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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Ideologiat »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 25 juillet 2024

Mis à jour le 30 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Ideologiat"

Lankinen, Pasi. « Kieli, tuo viekas seuralainen ». Puhe ja kieli, n^o 1 (16 mars 2017) : 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23997/pk.61124.

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Mannerström, Rasmus, Joona Muotka, Sointu Leikas et Jan-Erik Lönnqvist. « Hyvin toimeentuleva, terve ja suvaitsematon – Suomalaisten nuorten poliittiset ideologiat asenneprofiileina tarkasteltuna ». Politiikka 62, n^o 1 (15 avril 2020) : 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37452/politiikka.83247.

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Yksilön asenteet eivät ole satunnaiset. Sen sijaan ihmiset omaksuvat tiettyjä asennekokonaisuuksia – poliittisia ideologioita, joita eri sosiaaliset ryhmät ylläpitävät. Esimerkiksi maahanmuuton kannatus tai vastustus tuo useimmiten mukanaan tukun muita asenteita sosiaali-, talous- ja turvallisuuspolitiikasta. Tavanomainen muuttujakeskeinen lähestymistapa asenteisiin ei kuitenkaan tavoita tätä. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin nuorten aikuisten (N=744, ikä 18-29, M = 24,65) poliittisia asenteita henkilösuuntautuneesta näkökulmasta, toisin sanoen mitä latentteja ryhmiä (vrt. ideologioita) asenteista muodostuu ja miten vastaajat siirtyvät niiden välillä pitkittäisseurannassa. Asenteet maahanmuutosta, sosiaalietuuksista, tuloeroista, ympäristön huomioimisesta ja puolustusvoimien vahvuudesta muodostivat neljä asenneprofiilia: (1) vihervasemmistolaiset, (2) markkinaliberaalit, (3) populistit ja (4) oikeistokonservatiivit. Naiset ja miehet sijoittuivat odotetusti epätasaisesti eri profiileihin. Odotusten vastaisesti tosin, kaikkein parhaiten toimeentulevat, terveimmät ja keskiverto-koulutustason omaavat suhtautuivat kaikkein kielteisimmin maahanmuuttoon. Asenneprofiilien välillä ei tapahtunut merkittäviä siirtymiä yhdeksän kuukauden seurantajakson aikana. Tulokset kyseenalaistavat julkisuudessa ylläpidettyjä mielikuvia mm. enemmistön maltillisuudesta maahanmuttokysymyksissä, Perussuomalaisista kansan syvien rivien puolueena sekä yhteydestä syrjäytyneisyyden ja maahanmuuttovastaisuuden välillä.

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Artetxe Sarasola, Miren. « Hizkuntza-ideologiak. Euskararen biziberritzean eragiteko analisi-tresna ». Fontes Linguae Vasconum, n^o 136 (28 décembre 2023) : 457–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/flv136.8.

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Artikulu honetan hizkuntza-ideologia nozioaren baliagarritasuna azpimarratu nahi izan da, euskararen biziberritzearen ikuspegitik. Hizkuntza-ideologien kontzeptuan arakatu da lehenik, bigarrenik, hizkuntza gutxituen eta euskararen kasuan hiztun baten autoritatea baldintzatu dezaketen hainbat marko ideologiko aurkeztu dira, eta hirugarrenik, hizkuntza-ideologia horien baitan euskararen garapenak izan ditzakeen zenbait oztopo aipatu dira, marko ideologiko berrien beharra mahaigaineratuz. Azkenik, ikertzaile gisa hizkuntza-ideologien azterketan sakontzearen beharra azpimarratu da.

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Lopes, Maria Eduarda Olímpio, et Davi Augusto Santana de Lelis. « CONSTITUIÇÃO ECONÔMICA E DESENVOLVIMENTO : A POLÍTICA ECONÔMICA BRASILEIRA DE 1995 A 2018 / ECONOMIC CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT : THE BRAZILIAN ECONOMIC POLICY FROM 1995 TO 2018 ». RFD- Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UERJ, n^o 41 (21 octobre 2022) : 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rfd.2022.56622.

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Resumo: O artigo analisa as políticas econômicas adotadas pelos Presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, Dilma Rousseff e Michel Temer, no período de 1995 a 2018, e sua relação com a Constituição Econômica. O problema da pesquisa está em compreender se tais políticas cumprem a ordem econômica da Constituição de 1988, respeitando o dirigismo constitucional e garantindo a busca pelo desenvolvimento. A Constituição de 1988 recepciona uma pluralidade ideológica, que permite políticas voltadas tanto para o aspecto financeiro neoliberal como para o viés econômico social. Para concretização constitucional enquanto unidade, as ações estatais devem passar pelo filtro hermenêutico da ideologia constitucionalmente adotada que ressignifica, no texto constitucional, os fundamentos das ideologias econômicas puras. Como resultado, constata-se que a Constituição Econômica recepciona ambiguidade ideológica e políticas econômicas de diversas ideologias. Conclui-se que mesmo sendo recebidas pela Constituição Econômica, as políticas econômicas do período analisado não implementaram processo de desenvolvimento por completo no Brasil, falhando assim em desempenhar a ideologia constitucionalmente adotada e em alcançar os objetivos dirigentes da Constituição de 1988. Palavras-chave: Políticas Econômicas; Constituição Econômica; Constituição Dirigente; Ideologia Constitucionalmente Adotada; Desenvolvimento. Abstract: The article analyzes the economic policies adopted by Presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer, from 1995 to 2018, and their relationship with the Economic Constitution. The research problem is to understand whether such policies comply with the economic order of the 1988 Constitution, respecting constitutional leadership and guaranteeing the search for development. The 1988 Constitution welcomes an ideological plurality, which allows policies aimed at both the neoliberal financial aspect and the social economic bias. For constitutional concretization as a unit, state actions must pass through the hermeneutic filter of the constitutionally adopted ideology that resignifies, in the constitutional text, the foundations of pure economic ideologies. As a result, it appears that the Economic Constitution receives ideological ambiguity and economic policies from different ideologies. It is concluded that even though they were received by the Economic Constitution, the economic policies of the period analyzed did not fully implement the development process in Brazil, thus failing to carry out the constitutionally adopted ideology and to achieve the guiding objectives of the 1988 Constitution.Keywords: Economic Policies; Economic Constitution; Governing Constitution; Constitutionally Adopted Ideology; Development.

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Torninoja-Latola, Jaana. « Työläisperhe Elvi Sinervon kaunokirjallisessa tuotannossa ». Väki Voimakas, n^o 28 (2 novembre 2023) : 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.55286/vv.122904.

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Jaana Torninoja-Latola analysoi artikkelissaan työläisperheen roolia Elvi Sinervon tuotannossa. Torninoja-Latola pureutuu Elvi Sinervon esikoisromaaniin Palavankylän seppä (1939) sekä kolmeen Sinervon näytelmään työläisperheen representaatioiden näkökulmasta. Torninoja-Latolan mukaan Sinervo rakensi työläisperheestä neuvottelutilan, jossa erilaiset ideologiat kohtaavat, risteävät ja riitaantuvatkin. Analysoiduissa teoksissa voi nähdä paljon vaikutteita Sinervon omasta perheestä. Perheessä tapahtuneet sosiaalisen aseman muutokset tai ideologioiden taipumiset eri suuntiin nousevat kaunokirjallisessa muodossa laajempien muutosten kuvastimiksi. Perheen sisälle mahtuu monenlaisia henkilöitä ja persoonia, ja kaunokirjallisuus mahdollistaa Torninoja-Latolan mukaan monipuolisten näkökulmien esiin tuomisen. Yksi artikkelissa esiin nousevista teemoista on koulutusmahdollisuuksien epätasainen jakautuminen perheen sisällä. Työläisperheessä oli toisinaan mahdollista kouluttaa vain yksi lapsista, mikä saattoi aiheuttaa epäsopua ja ristiriitoja. Toinen keskeinen teema Sinervon työläisperhettä käsittelevissä teoksissa on äitiys. Sinervo käsittelee työläisäidin ihannetta ja ihanteen sisältämiä ristiriitaisuuksia, mikä tuo Torninoja-Latolan artikkelin keskusteluun muun muassa Mikko Kemppaisen artikkelin kanssa tässä kirjassa.

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GOLIĆ, TANJA. « MARKSOVO RAZUMEVANJE IDEOLOGIJE ». ARHE 13, n^o 26 (11 mai 2017) : 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/arhe.2016.26.275-298.

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Autorka u radu pokazuje Marksov odnos prema ideologiji posredstvom njegove kritike Hegelove filozofije prava. Kritika Hegela je ključ za Marksovo razumevanje ideologije. Razlikuje se racionalna ideologija koja prikriva mistifikacije i pripada području jedne konačne svesti, od znanstvene ideologije duha koja raskriva mistifikacije i misli spekulativno u odnosu priroda-sloboda, konačno-beskonačno. Pokazaćemo koje su stvarne osnove ideologije i koji su stvarni neophodni uslovi da se prevaziđe otuđenje.

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Marinković, Dušan, et Dušan Ristić. « DISKURZIVNI KARAKTER IDEOLOGIJE ». Годишњак Филозофског факултета у Новом Саду 38, n^o 2 (11 décembre 2013) : 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/gff.2013.2.167-181.

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Osnovna pretpostavka ovog rada je da su ideologije izražene i reprodukovane u diskursu i komunikaciji, uključujući i paleosimboličku dimenziju koju u sve većoj meri afirmišu informaciono-komunikacione tehnologije. Ideologija svoj društveni karakter duguje jeziku i govoru, odnosno diskursu. Društvene predstave, odnosi i strukture se često konstituišu, procenjuju, normalizuju i vrednuju, odnosno legitimišu kroz društvene prakse – pomoću teksta i govora. Jedan od načina da se ideologiji pristupi kao društvenom fenomenu jeste pratećenje njenih efekata u diskurzivnim društvenim praksama. U radu je istaknut stav da se ideologija ne može svesti na diskurzivne prakse, ali da njenu genezu, društvene funkcije i smisao, odnosno reprodukciju nalazimo u njima – to je smisao stava da diskurs otkriva semantički identitet ideologije, ali je ne obuhvata u potpunosti.

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Kowalska, Małgorzata. « Ideologie po ideologiach. O cynicznej naiwności ». Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych 30, n^o 1 (2018) : 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2018.30.1.01.

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The main idea of the article is that in our „postmodern” world ideologies are not at all dead but adopt new forms which I call both cynical (in Slotedijk’s sense of the term) and naïve. I start with reflecting on the very meaning of the term “ideology” and propose to adopt its broad and “dialectical” sense, embracing ideology as false knowledge and as false consciousness, but emphasizing its connection with power. After recalling some theories of the “end of ideology”, from Aron to Lyotard, through Polish thinkers such as Leszek Kołakowski, all based on a rather narrow sense of ideology. I argue that ideologies understood as a complex interconnection of desire and power have regained a crucial role, after the fall of the communist utopia, in the context of consumerist and technological capitalism and its conservative opponents.

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Mosca, João. « AGRICULTURA FAMILIAR EM MOÇAMBIQUE : IDEOLOGIAS E POLÍTICAS/ Family agriculture in Mozambique : ideologies and policies/ Agricultura familiar en Mozambique : ideologías y políticas ». REVISTA NERA, n^o 38 (1 septembre 2017) : 68–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.47946/rnera.v0i38.5296.

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O texto apresenta, com um enquadramento teórico os processos de transformação e de integração/resistência do campesinato às diversas políticas económicas e públicas que, durante décadas, foram persistentes em secundarizar a agricultura e o meio rural. Estas dinâmicas estão também e de forma não menos importante, relacionadas com as diversas formas de penetração do capital no meio rural (mineiro, agrário, comercial, turismo), aos contextos internacionais e às ideologias da governação após a independência. O autor conclui que durante os últimos quarenta anos e independentemente das políticas e ideologias dominantes do poder, existiu uma persistência secundarização da agricultura e em particular do sector familiar e a não verificação de alguma tendência para a transformação estrutural do sector agrário. A não-priorização dos pequenos produtores é resultante dos modelos de crescimento e de padrões de acumulação, onde as alianças políticas e económicas são, primeiro, a cooperação e, depois, o capital externo, em conexão e facilitado pelas elites locais, que deles beneficiam, configurando uma acumulação interna dependente do padrão externo e assente na obtenção de rendas.

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Torowska, Joanna. « Terra nullius and colonial and postcolonial ideologies. Selected aspects of educational ideologies in Australia ». Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Rocznik Polsko-Ukraiński 19 (2017) : 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rpu.2017.19.16.

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Plus de sources

Thèses sur le sujet "Ideologiat"

Lehto, L. M. (Liisa-Maria). « Korpusavusteinen diskurssianalyysi japaninsuomalaisten kielipuheesta ». Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2018. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526219097.

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Abstract I study language discourses of Japan Finns: the ways they talk about languages. This research is a part of the language-in-motion studies. Informants are native Finns who are born in Finland and have moved to Japan. There are 14 informants in this study, and the recorded data consists of fourteen interviews and seven pair conversations. The amount of data is about 24 hours altogether. Firstly, the aim is to find out what kind of roles and meanings informants give to Finnish, Japanese and English respectively. In other words, what kind of language discourses they construct. Secondly, I study, whether corpus assisted discourse analysis is suitable for analyzing Finnish spoken data. In the context of globalization, languages are no longer tightly connected to time and space but they move along with people. Globalization changes views about languages and multilingualism, hence new concepts are needed to describe them. I observe language discourses in the context of globalization as well as in the social and language ideological context of Japan. Discourses construct reality and I understand them as social and shared entities. In the analysis, corpus methods and discourse analysis are combined: clusters and semantic preference help me to detect how discourses consist of linguistic features. Cluster analysis reveals different roles of languages. Finnish is a language of identity, Japanese is described as a skill and English as a tool. Clusters create contrasts, voices and estrangements, that tell about relations between languages and speakers’ relationship with a language. Semantic preference shows, how language choices and language identity are context bound. Possibility of change is seen in discourses, though self-expression and emotions and importance of language are preserved in migration
Tiivistelmä Tutkin väitöskirjassani japaninsuomalaisten kielidiskursseja eli kielistä puhumisen tapoja. Työni on osa liikkuvuuden sosiolingvistiikkaa käsittelevää tutkimusta. Informanttini ovat Suomessa syntyneitä ja Japaniin muuttaneita suomalaisia. Aineistona on 14 haastattelua ja 7 parikeskustelua eli yhteensä noin 24 tuntia nauhoitetta. Selvitän ensinnäkin, millaisia tehtäviä ja merkityksiä informantit antavat kielille – suomelle, japanille ja englannille – eli millaisia kielidiskursseja he rakentavat. Toiseksi tarkastelen, miten puhutun suomenkielisen aineiston korpusavusteinen analyysi toimii ja millaisen kuvan se antaa kielidiskursseista. Kielet eivät globalisaation myötä ole aikaan ja paikkaan sidottuja vaan liikkuvat ihmisten mukana. Globalisaatio muuttaa käsitystä kielistä ja monikielisyydestä, joten nykyistä monikielisyyttä luonnehtimaan tarvitaan uusia käsitteitä. Tarkastelen informanttieni kielidiskursseja paitsi globalisaation näkökulmasta myös Japanin yhteiskunnallisessa ja kieli-ideologisessa kontekstissa. Diskurssinäkemykseni pohjautuu siihen näkökulmaan, että kieli rakentaa todellisuutta, ja näen diskurssit sosiaalisina ja jaettuina. Menetelmäni on diskursseja ja korpustutkimusta yhdistävä: klustereiden ja semanttisen preferenssin avulla hahmotan, mistä lingvistisistä osista diskurssit koostuvat. Klusterianalyysi paljastaa kielten työnjakoja. Suomi on identiteetin kieli, mutta japanista puhutaan kielitaidon ja englannista välineellisyyden kautta. Klustereissa luodaan kontrasteja, ääniä ja etäännytyksiä, jotka kertovat kielten välisistä suhteista sekä puhujan suhteesta kieliin. Semanttisen preferenssin analyysissa näkyy kielivalintojen ja -identiteettien kontekstisidonnaisuus. Diskursseissa on läsnä muutoksen mahdollisuus, mutta itseilmaisu, tunteet ja kielen merkitys säilyvät siirtolaisuudessa

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Elefelt, Alexander. « Den lokala ideologin : - En analys av Falupartiets ideologi ». Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Sociologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-27962.

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Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag.
The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.

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Hitomi, Alberto Haruyoshi. « Ideologia : relações sociais e subjetividade, estrutura ideologica e formas sociais de consciencia ». [s.n.], 1993. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281866.

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Orientador : Edmundo Fernandes Dias
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T17:49:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hitomi_AlbertoHaruyoshi_M.pdf: 6546805 bytes, checksum: e178aee928e5956d2cf0a84117de9552 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1993
Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed
Mestrado
Mestre em Sociologia

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Andersson, Christoffer. « Bistånd och Ideologi : En studie om ideologins påverkan på svenskt bistånd ». Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-69431.

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The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether or not the Swedish aid has had an ideologicalinclination for the past 12 years and, if that is the case, examine what ideology/ideologies hasexcersised greatest influence over the aid as well as how the influence has manifested itself. Thisthesis will be using a qualitive method for this investigation, more specifically an Ideal typeanalysis. The priorities, use of language and overall goals concerning the aid from various budgetproposals and policy frameworks are the main subjects for analysis which will then be used tocompare them to the ”pure” thoughts from three major ideological thoughts: Social democracy,social liberalism and social conservatism.The results of the thesis shows that the Swedish aid has most certaintly been affected by theideological views of the reigning government. It likewise shows that social democracy, as well associal liberalism, served as the major ideological foundations during this time. However, the overallobjectives have not been subject to change during this time but have rather remained adamant in theface of ideological changes. Keywords: aid, ideal type analysis, ideology, social conservatism, social democracy, socialliberalism.

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Luckner, Victoria. « “I AM NOT A PRINCESS BUT…” : AN IDEOLOGICAL CRITICISM OF “FEMINIST” IDEOLOGIES IN DISNEY’S MOANA ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/753.

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In 2016, Disney animation studios released their newest princess film Moana. The film follows a seemingly feminist plot line of a young female heroine who saves the world from destruction. This study examines Moana (2016) in relation to the views on feminism in the U.S. Disney’s large social and economic influence provides rich grounds for this research. Using an ideological rhetorical criticism, I uncovered the presented and suggested elements of the film. These elements combined with research on U.S. feminist ideology allowed three ideological themes to emerge: ecofeminism, power feminism, and post-feminism. The three themes are threaded to create a seemingly feminist patchwork ideology. I argue that the patchwork ideology that is created is a result of the political and economic conditions present around the production of Moana. Furthermore, I argue that this patchwork ideology is ultimately harmful to current feminist ideology in the U.S. This study adds insight into how feminist ideology is used in popular media.

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Lindström, Jonathan. « Indianen och kalla kriget : Audiovisuella representationer av kalla kriget 1965-1986 ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper, KV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-13324.

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The similarity between the Russian and the Indian, in a Cold War context, may be ambiguous considering the ethnic-social variables and the period in time from where the Indians relate. However, by analyzing these, as well as other, characters in the exhibition of movies, we could learn something about the ideology of the time from which the movies derive. This study examines ideology and movies in the Cold War era and concludes that the Indian, for example, may be representing the values of the common public enemy, originating from the Cold War ideology. The movies examined, regardless of influence of distinct Cold War themes or lack of such themes, carry attributes that give evidence of typical Cold War ideology. The fear of communism and common enemies connected to a Cold War context, the thought of America as the land of the free – with the horizon in the ending of the movies as metaphoric to freedom – and the moral rhetoric that connects to the American thought of a duty as a global savior, are all signs of the Cold War ideology. Even though the messages are somewhat clearer and more distinct in the movies with Cold War motifs, the fact that ideology is projected through other movies as well should be considered essential for the continuing study of movies as cultural artefacts.

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Rudford, Felix. « Kopplingen mellan estetiska uttryck och politiska ideologier : En teoriprövande fallstudie genom bildanalys av nationalsocialistisk ideologi i Olympia ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-97807.

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The world of aesthetics is usually reserved for the artist and to some degree held separate from the science of politics. This paper sets out to explore the relationship between these too-often separated disciplines by examining how the political manifests itself in the aesthetical. The theoretical framework in this paper is based on Crispin Sartwell’s theory about political manifestation in aesthetic expressions in political environments. The method of delivery forthe purpose is challenging Sartwell’s theory in a semiotic picture analysis of the motionpicture Olympia, produced under the direct supervision of Hitler in 1930’s Nazi Germany.The contents of this famous film are commonly described to hold high in the sphere of theaesthetical, but not so much in the political, despite for being a Nazi-produced film. Theresults go to show however, that such is not the case. In fact, this aesthetical piece holdsmany representations of Nazi ideology. The aesthetics of the film can at first seem to besubtle and purely aesthetical. But through careful analysis, the aesthetical expressions arerevealed to be all but simply artistically creative expressions; they are the visualmanifestations of central aspects of Nazi ideology.

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Freres, Helena de AraÃjo. « A EducaÃÃo e a ideologia da empregabilidade : formando para o (des)emprego ». Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2008. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1216.

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FundaÃÃo de Amparo Ã Pesquisa do Estado do CearÃ
Este trabalho pretende analisar os vÃnculos existentes entre a educaÃÃo e a ideologia da empregabilidade. Para alcanÃarmos esse fim, utilizaremos como referencial teÃrico a ontologia marxiana porque ela nos possibilita apreender a essÃncia dos fenÃmenos em sua totalidade. Partimos da categoria trabalho porque o homem somente se constituiu como ser social atravÃs dessa atividade fundante e porque o trabalho Ã o modelo de toda prÃxis social. A educaÃÃo Ã, pois, um complexo social fundado pelos prÃprios homens para contribuir com a sua reproduÃÃo social, mas que sob a Ãgide do capital, ela se transformou numa atividade a serviÃo, preponderantemente, da classe dominante ao disseminar os valores dessa classe para que ela se mantenha enquanto classe dominante. A partir da dÃcada de 70, do sÃculo XX, a educaÃÃo foi posta como a panacÃia que resolveria os problemas da humanidade, inclusive o problema do desemprego estrutural. Assim, a ideologia da empregabilidade Ã utilizada como um mecanismo ideolÃgico poderoso que incute nas mentes dos trabalhadores de que Ã de sua responsabilidade estarem ou nÃo incuÃdos no mercado de trabalho. Para conseguirem uma ocupaÃÃo no mercado formal e se manterem nele, precisam estar em constante formacÃo, alimentando, dessa forma, a ilusÃria crenÃa na educaÃÃo como propulsora do desenvolvimento social e pessoal, alÃm de fomentar o grande negÃcio que se tornou a educaÃÃo
Este trabajo tiene como reto analizar los vÃnculos entre la educaciÃn y la ideologÃa de la empleabilidad. Para alcanzarmos ese fin, utilizaremos como referencial teÃrico la ontologÃa marxiana porque ella nos posibilita aprehender la esencia de los fenÃmenos en su totalidad. Partimos de la categorÃa trabajo porque el hombre solamente se constituyÃ como ser social a travÃs de esa actividad que funda este ser y porque el trabajo es el modelo de toda praxis humana. La educaciÃn, pues, es una actividad fundada por los hombres para contribuir con sua reproducciÃn social, pero que, em la sociedad capitalista, ella se transformÃ en una actividad a servicio, com preponderancia, de la clase dominante al diseminar los valores de esa clase para que ella se conserve como clase dominante. A partir de los aÃos de 70, del siglo XX, la educaciÃn fue puesta como la panaceia que resolverÃa los problemas de la humanidad, tambiÃn el problema del desempleo estructural. AsÃ, la ideologÃa de la empleabilidad es utilizada como uno mecanismo ideolÃgico poderoso que inculca en las mentes de los trabajadores de que es de su responsabilidad estaren o no incluidos en el mercado de trabajo. Para conquistaren una ocupaciÃn en el mercado formal y se mantenerem en ella, necesitan estar en constante formaciÃn, alimentando, de esa forma, la ilusoria creencia en la educaciÃn como propulsora del desarollo social y personal, alimentando tambiÃn el gran negocio que se volviÃ la educaciÃn

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Nogueira, Juliana Korb. « Ideologia partidária ». Florianópolis, SC, 2009. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/92686.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2009
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Esta dissertação procurou analisar o tema das ideologias partidárias junto aos deputados estaduais catarinenses em três momentos ao longo dos últimos 19 anos. O principal objetivo consistiu em mapear os posicionamentos dos deputados estaduais catarinenses em relação a uma diversidade de temas, na tentativa de verificar se o continuum esquerda-direita ainda é um bom referencial para diferenciar os posicionamentos dos parlamentares dos diferentes partidos ou se está ocorrendo um processo de diluição das diferenças ideológicas entre os partidos catarinenses ao longo do período democrático recente, principalmente após as eleições de 2002. A pesquisa empírica ocorreu através da aplicação de questionários nos anos de 1989, 2002 e 2008, utilizando-se de diversos indicadores que possibilitaram a análise da ideologia partidária entre os deputados catarinenses.
This dissertation was proposed in order to examine the issue of party's ideologies among the deputies of the State of Santa Catarina in three moments over the past 19 years. The main goal consisted in mapping out the statements of the state's deputies regarding a variety of topics, as an attempt to define if either the left-right continuum is still a good benchmark to distinguish the positions of parliamentarians of different parties, or if there has been a process of dilution of the ideological differences among the states' parties over the recent democratic period, especially after the elections of 2002. For the empirical research, questionnaires were applied through the years of 1989, 2002 and 2008. Those questionnaires contained various indicators that allowed the analysis of party's ideology among the deputies of the State of Santa Catarina.

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Martinez, Rivas Claudia C. « Ideologias linguísticas e políticas de línguas indígenas : estudo comparativo no Brasil e no México a partir de 1988 ». Niterói, 2017. https://app.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/3022.

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A partir de uma perspectiva interdisciplinar, esta pesquisa condiz com as teorias do pensamento crítico na América Latina, e com os estudos glotopolíticos da linguagem. Nesse sentido, concebemos a política linguística como uma ferramenta de análise que envolve as ações ou iniciativas, dos diferentes atores sociais, para interferir no uso e revitalização das línguas. O contexto histórico, econômico, social e político é indispensável para nossa análise. Por um lado, identificamos as políticas de línguas indígenas, institucionais e autônomas, no Brasil e no México a partir de 1988, e por outro lado, apontamos as ideologias linguísticas a partir dos processos de colonização/independência e de conformação dos Estados nacionais. Deste modo, relacionamos os discursos políticos sobre a diversidade étnica e linguística com as ações concretas de revitalização das línguas indígenas; comparar tais dinâmicas nos dois países, permitira uma melhor compreensão dos conflitos sociolinguísticos na atualidade, acrescentando para o debate outras alternativas e perspectivas sobre a questão indígena no século XXI.
A partir de una perspectiva interdisciplinar, esta investigación acierta con las teorías del pensamiento crítico en América Latina, y con los estudios glotopolíticos del lenguaje. En ese sentido, concebimos la política lingüística como una herramienta de análisis que relaciona las acciones o iniciativas políticas, de los diferentes actores sociales, para interferir en el uso y revitalización de las lenguas. El contexto histórico, económico, social y político es indispensable para nuestro análisis. Por un lado, identificamos las políticas de lenguas indígenas, institucionales y autónomas, en Brasil y México a partir de 1988, y por otro lado, señalamos las ideologías lingüísticas a partir de los procesos de colonización/independencia y de conformación de los Estados nacionales. De este modo, relacionamos los discursos políticos sobre la diversidad étnica y lingüística con las acciones concretas de revitalización de las lenguas indígenas; comparar tales dinámicas, en los dos países mencionados, nos permitirá una mejor comprensión de los conflictos sociolingüísticos actuales, contribuyendo para el debate con otras alternativas y perspectivas sobre la cuestión indígena en el siglo XXI.

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Livres sur le sujet "Ideologiat"

Czollek, Max, Sabine Seitz, Anne-Marie Beckmann et Ralf Dingeldein. Ray 2021 : Ideologien = ideologies. Heidelberg : Kehrer, 2021.

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Brancaccia, Giovanni. Capitalismo : La non ideologia (l'anypòtheton ideologico). Firenze : L'autore libri Firenze, 2003.

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Chrysēs, Alexandros. Ideologia & kritikē : Logos & antilogos stē Marxistikē theōria tēs ideologias. Athēna : Ekdoseis Stachy, 1993.

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ek, Slavoj Z. iz. Yi shi xing tai de chong gao ke ti : The sublime object of ideology. Beijing : Zhong yang bian yi chu ban she, 2002.

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ek, Slavoj Z. iz. The sublime object of ideology. London : Verso, 2008.

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Hongisto, Markku. Erhe ja virhe : Johdatusta työväenliikkeen tautioppiin. Turku : Työn ja tutkimuksen vasemmistoyhdistys, 2010.

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Severino, Antônio Joaquim. Educação, ideologia e contra-ideologia. São Paulo : Editora Pedagógica e Universitária, 1986.

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Douglas, Baldwin, dir. Ideologies. 2^e éd. Toronto : McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1992.

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Mandić, Marijan. Ideologija. Mostar : Naklada Društva hrvatskih književnika Herceg Bosne, 2022.

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1944-, Baldwin Douglas, Booi Matthew, Friesenhan Mary et Ramsay Douglas, dir. Ideologies. 3^e éd. Toronto : McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1997.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Ideologiat"

Eagleton, Terry. « Einleitung ». Dans Ideologie, 1–5. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_1.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Was ist Ideologie ? » Dans Ideologie, 7–41. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_2.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Ideologische Strategien ». Dans Ideologie, 43–75. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_3.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Von der Aufklärung zur II. Internationale ». Dans Ideologie, 77–109. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_4.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Von Lukács zu Gramsci ». Dans Ideologie, 111–46. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_5.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Von Adorno zu Bourdieu ». Dans Ideologie, 147–84. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_6.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Von Schopenhauer zu Sorel ». Dans Ideologie, 185–221. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_7.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Diskurs und Ideologie ». Dans Ideologie, 223–52. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_8.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Schluß ». Dans Ideologie, 253–56. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03466-3_9.

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Eagleton, Terry. « Einleitung ». Dans Ideologie, 1–5. Stuttgart : J.B. Metzler, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-02761-0_1.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Ideologiat"

Konstantinov, Mikhail. « POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AS AN EVOLUTIONARY SYSTEM (TO THE THEORY OF COGNITIVE-IDEOLOGICAL MATRICES) ». Dans NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/14.

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The aim of the article is to concretize the concept of political ideology in the aspect of its matrix structure and in the context of the cognitive-evolutionary approach. Based on Michael Frieden's morphological approach to the analysis of ideological consciousness, the concept of cognitive-ideological matrices is introduced, which allows us to describe the process of transition from proto-ideological to ideological concepts proper, especially at the level of individual consciousness. The identification of the ideological concept as the main “gene” of conceptual variability and inheritance made it possible to describe the main parameters of the evolution of political ideologies and associate it with changes taking place at the individual consciousness level. The described concept was tested in a series of sociological studies of youth consciousness conducted in 2015-2016 and 2018-2020. As a result of the study, it was possible to first identify the “zero level” of ideology, at which the minds of young respondents are potentially open to the influence of diverse and often mutually exclusive ideological orientations, and second, to pinpoint the changes that have occurred in the cognitive ideological matrices of Rostov-on-Don students over the past five years. This study was conducted by scientists from the southern Federal University.

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Peričić, Helena. « Jezik ideologije i ideologija jezika u Desničinoj drami Ljestve Jakovljeve ». Dans Desničini susreti 2010. Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu, FF-Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/desnicini_susreti2010.5.

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Zanoschi, Emanuel-Ionuț. « THE RISE OF NEW POLITICAL PARTIES. A NICE STORY OR A STRONG FUTURE ? » Dans NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/15.

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The current political scene is undergoing visible and often incomprehensible changes for the average person. The rise of new political forces is a topical issue, especially in the context of an ideological reconfiguration. Even if it is possible to play in a vast history, where ideological directions can be given, a specialist can observe that in several ocasions the political parties go beyond their own ideological boundaries to attract more voters and retain power. There are a number of new political forces, built on the fight against corruption and the anti-system in several states of the European Union. They often do not have a clear ideology, consisting of a wide range of members who do not share the principles of a common ideology. Some emerged in response to the populist danger that seemed to grip the European Union ahead of the European Parliament elections on May 26, 2019. Is it a closed path or are we preparing for a new paradigm in shaping political ideologies? I will try to give an answer in this article by going on a case study in Romania, regarding the last configurations of political parties. Is there a need to have a clear ideology, doctrine or the voters need to have a simple set of principles to support?

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Plamadeala, Ion. « Elitele cognitive în criza actuală a științelor socioumane ». Dans Filologia modernă : realizări şi perspective în context european. “Bogdan Petriceicu-Hasdeu” Institute of Romanian Philology, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/filomod.2021.15.32.

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Comunicarea va aborda aspecte relevante și de actualitate ale profundei crize epistemice care, în ultimii ani, a pătruns din viața civică și discursul public al societăților occidentale în instituțiile academice, în practic întreg câmpul disciplinelor socioumane. Vor fi evidențiate cauzele principale, anumite manifestări simptomatice ale acestei crize și rolul elitelor cognitive în instaurarea unor monoculturi ideologice ostile științei liberale prin demersuri și concepte de tip ideologic, militant. Dintre acestea din urmă, ne vom referi critic la mișcarea decolonială și „studiile decoloniale/postcoloniale” asociate și la fenomenul „cancel culture”.

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Venegas-Weber, Patricia. « Bilingual Ideological Clarity : Dual Language Teachers' Critical Reflections, Language Ideologies, and Interrogation of Pedagogical Practices ». Dans 2022 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1893745.

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Miller, Wallis. « Renovation and Representation : Schinkel's Neue Wache and the Politics of German Memory ». Dans 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.31.

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Since the beginning of the 18th century, the instability of the PrussianIGerman state has affected the shape of Berlin. Constant shifts in the boundaries of the empire as well as in its ideology have forced countless architectural redefinitions of the center of its capital. The decisions to preserve, renovate, or replace Berlin’s monuments have thus always been caught between considerations of their ideological impact and their effect on the body of historic docurnentation. Schinkel’s Neue Wache grew out of this tension. It was originally designed and subsequently renovated at significant points of change in German history: it was designed after the defeat of Napoleon and renovated after WWI, modified during the Nazi period, and substantially changed at three points after WWII: in the early years of the German Democratic Republic, at the height of the Cold War, and after reunification in 1993. Consequently, its architecture has always borne traces of history consciously transformed by the ideologies of the present.

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Botnari, Liliana. « Limba „moldovenească” din perioada comunistă postbelică – exemplu de transpunere în practică a limbii de lemn ». Dans Filologia modernă : realizări şi perspective în context european. “Bogdan Petriceicu-Hasdeu” Institute of Romanian Philology, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/filomod.2021.15.04.

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Glotonimul „limbă moldovenească”, promovat pe larg în perioada comunistă postbelică, constituia, de fapt, pârghia de legalizare a existenței a două limbi diferite, de anihilare a conștiinței lingvistice a cetățenilor basarabeni. În acest sens, „extinderea” inventarului de unități lexicale noi formate, în baza limbii ruse, precum și a sensurilor acestora și împroprietărirea lor în vocabularul fundamental al limbii a constituit scopul primordial al autorilor politici comuniști. Toate aceste stratageme de „implementare” a unei noi limbi, diferită de română, se puneau în aplicare prin gramatici, manualele școlare elaborate sub controlul riguros al ideologiei, prin intermediul presei periodice, a anumitor cotidiane, care deveniseră practic unica sursă de informare a populației. Articolele din presa postbelică reprezentau un soi de programe politice și ideologice, cu un înalt grad de intenționalitate, diseminând, printr-un limbaj sărac, redus la repetiții și tautologii, interesele politice și de expansiune ale autorităților sovietice. Astfel, limba epocii comuniste din perioada postbelică de pe teritoriul basarabean reprezintă un exemplu perfect de transpunere în practică a noțiunii limbă de lemn.

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Lomonosova, Marina, et Aleksandr Bykov. « UNDERSTANDING FAMINE THROUGH VISUAL AND DIGITAL MEDIA : WESTERN PERSPECTIVES ON THE 1921-22 FAMINE IN RUSSIA ». Dans 4th International Conference Modern Culture and Communication. Institute for Peace and Conflict Research, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/978-5-6048848-7-4-01.

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In the contemporary era, the intersection of history, technology, and the politics of memory has grown increasingly vital. Nations with technological prowess wield history as a potent tool to shape present ideologies. This dynamic has intensified ideological battles in the digital domain, where virtual policies can diverge from reality. Memory institutions, governmental and private, have harnessed digital platforms to disseminate their interpretations of history, often linked to political agendas. While these institutions hold significant sway, they remain underexplored in Russian academia. Developing post-Soviet states have established institutions such as the Polish Institute of National Remembrance and the Hungarian Historical Service to shape historical narratives. These entities emerged after the USSR's dissolution or the EU's formation, infusing an anti-Soviet stance into the politics of memory. This has led to the rise of "post-truth" journalism, distorting historical truths for narrative purposes. However, the need for similar institutions in Russia remains an underexplored topic in academic circles. Visual documents play a crucial role in sociological exploration, offering glimpses into historical realities. While often overlooked within Russia, they have been used abroad for political and ideological purposes. Addressing this void, the State Archive Service of the Samara Region published a two-volume documentary collection on the 1921-22 famine, providing a crucial resource for scholars. Russian researchers possess a distinct advantage in accessing archival materials, enabling them to counter myths and influence memory politics. Their engagement safeguards historical memory and shapes societal values. Western researchers, despite challenges, employ digital platforms extensively, influencing narratives disproportionately.

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HU, CHAOFEI. « RESEARCH ON THE NECESSITY OF "IMMERSIVE" IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL TEACHING IN HIGHER VOCATIONAL COLLEGES ». Dans 2023 9TH INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM ON SOCIAL SCIENCE. Destech Publications, Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12783/dtssehs/isss2023/36103.

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Ideological and political course is the key course to implement the fundamental task of moral education. The teaching effect of ideological and political course directly affects the implementation of this fundamental task. The 'immersive' ideological and political teaching mode is to implement the requirements of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the construction of ideological and political courses in the new era. It is in line with the new requirements of the reform and development of ideological and political education. It is to implement the fundamental task of moral education in ideological and political courses, improve the teaching effect of ideological and political courses in higher vocational colleges in the new era, and cultivate new people in the era of great rejuvenation of the nation. It is an effective supplement to the existing ideological and political teaching mode.

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Hadzantonis, Michael. « Should I Return as the Subaltern ? : Greek Diaspora and its Linguistic Connections with Home ». Dans GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.1-11.

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Return migration has become a phenomenon pervading much of the world. These regions largely include those countries not historically framed as immigrant contexts. However, owing to the complexity of return migration, all regions can be seen as such. Countries and regions experiencing war and periodic or temporary western domination later recover to rebuild their economies and hence, diasporic societies find reason to return, in addition to the need to reclaim and regain cultural and linguistic heritage. This presentation addresses the current and increasing wave of return migration to Greece, from diverse diasporic contexts, yet extensively from the Global North. The return to the Greek heritage homeland is accompanied by categories of factors, spearheaded by the ideological fear of return and acceptance, and by the conceptions by heritage locals of these returnees as the foreign other. The presentation documents ideologies of both returnees and the heritage locals who either accept or reject the returnees, and grounds these conceptions in the Greek language competence of the returnees. More significantly, while returnees may have high competence in the Greek languages, such competence recedes at times when conceptions of self as a foreign other rises; Greek language competence can negatively correlate with strength of inclusion into the Greek homeland ingroup.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Ideologiat"

Valenzuela Rettig, Pilar. ¿Ideología de género ? Universidad Autónoma de Chile, octobre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32457/20.500.12728/9649202118.

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Se dio a conocer un oficio proveniente de la Cámara de Diputados dirigido a la Universidad de Chile y a la Universidad de Santiago en donde se solicitan un «informe sobre cuántos cursos, centros, programas y planes de estudio se refieren a temáticas relacionadas con estudios de género, ideología de género, perspectiva de género, diversidad sexual y feminismo, detallando sus principales características e individualizando a los funcionarios o docentes que están a cargo de ellos». A pesar de que esta solicitud oficial tiene fecha en julio del presente año, el tema surge a discusión a partir de una declaración pública que rechaza el oficio por las connotaciones de esta «suerte de inquisición», argumentando que la «ideología de género» es un término que se ha usado para denostar los estudios sobre feminismos que son abordados de la academia como «teoría crítica» y nunca como «ideología».

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Gentzkow, Matthew, et Jesse Shapiro. Ideological Segregation Online and Offline. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, avril 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w15916.

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Bording, Steven P. Countering Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, and their Ideologies. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mai 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada505032.

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Lebedeva, G. N. THE EMERGENCE OF THE SLAVIC “IDEOLOGICAL SOCIETY”. Proceedings of the St. Petersburg State Agrarian University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lebedeva-2-2015doi.

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Greenstein, Shane, Yuan Gu et Feng Zhu. Ideological Segregation among Online Collaborators : Evidence from Wikipedians. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, octobre 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22744.

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Nitsche, Natalie, Daniela Grunow et Ansgar Hudde. Couples’ ideological pairings, relative income and housework sharing. Rostock : Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, août 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/mpidr-wp-2023-033.

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Vela, Mauricio A., et Sebastián J. Miller. Are Environmental Taxes Affected by Legislatures' Ideological Positions ? Inter-American Development Bank, septembre 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011501.

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Environmental taxes have been discussed as one of the main mechanisms to deal with environmental problems. Nonetheless, instruments of this type have rarely been implemented, and the adoption of new or higher environmental taxes has faced resistance in some countries. The purpose of this work is to identify one possible political answer to why adoption of environmental taxes varies. One explanation is that legislatures' ideological position affects the degree of usage of taxes generally and environ- mental taxes in particular. For example, right-wing parties tend to be less associated with environmental concerns and more associated with lower government intervention. This paper presents evidence that reflects this relationship, showing the positive association of more left-wing legislatures with higher levels of environmental taxation. A panel of data for 37 developed and developing countries over 16 years is used considering the percentage of total revenue from environmentally related taxes, the ratio of this revenue to total energy use and tax levels in industry and household sectors. The results show that most of these impacts involve environmentally related taxes in the industry sector. Proportional representation electoral systems and high seat concentration by few parties appear to be necessary conditions for the negative relation of right-wing ideology with environmental taxes.

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Barnes, Danielle L. Pakistan's and Palestine's Role in Promoting Violent Ideological Education. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, avril 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada539916.

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Gentzkow, Matthew, Jesse Shapiro et Michael Sinkinson. Competition and Ideological Diversity : Historical Evidence from US Newspapers. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, juillet 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18234.

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Merlo, Antonio, et Áureo de Paula. Identification and estimation of preference distributions when voters are ideological. Institute for Fiscal Studies, octobre 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1920/wp.cem.2013.5113.

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