DIREITO ». Revista de Teorias e Filosofias do Estado 3, no 2 (3 décembre 2017) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2525-9652/2017.v3i2.2288.

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A pesquisa objetiva analisar o Estado de Direito e a influência da ideologia em sua formação e conformação. O Estado de Direito, embora busque a promoção da liberdade e da igualdade, não se desvincula da ideologia que levou à sua criação, representada pelo domínio da vontade de uma determinada classe sobre as demais, normalmente baseada no poder econômico. O método utilizado é o dialético. Em síntese, tem-se que a ideologia é ínsita a qualquer Estado de Direito e, embora haja sempre o predomínio de uma sobre as demais, é possível sua convivência com ideologias minoritárias no âmbito do próprio Estado.
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Schissel, Jamie L., et Martha Reyes. « Preparing to teach emergent bilinguals ». Journal of Multilingual Theories and Practices 1, no 2 (1 décembre 2020) : 290–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmtp.17669.

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Our ethnographic action research case study addresses the unique concerns that arise when expanding bilingual education methods within teacher education for non-ESL preservice teachers concerning ideological and practice-based shifts in pedagogy. The conceptual framework connects language ideologies and pedagogical practices. The qualitative analyses of three key assignments document preservice teachers’ ideological leanings as tending toward heteroglossia, tending toward monoglossia, or ideologies in flux. Our findings illustrate the attempts by preservice teachers to engage in practices along continua of heteroglossic and monoglossic language ideologies and the importance of defining concrete practices that value bilingual community knowledge.
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Byrne, Judith, Natalia Moiseeva et Konstantin Sharov. « National Identity as an Ideological Construct ». Beacon : Journal for Studying Ideologies and Mental Dimensions 1, no 1 (4 juin 2018) : 010410001. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/thebeacon.1.010410001.

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In the paper, we demonstrate that different types of communities related to the base group identification (kins, tribes, clans, peoples, ethnic groups, nationalities, nations) may be constructed as the products of ideological actions of local elites. This may well explain why in the modern times national identification undergoes the serious crisis. The principles of grouping the human beings change due to tremendously increased Earth population and ideological narratives creating these social groups, change as well. The ideological nature of national identification provides a satisfactory explanation of the shift from ideologies addressed to the national communities, to ideologies created for ‘everyday citizens.’
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De Casanova, Erynn Masi. « Ideologia da beleza na América Latina ». dObra[s] – revista da Associação Brasileira de Estudos de Pesquisas em Moda 11, no 23 (22 mai 2018) : 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26563/dobras.v11i23.708.

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Na medida em que estudos empíricos apresentam detalhes sobre práticas locais e interpretações sobre a beleza, é necessário discutir a ideologia de beleza ou ideologias em geral na América Latina, pois elas são compartilhadas com a história do colonialismo e o caminho que as referências de beleza viajam facilmente entre as fronteiras nacionais atualmente. Essas imagens não ditam, mas informam o caminho no qual a mulher (e o homem) constrói seu corpo nas sociedades latinoamericanas. O propósito deste artigo é desenvolver uma teoria das ideologias da beleza latino-americana que se apoia e se move através de uma pesquisa empírica. Além de apresentar uma exaustiva tipologia, alguns conceitos devem ser considerados com o objetivo de estimular o debate acadêmico e a discussão. São identificados dois aspectos da ideologia da beleza: 1) a aceitação da artificialidade; e 2) a mobilidade racial.
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Bagdasaryan, Vardan, Sergey Resnianskiy et Pavel Baldin. « F.M. Dostoevsky as an ideologist and social prophet in the projection of the history of the 20th–21st centuries (to the 200th anniversary of the birth of the writer) ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no 2-1 (1 février 2022) : 04–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202202statyi02.

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The article is devoted to the consideration of the ideological heritage of F.M. Dostoevsky in the ideological discourse and the historical development of Russia and the world in the 20th-21st centuries. Authors compare the social prophecies of Dostoevsky and Marx as historical-ideological and futurological phenomena, specify the specific features of their methods of comprehending the future. The attempts made to present Dostoevsky as a representative of the ideologies of liberalism, socialism / communism, nationalism / fascism, Christian conservatism are shown. The impossibility of a consistent identification of his views with any of the classical ideologies is substantiated. Dostoevsky’s special position in the world ideological discourse is associated with the specificity of the writer’s artistic thinking and his unique role in the intellectual history of mankind.
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Santoso, Anang. « MELIHAT SASTRA ANAK DUNIA SEBAGAI ALAT PERJUANGAN IDEOLOGI ». SEMIOTIKA : Jurnal Ilmu Sastra dan Linguistik 23, no 2 (13 juillet 2022) : 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/semiotika.v7i2.31470.

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From a critical perspective, children's literature is considered a public discourse. It is a collection of ideas championed in the public sphere about something happening or being discussed that forms a particular point of view. Children's literature often becomes a tool of ideological struggle. The authors, primarily adults, consciously or unconsciously, tend to impose certain ideologies on young readers. So, children's literature is constantly exposed to a specific ideology. Researching children's literature is essentially revealing the ideology championed by the author. In this qualitative study, data were collected from research on children's literature which was utilized as a means of struggle or the cultivation of certain ideologies. The results show that there are at least seven world children's literature groups that are used as a tool for ideological struggle: (1) naturalizing the ideology of racial domination, (2) naturalizing heroic stories, (3) debating controversial historical stories in the past, (4) fighting for environmental ideologies, (5) comparing competing state ideologies, (6) forming ideological criticism, and (7) naturalizing critical perspectives and awareness.
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Thomas, Matthew. « Environmental Progressivism : A Framework for a Sustainable Higher Education ». Australian Journal of Environmental Education 15 (1999) : 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600002664.

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AbstractThe underlying ideologies which support higher education have received only limited attention in relation to our desired goals of social and ecological sustainability. This paper examines the current ideologies which drive higher education, and proposes a different ideological framework which can be used to support a sustainable higher education. Firstly, a criticism of the current convergence of utilitarian and neo-liberal ideologies is presented from the perspective of sustainability. Secondly, building upon the educational theory of John Dewey, an alternative perspective termed “environmental progressivism” is outlined as a possible ideological framework for a sustainable higher education. The paper concludes with some preliminary remarks as to the practical implications of environmental progressivism.
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Alves, Antonio Aparecido. « Ideologias, utopias e agir social segundo a Octogesima Adveniens ». Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 61, no 242 (30 juin 2001) : 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v61i242.2104.

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Diante das grandes ideologias presentes e atuantes em seu tempo, que pretendiam responder plenamente ao anseio de unta vida verdadeiramente humana, Paulo VI propõe um outro caminho. Este artigo procura analisar a questão das ideologias na Octogesima Adveniens e as utopias, solução deixada por Paulo VI, relacionando-a com o agir social dos cristãos.Abstract: In face of the great ideologies present and active in his day that hoped to fully respond to the desires for a truly human life, Paul the 6h proposed anotherpath. This article attempts to analyse the question of the ideologies in the Octogesima Adveniens and the utopias, solution lelt by Paul the 6h, relating it to the social actions of Christians.
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O'Neill, Brittney. « He, (s)he/she, and they ». Working papers in Applied Linguistics and Linguistics at York 1 (13 septembre 2021) : 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2564-2855.4.

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Gender-focussed language reform movements are underpinned by not only gender but also language ideologies. This study explores the relationship between these ideologies across anti-sexist and anti-cis-sexist reform movements. The movements target differing outcomes and align with differing ideologies, but I argue that they share an underlying goal and underlying ideological tenets. While anti-sexist reform seeks to improve the status and render legible the experiences of a subordinate but legible identity, namely women, anti-cis-sexist reform aims to unsettle cis-sexist assumptions of gender and render greater gender diversity legible. In targeting these goals, anti-sexist reformers cluster around forms of linguistic relativity, while anti-cis-sexist reformers focus on linguistic performativity. Both ideological stances, however, share underlying conceptualizations of language as limiting and as acting in the world, while both goals share an underlying commitment to harm avoidance. This paper highlights the role of language ideologies, in addition to gender ideologies, in gender-focussed language reform.
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Arditya Prayogi, Noorma Fitriana M. Zain et Devy Arisandi. « The Discussion of Ulama and Ideology in The Indonesian Ideological Decade ». APLIKATIF : Journal of Research Trends in Social Sciences and Humanities 1, no 1 (26 juin 2022) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.59110/aplikatif.v1i1.26.

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The ideological decade in Indonesia was marked by the entry of various transnational ideologies. Thus, these various ideologies will be responded to with various responses that are different from each other, including the responses of the ulama as representatives of Indonesian Muslims (still the Dutch East Indies at that time). This article aims to describe various forms of response to several ideologies that developed during the ideological decade and their discourses. This article was written with a qualitative descriptive approach using the literature study method as the data collection method. From the results of the analysis, it can be concluded that the ulama as well as Muslims are fragmented in various responses and the roles shown in their various attitudes, when responding to the entry of various ideas/ideologies at this time. In the life of the community, the estuary of the responses that appear leads to the pros and cons of these ideas/ideologies.
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Fusaro, Diego. « La logica ideologica Vecchie e nuove legittimazioni del potere ». SOCIETÀ DEGLI INDIVIDUI (LA), no 43 (juin 2012) : 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/las2012-043013.

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Il saggio si propone di esaminare, nei suoi tratti essenziali, la teoria dell'ideologia in Marx ed Engels per poi analizzare i piů macroscopici slittamenti semantici a cui č andata incontro nel secolo XX, fino a giungere alla presente (e presunta) "fine delle ideologie". Riletta dopo piů di centocinquant'anni dalla sua stesura, la Deutsche Ideologie puň risvegliarci dal "sonno dogmatico" ricordandoci che ogni dispositivo ideologico presenta per sua natura una strutturazione tale per cui l'ideologia si dispiega e si impone quanto piů si nega e si fa impercettibile. Quanto piů l'epoca dice di essere non-ideologica, post-ideologica e anti-ideologica, tanto piů essa presenta un occulto ma, non per questo, meno intenso tasso ideologico: il movimento teorico con cui il nostro tempo nega l'ideologia č, esso stesso, una sotterranea articolazione ideologica, un ipertrofico lavoro carsico dell'ideologia.
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Gebregziabher, Tefera Negash. « Ideology and power in TPLF’s Ethiopia : A historic reversal in the making ? » African Affairs 118, no 472 (29 mai 2019) : 463–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz005.

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Abstract The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has led Ethiopia for close to three decades as a core party within the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. Various ideological claims permeated the consolidation of power by the TPLF, which now seems to be questioned by the new leadership in the EPRDF. This article locates the critical junctures in the history of the party and analyses how those junctures relate to power concentration rather than to ideological shifts as purported by the party. It argues that the circumstances surrounding the ‘shifts’ in ideologies by the TPLF show that ideologies were used to consolidate power within the party and later impose domination at the state level. A thorough investigation of the ideological history of the TPLF is crucial as Ethiopia seems to be standing at a critical ideological crossroad. Through a deep hermeneutic interpretation, the article concludes that leftist ideological threads such as a focus on vanguard rule, party-directed economy, and Stalinist understandings of ethnicity run throughout the ideological shifts of the TPLF. The article synthesizes the cosmetic ideological shifts in the context of a pragmatic party that has been applying market socialism.
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Venegas-Weber, Patricia, et Giselle Martinez Negrette. « From ideological clarity to Linguistic Ideological Clarity : Critical reflections, examination of language ideologies & ; interrogation of pedagogical practices ». Linguistics and Education 77 (octobre 2023) : 101201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.linged.2023.101201.

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Leader Maynard, Jonathan. « Ideology and armed conflict ». Journal of Peace Research 56, no 5 (8 avril 2019) : 635–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319826629.

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A growing wave of scholarship suggests that ideology has demonstrable effects on various forms of armed conflict. But ideology remains a relative theoretical newcomer in conflict research, and scholars lack developed microfoundations for analyzing ideologies and their effects. Typically, existing research has primarily presented ideology as either an instrumental tool for conflict actors or a source of sincere political and normative commitments. But neither approach captures the diverse ways in which contemporary social science theorizes the causal connection between ideas and action, and both struggle to reconcile the apparently strong effects of ideology on conflict at the collective level with the relative rarity of ‘true believers’ at the individual level. This article addresses such problems by providing key microfoundations for conceptualizing ideologies, analyzing ideological change, and explaining ideologies’ influence over conflict behavior. I emphasize that ideology overlaps with other drivers of conflict such as strategic interests and group identities, show how ideologies can affect conflict behavior through four distinct mechanisms – commitment, adoption, conformity, and instrumentalization – and clarify the role of both conflict pressures and pre-existing ideological conditions in ideological change. These microfoundational claims integrate existing empirical findings and offer a foundation for building deeper explanations and middle-range theories of ideology’s role in armed conflict.
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Schneider, Ian. « “It’s not real culture anyway” : Language ideologies of local and expatriate English teachers in rural South Korea ». Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 8, no 1 (27 avril 2023) : 5503. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v8i1.5503.

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In South Korea (Korea), Park (2004) identifies three dominant English language ideologies: necessity (English as essential to compete in neoliberal markets), externalization (English as antithetical to Korean identity), and self-deprecation (English as unobtainable by Korean speakers). While studies have explored these ideologies among Korean English teachers in cosmopolitan settings like Seoul, few studies consider how teachers in rural areas negotiate these language ideologies. This study compares ideological stances from both expatriate guest English teachers (GETs) and local Korean English teachers (LETs). Participants working in the rural province of Jeollanamdo conducted semi-structured interviews about their perspectives and experiences regarding English education in Korea. Interviews underwent thematic analysis where initial codes identified Park’s three ideologies, and further coding produced subthemes through stance analysis. Findings indicate a diverse mix of stances between LETs and GETs that both affirm and resist dominant English language ideologies. LETs and GETs with experience working in both rural islands and coastal cities also report variation in students’ motivation and stress toward English education. By examining variation in teachers’ stancetaking toward dominant English language ideologies, this study challenges Bourdieu’s (1991) notion of a unified linguistic ideological marketplace.
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Alharbi, Najlaa. « Language ideologies in metaphors : Exploring L2 Saudi students’ conceptualization of language mixing as a language practice ». International Journal of English Language and Literature Studies 13, no 2 (18 avril 2024) : 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5019.v13i2.5051.

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This qualitative study aimed to examine the embedded language ideologies within L2 Saudi students’ metaphorical texts to discover their ideological perspectives about language mixing. Using language ideology as a lens of analysis, this study examined 74 metaphorical texts written by undergraduate students to determine their language ideologies. The results revealed that the students held multiple and contradictory language ideologies about language mixing. Students’ language ideologies were found to be an orientation along a language ideological continuum with one end representing the ideology of language mixing as a resource and the other reflecting the ideology of language mixing as a challenge. Some students’ language ideologies may fall somewhere in the middle of this continuum since they expressed conflicting language ideologies, perceiving language mixing as both a valuable resource and a potential challenge. Using language ideologies as a lens to evaluate students' metaphorical texts allowed the different language ideas hidden within the three basic language ideologies to be revealed. In addition, the study found that the students employed different metaphors to conceptualize language mixing, covering a wide range of areas such as food, drinks, objects, places and activities. The findings suggested that Saudi students’ metaphors and language ideologies are intertwined and mutually influence each other. This study recommends that teachers use conceptual metaphors as a reflective tool to unveil L2 students’ perspectives on academic activities and calls for further research on conceptual metaphors and language ideologies in L2 contexts.
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Perry, Kristen H., Donita M. Shaw, Lyudmyla Ivanyuk et Yuen San Sarah Tham. « The “Ofcourseness” of Functional Literacy : Ideologies in Adult Literacy ». Journal of Literacy Research 50, no 1 (15 janvier 2018) : 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086296x17753262.

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We used metastudy and metasynthesis techniques to conduct a discursive review of 101 recent publications on the topic of adult functional literacy (FL). Our purpose was to understand the ideologies shaping current definitions and conceptualizations of FL, as well as how and why FL is researched and assessed as it is. Using discursive review techniques, we analyzed instances of legitimation, dissimulation, reification, and “ofcourseness” to explore the ideological underpinnings of the field. Close analysis of three passages related to theory, research, and assessment illustrates ideological patterns in what “counts” as FL. These patterns are grounded in ideological divisions between cognitive and sociocultural perspectives on FL—the effects of which we traced through our findings on what “counts” as FL, the logics of inquiry that undergird the field, and the ways in which these ideologies shape adult literacy assessment. Our discussion considers the larger implications of these ideologies: What is legitimated or reified, and what is ignored, dismissed, or subsumed, by these ways of conceptualizing FL? We offer future directions and raise important questions that arise from these conclusions.
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Lopes, Luiz Paulo da Moita, et Branca Falabella Fabrício. « VIAGEM TEXTUAL PELO SUL GLOBAL : IDEOLOGIAS LINGUÍSTICAS QUEER E METAPRAGMÁTICAS TRANSLOCAIS ». Linguagem em (Dis)curso 18, no 3 (décembre 2018) : 769–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-4017-180306-do0618.

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Resumo Com base na análise da reentextualização de um vídeo profissional brasileiro de funk em um vídeo caseiro nas Filipinas, feito por meninos queer, este artigo discute a ideologia linguística e as projeções metapragmáticas translocais que tal trajetória textual enseja. Pautado em teorizações queer, o trabalho explora essa movimentação translocal utilizando os construtos teórico-analíticos de indexicalidade, circulação de discursos, campos de comunicabilidade e performatividade. Argumenta que a ideologia linguística mobilizada no processo de reentextualização focalizado diferencia-se das tradicionais ideologias linguísticas representacionais e modernistas, ao apontar para visões performativas de línguas e dos corpos dos participantes. Tal ideologia é forjada por meio de metapragmáticas translocais que projetam uma lógica de um mundo social como-se. Investigá-la implica a observação de indexicalidades-em-movimento.
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VITANOV, NIKOLAY K., MARCEL AUSLOOS et GIULIA ROTUNDO. « DISCRETE MODEL OF IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE ACCOUNTING FOR MIGRATION ». Advances in Complex Systems 15, supp01 (juin 2012) : 1250049. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021952591250049x.

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A discrete in time model of ideological competition is formulated taking into account population migration. The model is based on interactions between global populations of non-believers and followers of different ideologies. The complex dynamics of the attracting manifolds is investigated. Conversion from one ideology to another by means of (i) mass media influence and (ii) interpersonal relations is considered. Moreover a different birth rate is assumed for different ideologies, the rate being assumed to be positive for the reference population, made of initially non-believers. Ideological competition can happen in one or several regions in space. In the latter case, migration of non-believers and adepts is allowed; this leads to an enrichment of the ideological dynamics. Finally, the current ideological situation in the Arab countries and China is commented upon from the point of view of the presently developed mathematical model. The massive forced conversion by Ottoman Turks in the Balkans is briefly discussed.
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Thurston, John. « Ideologies of I : The Ideological Function of Life-Writing in Upper Canada ». Wordsworth Circle 25, no 1 (janvier 1994) : 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24042971.

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Levin, Shana, Jim Sidanius, Joshua L. Rabinowitz et Christopher Federico. « Ethnic Identity, Legitimizing Ideologies, and Social Status : A Matter of Ideological Asymmetry ». Political Psychology 19, no 2 (juin 1998) : 373–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00109.

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Uzarevic, Filip, Vassilis Saroglou et Isabelle Pichon. « Rejecting Opposite Ideologies without Discriminating against Ideological Opponents ? Understanding Nonbelievers’ Outgroup Attitudes ». Basic and Applied Social Psychology 42, no 1 (20 novembre 2019) : 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973533.2019.1689980.

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