Thèses : « Ideologen 1825 »

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Hadjiioannou, Emmanuel A. « A study of the Helladic Autocephaly (1821-1852) its ideology and consequences / ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.

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Touboul, Hervé. « Le problème de l'individu dans l'Idéologie allemande de Marx et Engels ». Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010559.

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C'est une vision courante de l'oeuvre de Marx, et de celle de Engels, que celle qui affirme que les individus y sont vus comme determiées par des rapports sociaux. Pourtant presque toujours, ces oeuvres disent qu'il n'existe que des individus, qu'il faut même aller vers la individus réels, que la philosophie n'a fait que transformer en généralités. Partir des individus, cela veut dire, pour Marx et Engels, dans l'idéologie allemande, retourner les généralités de cette philosophie, et plus particulièrement celles de celui en qui son histoire aboutit : Hegel. Ce dernier finit la science de la logique par un chapitre sur l'individu vivant, il faudrait bien plutôt commencer par lui. Cependant, Marx et Engels, faute de s'arrêter suffisamment à l'unité de la pensée et de l'être, présupposée et posée par Hegel, ne voient pas que ce dernier distingue commencement réel et commencement logique, et font de lui, à la suite de Feuerbach, un penseur platonicien. Ils se trompent et de là tournent dans le système hegelien, se retrouvant à une pensée de l'essence de l'homme ramenée à l'activité materielle, et qui reconduit la philosophie qu'ils pensaient quitter. En même temps, un certain nombre de textes de Marx, contenus le plus souvent dans des brouillons développent une critique pertinente de l'effectivité hegelienne, et du devenir infini du fini: ils introduisent à une dialectique de la finitude se doublant d'une pensée de la démocratie politique et économique.

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Silva, Nara Roberta Molla da 1986. « Decifra-me enquanto te devoro = um estudo da ideologia como força social ». [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/282076.

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Orientador: Jesus José Ranieri
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A presente dissertação desenvolve um estudo teórico no qual se busca explicar como, segundo as proposições de Karl Marx, a ideologia pode se constituir enquanto um elemento que exerce influência no movimento das formações sociais e no decurso da história - agindo, então, como uma força social. Com a ausência de sistematização da concepção de ideologia pelo próprio Marx, procuramos responder ao nosso questionamento considerando a obra do mesmo através da unidade interna que a esta julgamos ser característica e por nós apreendida a partir do alinhamento a uma específica interpretação de seus textos. Desse modo, seguindo a tradição lukácsiana, buscamos traçar o fenômeno em contornos gerais e distinguimos a ideologia através de sua função social - mais especificamente: a ideologia diz respeito aos aspectos de organização em sociedade e emerge em meio à totalidade social conformada pela atividade humana (ou trabalho) com vistas a intervir nas questões, conflitos, impasses etc. existentes somente na vida em coletivo. Entendida sua peculiar inserção, colocamos, ao prosseguimento da discussão, que para que a ideologia efetivamente aja, é necessário que atinja os sujeitos viventes na formação social, fazendo com que estes conformem suas ações, conduta e relações com outros homens de acordo com a representação relativa à ideologia em questão. Com isso, a elucidação da dinâmica característica da ideologia, do que finalmente a tornaria uma força social, passa pela exposição da articulação por ela promovida entre aspectos da vida cotidiana dos sujeitos e valores aí existentes, juntamente ao apelo a uma existência para além do indivíduo - articulação esta dada unicamente a partir de possibilidades abertas pelas condições objetivas em vigor
Abstract: This dissertation is a theoretical study based on Karl Marx's approach which aims to explain how ideology can be an important influence (or even decisive) to the movement of social systems and to the course of history - so that ideology acts as a kind of social force, and can be accordingly recognized and described as such. As there is an absence of systematic conception of ideology by Marx himself, we adopted a specific interpretation of his work and considered it through a sort of conducting wire which is an element of unity to this work, as the single way to answer the questioning above. Hence, we joined Lukácsian School and seek to describe the ideological phenomenon in general terms, that is to say we characterize ideology by its social function. In other words, being part of social totality built by human activity (named labor in Marxian terms), ideology is related to the aspects of organization in society and emerges in order to intervene in issues, conflicts, dilemmas etc. existing only in collective life. Once apprehended in the unique features of its insertion, the next step leads to the consideration that ideology only can perform its social function if it reaches the living men in society, making them adjust and conform their actions, behavior and relationships among themselves in consonance with the respective ideological representation in question. Consequently, in order to elucidate the dynamics of ideological phenomenon - in this case: to explain how ideology can operate as a social force - it becomes necessary to expose how it promotes an articulation between aspects of everyday life and the values encompassed therein, along with the call for an existence beyond the individual level. It is also important to add that such articulation is due to and only possible from the objective conditions in place
Mestrado
Sociologia
Mestre em Sociologia

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Corps, Terence John. « Republican ideology in Jacksonian Ohio : the rhetoric of democratic political economy, 1825-1850 ». The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1341247040.

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Gort, Oliver Jordina. « Eduard Toda i Güell. Ideologia i escriptura (1855-1941) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285581.

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Aquesta tesi està centrada en la figura del diplomàtic i escriptor Eduard Toda i Güell. L'objectiu primordial d'aquest estudi és el de definir el pensament , l'estil d'escriptura i les influències ideològiques i literàries del personatge partint de l'anàlisi dels seus textos , però també a través de la seva obra humana, les seves relacions , els seus viatges i les seves implicacions en el camp polític, social i cultural del país. Per a això s'analitza el seu epistolari, la creació de la seva biblioteca i els seus donatius de llibres i col•leccions en diferents biblioteques i arxius del país, la selecció dels llibres que va adquirir i les possibles lectures que van formar el seu pensament i l'escriptura dels seus textos, discursos, articles i llibres . L'anàlisi de l'obra d'Eduard Toda estudia, principalment, el sentit final de cada llibre i del conjunt de la seva obra. L'estudi estableix el perquè , la metodologia i el valor dels llibres i articles que va escriure. Mostra la finalitat de la seva escriptura i també de tota aquella obra material i espiritual que no forma part de l'escriptura -és el cas de les restauració arquitectònica de monuments com el monestir de Santa Maria de Poblet- però que també constitueix la seva obra global. L'estudi i anàlisi de l'obra d'Eduard Tota vol aprofundir en el seu ideologia i extreure la base del seu pensament per entendre millor al personatge, i descobrir quin va ser el motor que va generar una personalitat tan polièdrica i l'energia que impulsava cada projecte i cada acció de la seva vida.
This thesis is centered on the figure of the diplomat and writer Eduardo Toda i Güell. The primary objective of this study is to define thinking, writing style and the ideological and literary influences of the character from the analysis of texts, but also through his human work, their relationships, their travel and their implications in political, social and cultural fields in the country. To do so his correspondence, his library creation and his donations of books and collections in various libraries and archives in the country were analyzed, as well as the selection of books which acquired and possible readings that shaped his thinking and writing of texts, speeches, articles and books. The analysis of the work of Eduardo Toda studies mainly the ultimate meaning of each book and the whole of his work. The study establishes the reason, the methodology and the value of books and articles written. It displays the purpose of his writing and also of all that material and spiritual work that is not part of the script –that is the case of architectural restoration of monuments such as the Monastery of Santa Maria de Poblet- but also its global workforce. The study and analysis of the work of Eduardo Toda want to deepen their ideology and extract the basis of their thinking to better understand the character, and discover what the engine was that generated such a multifaceted personality and energy that drive each project and each action of his life.

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Vejvodová, Veronika. « DEPENDENCE OF POLITICAL LEADERS' OFFICIAL PHOTOS ON THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT IN THE WESTERN WORLD ( 1821-2013 ) ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201996.

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I study the role that facial expressions play in determining political ideology. I have collected 20,475 assessments of politicians representing 14 countries. Based on a dataset captured from 1821-2015, our results imply that the facial expressions of politicians do play a significant role in the explanation of their ideology. Controlling for positivism of expressions model confirms this general picture: Democratic regime politicians have a tendency to express positive emotions since they are in principle selling the future. Autocratic regimes are mostly trying to exert fear and the facial expressions of dictators are non-positive. We also find that evaluation of the regime is negatively correlated with TV broadcasting in some countries. Accordingly, we can claim that voting perception and behavior is guided by the pictures and videos which are delivered via television.

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Pickard, Martin John. « The operas of J.N. von Poissl (1783-1865) : aesthetics and ideology ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3353/.

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The Bavarian composer Johann Nepomuk von Poissl was regarded by many in the second decade of the nineteenth century as German opera’s greatest hope. Though neglected by later musicology, in his day Poissl was a central figure in the aesthetic discourses surrounding opera, being prominent as a composer, librettist, translator, journalist and director of the Munich Court Theatre. He was also a profoundly ideological artist, expressing in his operas a distinctive vision of Bavarian nationhood and of the wider German identity. This thesis represents the first substantial study of Poissl’s operatic oeuvre. It is based on a detailed reading of his thirteen surviving operas, all unpublished. It uses many previously untranscribed and untranslated sources. It shows how Poissl, in his prose writings as well as his operas, addressed what he and his contemporaries saw as the fundamental aesthetic values of opera. It also shows that several of Poissl’s works were a response to specific political, ideological and cultural issues. These include the Franco-Bavarian alliance, the post-Napoleonic settlement and the Catholic restoration of Bavaria under King Ludwig I. These threads are drawn together in a case study of Poissl’s opera Athalia (1814). This considers not only the literary and musical form of this piece but also its ideological content. It shows how Poissl’s particular vision of nationhood and faith was embedded not only in Athalia’s text but also in its music. It clarifies the dialogue-based form in which the opera was originally performed. It suggests that Poissl’s later addition of recitatives to Athalia not only obscured the dramatic and musical strengths of this particular work, but also gave rise to musicological misconceptions which have distorted and restricted our view of Poissl’s oeuvre as a whole.

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José, Gomes Cabral Flavio. « Paraíso Terreal : A Rebelião Sebastianista na Serra do Rodeador.Pernambuco,1820 ». Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2002. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/7705.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
O trabalho se propõe analisar um movimento de inspiração sebastianista organizado por uma comunidade de homens livres, em sua maioria mulatos, trabalhadores rurais, arrebanhados próximo à Serra do Rodeador, em Bonito, Província de Pernambuco, nos primeiros anos do século XIX. Numa conjuntura marcada por conflitos sociais e políticos na passagem do período colonial para a construção do regime imperial, algumas insatisfações com a ordem são denunciadas pelos habitantes da Cidade do Paraíso Terreal. Nessa comunidade sonhos foram arquitetados na expectativa de que com o retorno de Dom Sebastião uma nova ordem seria instaurada. Entendeu-se que tais pensamentos eram perigosos para a segurança do Estado, uma vez que esses e outros intentos de rebeldia transitavam em várias esferas coloniais às vésperas da Independência. O medo de que ali se disseminava um cisma religioso e sobretudo político induziu a Coroa, em 1820, a amordaçar de forma arbitrária a referida comunidade

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Ferreira, João Pedro Rosa. « O jornalismo na emigração : ideologia e política no "Correio brazilience", 1808-1822 / ». Lisboa : Centro de história da cultura da Universidade nova de Lisboa, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb366760186.

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Pérez, Garay Carlos Alberto. « Liberalismo criollo : Ricardo Palma, ideología y política : 1848-1919 ». Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/3156.

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Hace algunos años, fascinado por los relatos y anécdotas de las Tradiciones Peruanas tuve la oportunidad de leer una biografía de Ricardo Palma. Grande fue mi sorpresa, al escudriñar las páginas de la misma, encontrar episodios de la vida del tradicionista nunca antes para mi conocidos, como por ejemplo, su paso por San Carlos, su labor periodística, su servicio en la marina, entre otros aspectos. Si bien es cierto, estos episodios me parecieron sumamente interesantes, hay un aspecto de su vida que logró -tanto por su trascendencia y por su escasa información- acaparar mi atención: su participación en el mundo de la política. Ante ello, guiado por esta inquietud de conocer esta faceta poco conocida del escritor limeño, emprendí a lo largo de estos años la imperiosa tarea de recoger todo el material bibliográfico referente al tema, que me serviría de base para la elaboración de un trabajo de investigación, acerca de la ideología y la actividad política de Palma, el cual, tras un paciente estudio y denodado sacrificio, hemos podido recién concluir, a fin de presentarlo como una tesis para poder obtener el título de licenciado en historia Mas allá de ello, este trabajo, pretende de alguna manera, ser un aporte al conocimiento de la vida y obra de Ricardo Palma, una de las figuras más representativas de la literatura peruana del siglo XIX. Creemos que este trabajo sea el punto de partida para futuras investigaciones sobre el tema.
Tesis

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Thomas, Elizabeth Anne. « The manifestations of the Irish Poor Law ideologies in Ulster workhouses, 1838-1855 ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.580122.

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This thesis investigated whether the governing ideologies of the Poor Law Act (Ireland) 1834 were physically manifested in Wilkinson's workhouse. The new poor laws of the nineteenth century were a system based on ideologies associated with Adam Smith's laissez-faire and those of Jeremy Bentham and Thomas Malthus. The workhouse was the instrument of the new Poor Law Act through which the policies of the government were executed. The principal objective of this thesis was to identify the governing ideologies of the period and to see whether these ideologies were reflected in the workhouse plan. This research, through the use of archaeology and historical records, investigated whether the struggles around the Poor Law were reflected in the workhouse building. There were several struggles. The Poor Law Commissioners struggled against the guardians, the guardians struggled to implement the Law and the workhouse inmates struggled against the system. This study also considered whether Wilkinson's standard plan was an effective instrument for the implementation of the Poor Law principle policies.

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Souza, Marcos Alves de [UNESP]. « Ideologia e política em José Enrique Rodó : liberalismo e jacobinismo no Uruguai (1895-1917) ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103119.

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Em 1900, a obra Ariel de José Enrique Rodó chamou a atenção da América Latina e do mundo, que tomaram contato com o seu pensamento e passaram a discutí-lo ao longo de todo o século XX, uma vez que a difusão do seu pensamento, também chamado de arielismo, atingiu proporções não imaginadas por Rodó. Contudo, tais discussões não levaram em conta, na maioria das vezes, a especificidade uruguaia de então, que verificava o advento de uma elite ilustrada interessada em aplicar a razão para modernizar e reformar o Estado e a sociedade, só que de cima para baixo. Esse movimento político era conhecido como batllismo. Estudando o conjunto da obra de José Enrique Rodó, verifica-se o alcance de seu apoio inicial àquela elite política e intelectual que assumiu o poder em 1903 no Uruguai - a elite batllista - bem como se analisam as razões e a profundidade de sua crítica posterior ao jacobismo desta elite. A fonte principal deste trabalho é uma coletânea espanhola das obras de José Enrique Rodó, compilada e comentada por Emir Rodriguez Monegal em 1957, e que abrange todos seus ensaios, suas correspondências, seus artigos jornalísticos e demais escritos. Enfim, um estudo crítico da ideologia e da política em José Enrique Rodó, em contraposição aos acontecimentos e pensamentos da época em que vivia e do lugar que atuou, contribui para um melhor entendimento do processo de formação de seu pensamento, em consonância com a metodologia contextualista desenvolvida por Quentin Skinner e John Pocock.

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Souza, Marcos Alves de. « Ideologia e política em José Enrique Rodó : liberalismo e jacobinismo no Uruguai (1895-1917) / ». Franca : [s.n.], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103119.

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Orientador: Alberto Aggio
Banca: Teresa Maria Malatian
Banca: Tânia da Costa Garcia
Banca: Kátia Gerab Baggio
Banca: Claudia Wasserman
Resumo: Em 1900, a obra Ariel de José Enrique Rodó chamou a atenção da América Latina e do mundo, que tomaram contato com o seu pensamento e passaram a discutí-lo ao longo de todo o século XX, uma vez que a difusão do seu pensamento, também chamado de "arielismo", atingiu proporções não imaginadas por Rodó. Contudo, tais discussões não levaram em conta, na maioria das vezes, a especificidade uruguaia de então, que verificava o advento de uma elite ilustrada interessada em aplicar a razão para modernizar e reformar o Estado e a sociedade, só que de cima para baixo. Esse movimento político era conhecido como batllismo. Estudando o conjunto da obra de José Enrique Rodó, verifica-se o alcance de seu apoio inicial àquela elite política e intelectual que assumiu o poder em 1903 no Uruguai - a elite batllista - bem como se analisam as razões e a profundidade de sua crítica posterior ao jacobismo desta elite. A fonte principal deste trabalho é uma coletânea espanhola das obras de José Enrique Rodó, compilada e comentada por Emir Rodriguez Monegal em 1957, e que abrange todos seus ensaios, suas correspondências, seus artigos jornalísticos e demais escritos. Enfim, um estudo crítico da ideologia e da política em José Enrique Rodó, em contraposição aos acontecimentos e pensamentos da época em que vivia e do lugar que atuou, contribui para um melhor entendimento do processo de formação de seu pensamento, em consonância com a metodologia contextualista desenvolvida por Quentin Skinner e John Pocock.
Doutor

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Wittner, David Gillman. « Iron and silk : progress and ideology in the technological transformation of Japan, 1850-1895 / ». The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488196781732117.

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Ackermann, Zeno. « Working at "Romance" poetics and ideology in novels of the antebellum American South 1824-1854 / ». [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=970611404.

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Bank, Andrew. « Liberals and their enemies : racial ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820 to 1850 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251578.

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Johns-Putra, Adeline. « Heroes and housewives : women's epic poetry and domestic ideology in the Romantic age, 1770-1835 / ». Berlin ; New York : P. Lang, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39227702p.

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Kahan, Paul. « Seminary of Virtue : The Ideology and Practice of Inmate Reform at Eastern State Penitentiary, 1829-1971 ». Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/50421.

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History
Ph.D.
This study is an analysis of the role educational programming has played in reforming inmates in American correctional institutions between the Jacksonian era and the 1970s. A case study, "Seminary of Virtue" focuses on the educational curriculum at Philadelphia's famed Eastern State Penitentiary, a cutting-edge institution that originated the Pennsylvania System of penal discipline. "Seminary of Virtue" argues that Eastern State Penitentiary's extensive and aggressive educational program reflected a general American belief that correctional institutions should educate inmates as a way of reducing recidivism and thereby "reforming" them. While Americans remained committed to educating inmates, Eastern State's curriculum evolved during its century and a half institutional life. As its emphasis shifted from the religiously oriented "reform" of prisoners in the early nineteenth-century to a medical model of "rehabilitation" a half century later, Eastern State's educational program evolved, shifting from a curriculum of rudimentary literacy skills, religious instruction and an apprenticeship of sorts to industrial education in the mid-nineteenth century and then finally to a traditional academic curriculum in the first third of the twentieth century.
Temple University--Theses

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Tom, Kevin. « Red, White, and Shades of Gray : The Development and Entrenchment of Confederate Ideology in America, 1865-1939 ». Thesis, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/7087.

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Wellige, Rainer. « Elemente der illuminatischen Ideologie in einigen vorklassischen Werken von Goethe und Schiller ». Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21277.

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This Master's thesis analyses the connection between the Illuminati ideology and the sociopolitical ideals contained in pre-classical works---contemporary to the existence of the order---of Johann Wolfgang Goethe and Friedrich Schiller. The first chapter examines the creation, the development and the eventual collapse of the Illuminati Secret Society (Geheimbund der Illuminaten) founded in 1776 by Adam Weishaupt in the context of the Enlightenment. The second chapter explores the ideological similarities between the young Goethe and this secret society through the analysis of his works Gotz von Berlichingen (1771--1773), Egmont (1775--1784) and Der Gross Cophta (1791). The third chapter expounds Schiller's ideological opinion of the Illuminati through Don Carlos (1787), and discusses their republican visions of freedom and human rights. The conclusion integrates the findings made in each chapter and demonstrates, through both authors' discussed works, the similar ideals of both authors and Illuminism.

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Cruz, Ana Carolina de Picoli de Souza [UNESP]. « O Ateneu de Raul Pompéia : uma claustrotopia - espaço de discursos modeladores ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/94000.

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Este trabalho analisa o romance O Ateneu de Raul Pompéia sob a perspectiva do estudo do espaço na obra literária. O espaço em O Ateneu revela-se como um lugar de confinamento, de clausura tanto nos aspectos físicos que o constituem quanto nos discursos que veicula. Funda-se, assim, um espaço denominado claustrotopia, o qual representa o diagrama de poder das relações sociais. Nele, há a passagem da “normatização”, fruto do poder disciplinar, para a “regulamentação”, peculiar ao biopoder, cujo objetivo é massificar. O fogo, instaurado no último capítulo do romance apresentando-se como instrumento mais adequado para romper o cárcere, dilacerando e depurando o espaço sufocante do internato e seu universo simbólico
This paper analysis Raul Pompéia´s novel “O Ateneu” under the perspective of the study of the space in literary work. The space in “O Ateneu” is revealed as a space of confinement and enclosure not only in the physical aspect, but also in the speeches it conveys. As a result, it is founded a space denominated claustrotopia, that represents the power diagram of the social relationships. It shows the transition from “normalization”, resulting from disciplinary power, to “regulation”, peculiar to biopower, whose objective is the massification. The fire, introduced in the last chapter of the novel, showing itself a more adequate instrument to break of the confinement, tearing apart the suffocant and oppressive space of the boarding school and its symbolic universe

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Cerqueira, Rodrigo 1980. « Educação pela máscara : literatura e ideologia burguesa no Brasil (1844-1856) ». [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269981.

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Orientador: Francisco Foot Hardman
Tese (doutorador) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Nessa tese eu tento explicar uma mudança formal importante no primeiro romance de Joaquim Manuel de Macedo, aquele que ele escreveu entre os anos 1844 e 1855, antes de abandonar o gênero por uma década. A meu ver, o que acontece é uma progressiva desfuncionalização da "extravagância" - termo mais do que comum nos seus livros -, que servia para caracterizar uma juventude inserida numa nova sociabilidade, mais moderna, que o país passou a viver após 1808 e, principalmente, 1822. Marcados que eram por uma polarização geracional - jovens com suas novas atitudes, de um lado, e velhos um tanto receosos dessas mudanças, do outro -, a desfuncionalização acaba por roubar o protagonismo real daqueles jovens e atribuí-los aos velhos, um movimento de que Vicentina (1853) talvez seja o melhor exemplo. Na esteira de Franco Moretti, para quem a literatura é uma das maneiras pelas quais atribuímos sentido a processos de transformações históricas, leio esse deslocamento na esteira da injunção conservadora por que passa o país nesse período: um momento que acaba por atribuir uma importância muito grande a uma autoridade centralizadora. Como resultado, o romance brasileiro atinge, em meados dos anos 1850, é um impasse formal: não há mais como Macedo reduzir o espaço dos jovens sem que isso signifique uma completa substituição dessa função literária; ou seja, sem que o protagonismo passasse efetivamente para os mais velhos, transformando o romance brasileiro no depositário de uma tradição abertamente anti-moderna. Uma perspectiva, a meu ver, nada atraente para uma nação recém-emancipada e desejosa de fazer parte do concerto do mundo
Abstract: In this PhD dissertation I try to explain an important formal change in Joaquim Manuel de Macedo's first novels, which were written between 1844 and 1855, before he abandoned the genre for almost a decade. What occurred was a progressive de-functionalization of "extravagance" - a very common expression in his books -, that was used to portray a youth inscribed in a new kind of sociability, more modern, which Brazil experienced after 1808 and mainly after 1822. As those narratives were composed according to a generational opposition - young characters behaving in accordance with a new set of rules, on one side; and the old ones a bit apprehensive about these changes, on the other -, that defunctionalization ended up stifling the real protagonism of the youth, a process of which Vicentina (1853) may be the best example. Following the steps of Franco Moretti, for whom literature is one of the ways we use to master and to understand historical changes, I read that process in the light of a conservative shift that occurred in that period: a moment which ascribed a major importance to a centralized authority. As a result, the Brazilian novel reached, around 1850's, a formal impasse: Macedo could not reduce even more the space assigned to the youth without modifying its literary function; in other words, without giving the protagonism of the narrative to the older characters, transforming the Brazilian novel into a depository of an openly anti-modern world view. This is not an attractive perspective to a nation recently emancipated and anxious to be a part of the "civilized" world
Doutorado
Literatura Brasileira
Doutor em Teoria e História Literária

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Ezroura, Mohammed. « Criticism between scientificity and ideology : theoretical impasses in F.R. Leavis and P. Macherey ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30697.

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While focussing on the metaphor of scientificity in Leavis's and Macherey's writings, this dissertation addresses other questions central to criticism, cultural theory, and the philosophy of science. Whereas Leavis opposes scientificity, Macherey proposes "scientific criticism" as imperative to theoretical practice. Between the two critics, scientificity reveals its major metamorphoses. This study is divided into four major parts. Part One situates the concept of scientificity in the modern debate between critics and philosophers of science. I compare their problematization of scientificity to the way this notion has been represented in literary criticism. The debate blurs the boundary between scientific and literary knowledge, and brings the question of ideology in scientific discourse to the fore. Scientificity is thus bound with ideology as an epistemological practice. Part two focusses on Leavis's rejection of scientificity. In three chapters here I investigate the significance of Leavis's definition of "organic culture," "civilization," "science," and "criticism." These are all rooted in Arnold's cultural paradigm, which privileges a traditional order. Leavis's opposition to "theory," "science," and "philosophy" problematizes his principles of "precision," "analysis," and "standards." His controversies with CP. Snow's scientism and with Marxism reveal his concern with theory and scientific epistemology. His defence of "ambiguity," and "impossibility of definition" also makes his framework confront a theoretical impasse that is revealed by a desire to theorize criticism—Leavis's duty towards society— and a fear of theory and science, perceived as destructive. Part Three, comprising three chapter, considers Macherey's scientific criticism. His notions of the "structure of absence" and "symptomatic reading" are central to his theorization of criticism, science, and ideology. These are formulated through Freud's categories of dream analysis, Saussure's notion of difference, and Althusser's conception of ideology. For Macherey, scientific criticism negates ideology. But his emphasis on "absence" as constitutive of scientificity brings his epistemology to a theoretical impasse that resembles Leavis's. Macherey's anchoring of meaning in economic structures, in ideology, and in Marxism as "science," problematizes his scientific project because it abandons "absence." Part Four concludes the dissertation by investigating ways in which Leavis and Macherey illustrate the importance of an epistemological phenomenon in literary studies: criticism's struggle with scientificity. Whether opposed or defended, scientificity has helped criticism to emulate the hegemonic discourse of science and to combat rival critical strategies. However, to dispel "scientific" delusions, criticism must scrutinize its affiliation with ideology both in scientific method and in theory.
Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
Graduate

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Hamilton, James M. (James Milburn). « Jefferson's Leap of Faith : the Embargo Acts of 1807-1809 as a Failure of Jeffersonian Ideology ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278383/.

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Thomas Jefferson's political ideology centered on the importance of individual liberty and choice for the common person. Activities throughout his career were grounded on this concept. It is interesting, therefore, that events during the final years of his presidency appear to have prompted him to abandon this philosophy in favor of a more pragmatic, less democratic, approach. The embargo acts which Congress passed at Jefferson's request in between December 1807 and January 1809 outlawed all foreign commercial activities and provided harsh penalties for violations. The president's failure to communicate publicly the reasons he believed these drastic measures were required stand in stark contrast to his political philosophy and left a cloud over his presidency when he left office.

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Weijmar, Erik. « Har socialdemokraternas ideologi förändrats ? : En uppsats om Socialdemokraternas partiprogram 1960-2001 ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-18250.

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Lethbridge, Sarah Val. « A pagan and inferior race : the changing nature of racist ideology towards Chinese immigrants to colonial Victoria, 1840-1865 / ». Title page, contents and introduction only, 1992. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl647.pdf.

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Nath, Margarete Aparecida. « Dialogismo e ideologia do cotidiano na obra de Clarice Lispector ». Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2005. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/2472.

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Present research has with objective to introduce the Clarice Lispector writing in the theoretical essencial discursive semiotics of Mikhail Bakhtin. Centering our dialogue in the dialectics, in the plurilinguismo, in the quotidian ideology and in the polyphony. Our discussions has with objective to establish the relations between the language and the society in this presentation of discourse who systematize the construction of sensible between language and culture, who happen through the literature. In our analysis the Clarice Lispector writing is a esthetic and creator active, plurilinguistico and polyphony process who establish and to delimit in the plurality about the others.
A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo apresentar a escritura de Clarice Lispector na fundamentação teórica de semiótica discursiva de Mikhail Bakhtin. Centrando-se no dialogismo, na dialética, no plurilingüismo, na ideologia do cotidiano e na polifonia. Nossas discussões procuraram estabelecer as relações entre a linguagem e a sociedade na apresentação de discursos que sistematizam as construções de sentido entre linguagem e cultura, feito através da literatura. Em nossa análise a\ escritura de Clarice Lispector é um processo estético criativo, ativo, plurilingüístico e polifônico, que se estabelece e se delimita na pluralidade dos outros.

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Ito, Yukari. « Identity, Ideology, and Cinema : Making Sense of Japan's Foreign and Security Policies in the 1950s and 2000s ». FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1835.

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Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed. This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past. The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.

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Thorndike, Colleen F. « Constructing Womanhood : The Influence of Conduct Books on Gender Performance and Ideology of Womanhood in American Women's Novels, 1865-1914 ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1428755452.

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Branco, Nanci Moreira. « O dialogismo e a construção de sentido nas cartas encíclicas do papa Bento XVI ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/5749.

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Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos
This study aims to analyze how the dialogical relationships and construction of meaning are built in current Catholic religious discourse, here represented by the encyclical letters of Pope Benedict XVI. I understand that even a discourse as established as the religious it is influenced by several others with which they share and to which they oppose ideas or use them to establish the meaning of the discourse. Thus, the dialogism and construction of meaning will be observed in the clash that occurs between the texts of the pope and the present discourses in society in different contexts, explicity and implicity referred to by the author, or even the discourses that are formed in different contexts in which these themes are inserted. So, the developed analysis will seek to understand, from the observation of dialogism in the documents in question, how to organize such discursive genre, and then establish, from the undeniable formation of extraverbal on the verbal, which is the relationship they have with these texts that circulate in society. I therefore consider that dialogical relations enable convergence or divergence, acceptance or refusal. In that way, one must do the question: what kind of opposing discourses should they keep deleted to preserve the hegemony of the official discourse? Which discourses are confronted with it? A discourse that intends to be dominant it tends to exclude others, not belonging to their universe that are not accepted or are discredited. The fundamental question of this analysis is therefore to understand the discourses of which we must defend and discourses to which we must resort to form the intended meaning in the encyclical letters in Authier Revuz (1990): that another one needs to defend, the other is needed to resort to be formed (p.31). Hence, this analysis seeks to verify how it happens, in the language, the confrontation of ideas which constitutes the discourse of this letter, analyzing how the voice of the Other is part of such discourse. The thought that will guide this research will be based on studies of the Russian philosopher Milkhail Bakhtin on Dialogism and Ideology.
Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como se dão as relações dialógicas e a construção do sentido no discurso religioso católico atual, aqui representado pelas cartas encíclicas do papa Bento XVI. Entendo que mesmo um discurso tão consolidado como o religioso sofre influências de vários outros com os quais partilha e aos quais contrapõe idéias ou delas faz uso para estabelecer o sentido do seu discurso. Dessa forma, o dialogismo e a construção de sentido serão observados no confronto que se dá entre os textos do papa e os discursos presentes na sociedade em diferentes contextos, referidos explícita e implicitamente pelo autor, ou, ainda, os discursos que se formam nos contextos diversos nos quais tais temas estão inseridos. Assim, a análise desenvolvida buscará compreender, a partir da observação da dialogia nos documentos em questão, como se organiza tal gênero discursivo, e depois estabelecer, a partir da constitutividade inegável do extraverbal sobre o verbal, qual a relação que tais textos têm com os que circulam na sociedade. Considero, para tanto, que as relações dialógicas podem ser de convergência ou divergência, de aceitação ou recusa. Assim, cabe questionar: que discursos opostos devem ser mantidos apagados para a preservação da hegemonia do discurso oficial? Que discursos o confrontam? Um discurso que se pretende dominante tende a excluir outros que não pertençam ao seu universo que não são aceitos ou são desprestigiados. A questão fundamental desta análise é, portanto, entender os discursos dos quais é preciso se defender e os discursos aos quais é preciso recorrer para constituir o sentido pretendido nas cartas encíclicas em Authier-Revuz (1990): de que outro é preciso se defender, a que outros é preciso recorrer para se constituir (p.31). Assim, esta análise busca verificar como se dá, na linguagem, o confronto de idéias que constitui o discurso desta carta, analisando como a voz do Outro entra em tal discurso. O pensamento que norteará esta pesquisa será os estudos do filósofo russo Mikhail Bakhtin sobre Dialogismo e Ideologia.

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Rocha, Marcelo da Silva. « No reino da serpente : ideologia, transgress?o e leitura em Pedro Juan Guti?rrez ». Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2008. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/1827.

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O presente estudo busca examinar as narrativas O Rei de Havana e O ninho da serpente, do escritor cubano Pedro Juan Guti?rrez, ? luz da teoria da ideologia, desenvolvida por John B. Thompson. Da mesma forma, as rela??es entre cultura e sociedade s?o discutidas sob a perspectiva das conseq??ncias da leitura em sistemas pol?ticos discricion?rios, a partir da proibi??o desses textos de Guti?rrez em Cuba. A literatura ? observada aqui como forma contestat?ria ?s tentativas de estabelecimento e preserva??o do poder na sociedade. Assim, a tens?o entre a submiss?o ao sistema autorit?rio, com suas estrat?gias m?ltiplas de transfigura??o, e a busca por alternativas de fuga a essa coer??o impositiva mostra-se no percurso dos protagonistas no interior dessas narrativas. Esse estudo, por fim, pretende vincular a literatura ao tempo presente, no intuito de discutir o compromisso social do escritor com sua ?poca e a fun??o da arte em momentos de crise.

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Hester, Vicki M. (Vicki Martin). « D. H. Lawrence : Misogyny as Ideology in His Later Works of Fiction and Nonfiction ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500651/.

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Critics continue to debate Lawrence's attitude toward women: Some say Lawrence is a misogynist, some say he is an egalitarian, and others say he is ambivalent toward women. If Lawrence's works are divided into two chronological periods, before and after 1918, these differences of opinions begin to dissolve. Lawrence is fair in his treatment of women in the earlier works; however, in his later works Lawrence restricts women to what he calls the sensual realm, the realm of feelings and emotions. In addition, Lawrence denounces all women who assert individuality and self-responsibility. In the later works, Lawrence's ideology restricts the role of women and presents male supremacy as the natural and necessary order for human existence.

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Smith, Richard Trevor. « Asserting republican manhood and bringing the Bashaw to reason : the evolution and defense of republican ideology during America's Tripolitan War, 1801-1805 / ». Full-text of dissertation on the Internet (614.50 KB), 2010. http://www.lib.jmu.edu/general/etd/2010/masters/smithrt/smithrt_masters_04-19-2010.pdf.

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Paulo, Sidney de. « Cinema e ideologia : a espetacularização e os discursos acerca do policial e do bandido na sociedade moderna ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2011. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/5701.

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The fight between cops and robbers is not a recent theme in the history of cinema. In the case of Brazilian cinematography, we can find out in some works, a separation into two areas: police and robbers. However, what is curious to note is the fact that in such films as Carandiru, by Hector Babenco (2002), or O bandido da Luz Vermelha, by Rogério Sganzerla (1968) the villain seems to embody the hero, while it is up to police looks like a villain. Recently, in 2007, Jose Padilla has showed the public the film Tropa de Elite, in which the same signs got new directions, putting police, as bandit and hero, or villain. We realize, then, the multifaceted issues of the sign that is able to reflect and refract various groups and social realities. Porting an ideological character it must be recognized, as did the Russian philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin. However, we also note that sense is neither the producer of film, neither the film nor the audience, but in a relationship product / movie / public. On the other hand, entering just a matter of describing the filmic utterance in order to establish who is the hero or the villain ends up becoming an empty study, since it does not seem to be the crux of the problem. The agenda of Capital in contemporary society no longer has the goods only material goods, it has expanded the concept and sell fear, longing and human dreams. The capitalist process works quite paradoxical, because it creates, at first, the need for something, to then sell this product. Through spectacularization the event, the figures of the police and the Bandit are the new modern goods. Therefore, this paper aims to propose a study of the meanings to these signs, designed in constant motion between the ethical and aesthetic world, according to Bakhtinian thought.
A luta entre mocinho e bandido não é uma temática recente na história do cinema. No caso da cinematografia nacional, encontramos, em algumas obras, uma separação em dois pólos: policial e bandido. Contudo, o que é bastante curioso notar é o fato de que em filmes como Carandiru, de Hector Babenco (2002) ou O bandido da Luz Vermelha, de Rogério Sganzerla (1968) o bandido parece incorporar o herói, ao passo que cabe ao policial o aspecto de vilão. Recentemente, em 2007, José Padilha apresentou ao público o filme Tropa de Elite, no qual os mesmos signos ganharam novos sentidos, ao colocar policial = herói e bandido = vilão. Percebemos, então, o caráter multifacetado do signo que é capaz de refletir e refratar diversas realidades sociais e grupos. Portanto, um caráter ideológico deve lhe ser reconhecido, como o fez o filósofo russo Mikhail Bakhtin. Todavia, nota-se ainda que o sentido não está nem no produtor fílmico, nem no filme e tampouco no público, mas sim numa relação produtor/filme/público. Por outro lado, entrar na mera questão de descrever o enunciado fílmico a fim de estabelecer quem é o herói ou o vilão acaba por tornar-se um estudo vazio, dado que isso não parece ser o cerne do problema. A rotina do capital na sociedade contemporânea não mais tem como mercadoria apenas bens materiais, ela expandiu seu conceito e vende-se o medo, anseios e sonhos humanos. O processo capitalista trabalha de maneira bastante paradoxal, pois cria, em um primeiro momento, a necessidade de algo, para, em seguida, vender este produto. Por intermédio da espetacularização do acontecimento, as figuras do policial e do bandido são as novas mercadorias modernas. Logo, o presente trabalho tem por finalidade propor um estudo dos sentidos para estes signos, pensados no movimento constante entre o mundo ético e estético, segundo o pensamento bakhtiniano.

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Zacchi, Vanderlei Jose. « Discurso, poder e hegemonia : dilemas do professor de lingua inglesa ». [s.n.], 2003. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269232.

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Orientador: JoAnne Busnardo
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a discutir os dilemas do professor de língua inglesa diante da posição de hegemonia desse idioma no mundo atual. Primeiramente foi feita uma análise de discursos diversos a respeito do inglês no mundo, globalização e ensino de língua inglesa. Com base nas teorias de Antonio Gramsci e Mikhail Bakhtin, esses discursos foram classificados como hegemônicos, os quais buscam a manutenção do poder dominante, ou contra-hegemônicos, que buscam transformar o estado vigente. Posteriormente foram realizadas entrevistas com professores de língua inglesa da rede municipal de ensino de Belo Horizonte - MG, para avaliar como esses discursos são assimilados no meio educacional. Chegou-se à conclusão de que esses professores são amplamente influenciados pelos discursos a que estão expostos, tanto hegemônicos quanto contra-hegemônicos. Como resultado, foram constatadas inúmeras contradições nas falas dos professores, que são também a expressão concreta de seus dilemas. Essas contradições e dilemas constituem a interdiscursividade, ponto de intersecção entre os enunciados em conflito. A interdiscursividade é efeito do caráter dinâmico e inacabado tanto do discurso quanto do sujeito. Na orquestração de vozes alheias, os professores entrevistados nem sempre foram bem-sucedidos na autoria de um discurso próprio. Os discursos hegemônicos, sendo eles também inacabados, deixam em aberto a possibilidade de transformação, vislumbrada nos depoimentos de alguns professores que mencionaram o ensino crítico como uma forma de contra-discurso
Abstract: This dissertation seeks to discuss the dilemmas of English teachers as a result of the hegemonic position occupied by the English language in the current world. Firstly an analysis of several discourses regarding English in the world, globalisation and English language teaching was carried out. Taking the theories of Antonio Gramsci and Mikhail Bakhtin as a basis, those discourses were classified as hegemonic, which seek to maintain the dominant power, or counter-hegemonic, which seek to transform the status quo. Subsequently English teachers of Belo Horizonte's local public schools were interviewed, in order to evaluate how those discourses are assimilated in the educational sphere. As a conclusion, it was found that these teachers are largely influenced by the discourses that they are exposed to, both hegemonic and counter-hegemonic. Consequently a number of contradictions in the teachers' speeches were noticed, which are also the concrete expression of their dilemmas. These contradictions and dilemmas constitute the interdiscourse, a space where conflicting utterances intersect. Interdiscourse is thus the effect of the dynamic and open character of both the discourse and the subject. In the orchestration of the voices of others, the interviewees were not always successful in authoring their own discourses. Since the hegemonic discourses are themselves also open and in flux, they offer the possibility of change, envisaged in the accounts of some teachers who mentioned critical teaching as a type of counter-discourse
Mestrado
Ensino-Aprendizagem de Segunda Lingua e Lingua Estrangeira
Mestre em Linguística Aplicada

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Moreira, Neto Estevam Alves [UNESP]. « Lukács e os limites histórico-ontológicos da sociologia como disciplina do período de decadência ideológica burguesa ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/88786.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Diversas reflexões foram feitas sobre a sociologia como disciplina particular, mas a maioria delas partindo do próprio prisma sociológico. Entendemos que isso acarretaria num ciclo vicioso que não permitiria uma análise radical da sociologia como proposta científica. Já os estudos marxistas, em sua maioria, foram aplicados por uma perspectiva gnosiológica - que é caracterizada pelo deslocamento da prioridade do conhecimento para o sujeito em vez de reconhecer a prioridade ontológica do objeto. Por esses motivos, propomos nessa exposição uma explanação da crítica do marxista György Lukács à sociologia. Esta se caracteriza pelo resgate da perspectiva ontológica em Marx, ou seja, no reconhecimento de que o arcabouço marxiano está edificado sobre uma ontologia do ser social fundada no trabalho. Com isso, permite resgatar a crítica radical e revolucionária instaurada por Marx e, portanto, demonstrar que mais que interpretar, precisamos transformar o mundo
Several considerations were made on Sociology as a private discipline, but most of them starting from the sociological perspective itself. We believe that this will lead to a vicious cycle that would not allow a radical analysis of sociology as a scientific proposal. The studies Marxists, most of them were applied by an epistemological perspective - which is characterized by shifting the priority of knowledge for the subject instead of recognizing the ontological priority of the object. For these reasons, we propose an explanation at the exhibition of György Lukács critique of sociology. This is characterized by the rescue of the ontological perspective in Marx, namely the recognition that the Marxian framework is built upon an ontology of social being founded in the work. Thus, the radical critique has rescued and brought revolutionary Marx and, therefore, show that more than interpret, we must transform the world

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Grguric, Nicolas Grguric, et eqeta@yahoo com au. « Fortified Homesteads : The Architecture of Fear in Frontier South Australia and the Northern Territory, ca 1847-1885 ». Flinders University. Humanities, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080225.161715.

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This thesis is an investigation into the use of defensive architectural techniques by civilian settlers in frontier South Australia and the Northern Territory between 1847 and 1885. By focussing specifically on the civilian use of defensive architecture, this study opens a new approach to the archaeological investigation and interpretation of Australian rural buildings, an approach that identifies defensive strategies as a feature of Australian frontier architecture. Four sites are analysed in this study area, three of which are located in South Australia and one in the Northern Territory. When first built, the structures investigated were not intended, or expected, to become what they did - their construction was simply the physical expression of the fear felt by some of the colonial settlers of Australia. Over time, however, the stories attached to these structures have come to play a significant part in Australias frontier mythology. These structures represent physical manifestations of settler fear and Aboriginal resistance. Essentially fortified homesteads, they comprise a body of material evidence previously overlooked and unacknowledged in Australian archaeology, yet they are highly significant in terms of what they can tell us about frontier conflict, in relation to the mindsets and experiences of the settlers who built them. This architecture also constitutes material evidence of a vanguard of Australian colonisation (or invasion) being carried out, not by the military or police, but by civilian settlers. v Apart from this, these structures play a part in the popular mythology of Australias colonial past. All of these structures have a myth associated with them, describing them as having been built for defence against Aboriginal attack. These myths are analysed in terms of why they came into existence, why they have survived, and what role they play in the construction of Australias national identity. Drawn from, and substantiated through, the material evidence of the homesteads, these myths are one component of a wider body of myths which serve the ideological needs of the settler society through justifying its presence by portraying the settlers as victims of Aboriginal aggression.

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Scherma, Camila Caracelli. « Discursos, hegemonia e agronegócio : tensão e luta de classes no contemporâneo ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2010. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/5699.

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In this work we purpose a study of the relationships and discursive struggles that are established on material bases of society, the infrastructure, through the discourses that are produced about the economical activities linked to agribusiness. We are interested in understanding how the actions of the concrete base are prepared, justified and modified through discourses, through word, through signs. Thus, by the study of various discourses collected in the most varied spheres of human activity, of many different genres, we intend to build a comprehension of the tense ideological and discursive struggles that are waged in the materiality of the enunciations, according to divergent conceptions, values and positions related to agricultural and livestock activities on a large scale - agribusiness. That's if we consider that there are discourses that construct this economic activity as the key to the economic development of our country, and to sustain this position, struggle to maintain and strengthen the present order of things; and, by the other hand, there are conceptions that link all these efforts and investments to reinforce the historical Brazilian position as a supplier of raw materials to the international market. The discursive differences are ideological differences, which constitute a clash between stability and instability, a discursive struggle, which is an ideological struggle, since that ideological signs that constitute the discourses refract e reflect the same reality in different ways, since they are grounded on class interests.
Com este trabalho pretendemos traçar um estudo das relações e lutas discursivas que se estabelecem nas bases materiais da sociedade, a infraestrutura, por meio dos discursos que se produzem sobre as atividades econômicas ligadas ao agronegócio. Interessa-nos compreender de que maneira as ações da base concreta são preparadas, justificadas e modificadas por meio de discursos, via palavra, via signo. Assim, tomando discursos coletados nas mais diversas esferas de atividade humana, dos mais variados gêneros, buscamos construir compreensões das tensas lutas discursivas e ideológicas que se travam na concretude dos enunciados, em função de concepções, valorações e tomadas de posição divergentes em relação às atividades agrícolas e pecuárias em larga escala, o agronegócio. Isso porque consideramos que há discursos que constroem essa atividade econômica como a chave para o desenvolvimento econômico de nosso país e, para sustentar tal posicionamento, luta pela manutenção e fortalecimento da atual ordem das coisas; e, por outro lado, há concepções que apontam todos esses esforços e investimentos como a consolidação da já histórica posição do Brasil de fornecedor de matéria-prima ao mercado internacional. As divergências discursivas são divergências ideológicas, que constituem um embate entre a estabilidade e a instabilidade, uma luta discursiva, que é uma luta ideológica, posto que os signos ideológicos que constituem os discursos refratam e refletem uma mesma realidade de maneiras distintas, uma vez que são pautados nos interesses de classes.

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Barbosa, Luiza Bedê [UNESP]. « A identidade da literatura marginal em enunciados verbo-visuais ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/126547.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-20T17:10:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-03-30. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-08-20T17:25:52Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000840973.pdf: 1630905 bytes, checksum: 9ae98e48c5190f18d2c7ba86a42afb3d (MD5)
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Pretende-se neste trabalho analisar, sob a perspectiva bakhtiniana, enunciados verbo-visuais que fazem menção à literatura marginal brasileira contemporânea. A seleção dos enunciados privilegiou aqueles que se destacaram quanto à identidade dessa literatura, ou seja, enunciados que mostram de que espaço social é esta literatura, por quem ela é feita (eu), para quem ela possivelmente se destina (outro). Destaque-se que a relação entre o espaço, tempo, o eu e o outro é essencial para a produção de sentido e para a (re) formação da identidade desta literatura. O corpus se constitui das três capas das edições especiais da revista Caros Amigos sobre a literatura marginal publicada entre os anos de 2001 a 2004, a Carta ao leitor publicada na primeira edição da revista e enunciados verbo-visuais como capas de livros e cartazes veiculados em sites, redes sociais e blogs
It is intended in this paper to analyze, from Bakhtin's perspective, verb-visual enunciations which refer to literatura marginal. The selection of enunciations privileged those that stood out about the identity of this literature, that is, enunciations that show that social space is this literature, by whom it is made, to whom she possibly intended. It is noteworthy that the relationship between space, time, and I and other is essential to the production direction and to (re) formation of the identity of this literature. The corpus is constituted of three layers of special editions of the magazine Caros Amigos about literatura marginal published between the years 2001 to 2004, the Carta ao leitor published in the first edition of the magazine and enunciations verb-visual book covers and posters linked in sites, social networks and blogs

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Silva, Armando Barreiros. « O populismo de Bolsonaro : uma análise das eleições presidenciais brasileiras de 2018 ». Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/76628.

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Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política
O populismo é um fenómeno político antigo, contudo tem vindo a reemergir, em grande parte associado a momentos marcantes da nossa história recente, tal como o Brexit, ou pelas mãos de personalidades políticas não menos impactantes, tais como Donald Trump e Jair Bolsonaro (Mudde, 2019). O populismo expressa-se de forma diversa e o seu significado não é de todo consensual. Porém, a literatura admite três abordagens passíveis do populismo: o populismo enquanto ‘estratégia política’ (Weyland, 2017), enquanto ‘estilo político’ (Laclau, 2013) ou enquanto ‘ideologia política’ (Mudde, 2004). No caso particular das eleições presidenciais brasileiras de 2018, Jair Bolsonaro foi eleito presidente e sua campanha chamou imediatamente a atenção do mundo pelas suas declarações polémicas e postura caricata, indiciando que um novo ator populista estaria a surgir no Brasil. Embora alguns autores tenham registado o desenvolvimento do populismo nas Américas (do Norte e do Sul) e na Europa (Weyland, 2001; Kaltwasser, 2014; de la Torre, 2017; Norris & Inglehart, 2019), e outros tantos se tenham debruçado sobre o populismo de Jair Bolsonaro, abordando-o enquanto ideologia (Mudde, 2019; Tamaki & Fuks, 2020; Mendonça & Caetano, 2021), nenhum autor, até à data, identificou o subtipo da ideologia política do populismo de Bolsonaro de forma sustentada. Acresce que na dimensão mais analítica, embora as três principais abordagens conceptuais supracitadas partilhem a noção de que o populismo sempre estará associado a outras ideologias, esta associação nunca foi apresentada de forma detalhada e sistematizada. Assim, atendendo às lacunas teórica e empírica identificadas na literatura, o objetivo desta dissertação é identificar o subtipo do populismo de Jair Bolsonaro nas eleições presidenciais de 2018, com recurso a uma tipologia inovadora que foi criada partindo da abordagem ideacional do populismo considerando a intersecção da ideologia populista (i.e, ideologia fina) com as ideologias clássicas (i.e, ideologias densas), identificando quatro posicionamentos ideológicos ao longo do espectro político direita-esquerda divididos entre extremos e radicais. Partindo do quadro conceptual elaborado neste trabalho de investigação, e mediante a análise de conteúdo de tipo qualitativo (Bardin, 1977; Schreier, 2012) de 26 entrevistas e um discurso concedidos por Jair Bolsonaro nas eleições Presidenciais de 2018, procedemos à identificação do populismo do mesmo. O resultado da nossa investigação mostra que o subtipo de populismo manifestado por Jair Bolsonaro identifica-se com a Direita Radical em associação com as ideologias liberal e conservadora (88,7%). Com uma percentagem consideravelmente menor (11,3%), encontrámos características que se identificam com o Populismo de Extrema-Direita com associação à ideologia fascista. Tal como era esperado, não encontramos qualquer referência ao Populismo de Esquerda Radical com associação à ideologia socialista nem tampouco ao Populismo de Extrema-Esquerda associado à ideologia comunista.
Populism is an old political phenomenon, yet it has been re-emerging and is associated with key moments in recent history, such as Brexit, or it can found at the hands of political personalities no less prominent, such as Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro (Mudde, 2019). Populism can be defined in many different ways, which makes it very difficult to find a consensual definition of populism in the literature. However, the literature identifies three possible approaches to populism: populism as a ‘political strategy’ (Weyland, 2017), as a ‘political style’ (Laclau, 2013) or as a ‘political ideology’ (Mudde, 2004). In the case of the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, Jair Bolsonaro was elected president and his campaign immediately caught the world’s attention for his controversial statements and caricature posture, indicating that a new populist actor was emerging in Brazil. Although some authors have scrutinized the development of populism in the Americas (North and South) and in Europe (Weyland, 2001; Kaltwasser, 2014; de la Torre, 2017; Norris & Inglehart, 2019), and many others have focused on Jair Bolsonaro’s populism, approaching it as an ideology (Mudde, 2019; Tamaki & Fuks, 2020; Mendonça & Caetano, 2021), no scholar has yet identified the populism of Bolsonaro in a sustained manner. Furthermore, in the more analytical dimension, although the three main conceptual approaches mentioned above share the notion that populism will always be associated with other ideologies, this association has never been presented in a detailed and systematic way. Thus, given the theoretical and empirical gaps identified in the literature, the objective of this dissertation is to identify the subtype of Jair Bolsonaro’s populism in the 2018 presidential elections, using an innovative typology that was created based on the ideational approach of populism considering the intersection of populist ideology (i.e, thin ideology) with classical ideologies (i.e thick ideologies), identifying four ideological positions along the right-left ideological political spectrum divided between extremes and radicals. Based on the conceptual framework developed in this research work, and by means of a qualitative content analysis (Bardin, 1977; Schreier, 2012) of 26 interviews and one speech given by Jair Bolsonaro in the 2018 presidential elections, we have been able to identify his type of populism. Indeed, our research findings showed that the populism of Jair Bolsonaro predominantly falls within a Radical Right ideological position in association with a liberal and conservative ideologies (88,7%), with a considerably smaller percentage of references to Extreme-Right Populism with a fascist ideology outlook (11,3%). Furthermore, as expected, no reference to the Radical Left Populism associated with the socialist ideology and neither Extreme Left Populism associated with the communist ideology.

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Herza, Filip. « Liliputáni. Reprezentace tělesné "odlišnosti" v tradici pražských "přehlídek lidských kuriozit" 1820-1940 ». Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-306449.

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In the following essay, I focus on the representations of bodily "difference" in the Prague's freakshow culture, particulary on the displays of the so called "Lilliputians", which were popular among the public from the beginning of the 19th Century to the 40's of the 20th Century. Firstly, I introduce the Prague's curiosity exhibitions as a specific social praxis and I compare them with similar displays in Europe and the United States. In the second part of this essay, I try to analyse those exhibitions critically, using the concepts from the present disability studies discourse. I deal with the bodily "otherness" as a category of difference, which arises from the intersection of different ideologies. According to the point of view, this category shaped the individual and collective identities and fostered the social hierarchies of the time. Throughout the essay, I focus on the dis/continuities in the imagination of bodily "difference" and I try to describe the specificity of the Czech freakshow tradition. Key words: 19th Century, body, representations, bodily difference, abnormality, ideology

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Malenas, Ellen Renee. « Popular reforms : progressive ideology and gothic writing 1760-1820 / ». 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3282494.

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Morton, Jamie. « Industry, ideology, and social formation in British Columbia, 1849-1885 ». Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/8089.

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This study examines how the systems of production of the commodity exporting industries of pre-1885 British Columbia contributed to the social formation of the region. Such industries provided the economic base for post-contact development and non-Native settlement of the region, mediated by the cultural values of immigrant and indigenous populations. The intent here is to synthesize a more inclusive model to clarify how these economic and cultural factors intersected to produce a distinct regional society. Beginning with Ian McKay’s suggestion to interpret the history of Canada as a process of naturalizing the liberal order, this study moves the analysis away from microstudies of individual industries or social groups in order to emphasize the way in which a broader vision became naturalized. This approach avoids some of the simple dichotomies of class and race that have informed much of the historiography of BC, in favour of a more nuanced analysis that emphasizes the negotiated process that leads to social consensus. Beginning with the merchant capitalist relations of the fur trade, and accelerating with the 1858 gold rush, BC became understood as a place that provided opportunities for economic and social mobility through participation in commodity exporting ventures. A consensus emerged that emphasized the producer ethic [the economic and cultural value of independent producers], and the creation of a meritocratic socio-political environment to support opportunities for achieved, rather than ascribed, social position. This attracted Euro-North American immigrants hoping to escape social restrictions or proletarianization by achieving independent producer status. Such a goal meant that these immigrants resisted waged labour, creating a chronic shortage that impeded industrial development. This was filled with Chinese immigrants or Aboriginal participants, attracted by the prospect of converting earnings into increased status in their originating societies. Combining the demand for labour with racial ideology, certain jobs were racialized, and BC industries were typified by split labour markets, with an upper echelon comprised of occupationally-mobile Euro-North American workers, and a lower echelon defined by race as well as skill, with little opportunity for mobility. In turn, this contributed to naturalizing ideology concerning race, class, and social position. The emphasis on the producer ethic contributed to an artificial division between “producers” and “agents,” with the former celebrated, while the latter, arguably more important to the systems of production by providing links to export markets, are portrayed less favourably. A commodity exporting, producer-centric variant of the liberal order was naturalized in nineteenth century BC, providing the logic for social and political development, and explaining how certain groups were valued, and either integrated into or excluded from hegemonic society. The degree to which individuals or groups conformed to the naturalized values of the emerging society largely determined their social position in the nineteenth century, and their subsequent treatment in the historiography.
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Sparks, Andrew Thomas. « Political Ideology and Military Service ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/10875.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Time spent in the military has the ability to guide service members with political characteristics that influence voting behavior and political involvement throughout life. The objective of this thesis is investigating the relationship between military service and their personal political ideology. This thesis will address political socialization as an agent, while truly understanding the difficulty in what time spent in the service has. The research questions addressed are: How much does military service contribute to an individual’s political ideology? and, Does military service alter an individual’s political belief from a neutral or liberal perspective to a more conservative view? The variables of political socialization are as vast as our imagination, and is a constant changing process. The course from which we form our political views is indicative of the social constructs from which we are subjected to. The ebbs and flows of life experiences is for the most part planned. To what extent our life experiences shape our views could never be calculated. There are, however, variables that can be applied to almost all human life such as our peers, family, institutions, education, strife, success, struggle, and perseverance. Most can understand that family and school are important early in life. Later as adults; peers, literature, education, and socioeconomic status is more impressionable. This research aims to discover military service as an agent with the ability to frame forming opinions. Military service is not a rare human experience of itself, but is rare in its ability to hold all of the above variables in a complete surrounding environment. Military service has the unique ability to sever ties from outside influence, inhabit complete social submersion, force uniformity in thought, regularity in action, all during the time an individual is most impressionable towards political ideas. This is interesting as it tests a full immersion political socialization environment to what we label ourselves in the grand scheme of political constructs over a life time.

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Ferreira, Pedro Henrique Dias. « O avanço do neoliberalismo no Brasil pós-impeachment ». Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/67110.

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Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política
A presente dissertação inicia por breves considerações acerca do conceito de ideologia, de modo a apresentar algumas das principais abordagens e esclarecer a existência de possíveis contradições neste assunto. Após, passa-se à análise acerca do surgimento e desenvolvimento do liberalismo até a sua primeira grande crise, quando as ideias voltadas a uma maior intervenção do Estado na economia e através de políticas públicas passou a ser defendida, permitindo a ascensão do que se convencionou classificar social-democracia. Em seguida, passa-se ao estudo da ideologia neoliberal, verificando-se o seu contexto histórico, condições necessárias ao seu surgimento, primeiras experiências, conceito e principais características, bem como a sua ascensão ao status de ideologia dominante na era da globalização. Devidamente caracterizada tal corrente de pensamento, busca-se descrever brevemente a experiência dos governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores, nos quais houve a adoção de medidas que contrariaram, ainda que em parte, a lógica então dominante, especificamente no que se refere a uma maior preocupação com a questão social. Por fim, verifica-se de que forma ocorre o avanço da ideologia neoliberal no período pós-impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff, em 2016, bem como algumas consequências já observadas e projeções de seus possíveis impactos.
The following dissertation begins with brief considerations about the concept of ideology, in order to present some of its main approaches and to clarify the occurrence of possible contradictions in this subject. Afterwards, the analysis of the emergence, development, and first major crisis of liberalism. The crisis occurred when ideas aimed at greater State intervention in the economy and through public policies began to be defended, allowing for an ascension that was conventionally classified as social democracy. Then, we move on to the study of neoliberal ideology, checking its historical background, conditions necessary for its emergence, first experiences, concepts, and main resources, as well as its rise as the dominant ideology in the era of globalization. After properly defining it, we quickly describe the Workers' Party ruling experiences, in which there were control measures that contradict, although partly, the then dominant logic, especially when it comes to a greater concern with social welfare. Finally, we delve into how the advance of neoliberal ideology occurred after President Dilma Rousseff impeachment in 2016, as well as some of the consequences and projections of possible effects.

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Toronchuk, Cherie. « Conceiving Women : Childbirth Ideologies in Popular Literature ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/6599.

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North American research on childbearing demonstrates that many first-time mothers rely on educational books for information and advice concerning pregnancy and childbirth. Popular literature on childbearing advises women on a variety of topics including choosing a caregiver, prenatal testing, safety and risk, natural vs. medicated labour, and place of birth. Such information may shape women’s expectations, choices, and belief systems regarding the body, obstetric technology, pregnancy and birth. These varied forces and belief systems coalesce to influence the ways in which women experience birth, thereby affecting post-natal mental, socioemotional, and physical health. Currently, however, research exploring the various messages disseminated by popular literature on pregnancy and birth is limited. In this study, the author examines four popular North American childbearing advice books for discourses related to biomedical and midwifery cultures, ways of knowing, power, and choice. Discourses are considered through a feminist intersectional framework, with particular attention paid to the ways in which childbearing ideologies are shaped by interactive biological, socio- cultural, economic, and political factors. The author explores how power matrices and the privileging of biomedical knowledge can shape conceptualizations of gender and sexuality, women’s bodies, maternity care, pregnancy, labour, and birth. In addition, peripheral discourses that provide possibilities for other, non-normative narratives of birth are highlighted.
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Wu, Rwei-Ren. « The Formosan ideology : oriental colonialism and the rise of Taiwanese nationalism, 1895-1945 / ». 2003. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3088800.

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Sampaio, Carolina Macedo. « A Fotografia como meio de propaganda e de manipulação de massas no Regime Nazi ». Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/53867.

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Dissertação de mestrado em Comunicação, Arte e Cultura
Esta investigação terá como propósito debruçar-se sobre a imagem fotográfica e a importância do papel que desempenhou no mundo moderno ao serviço de um dos regimes totalitários mais cruéis da história da humanidade – o nazismo. Assim, o objeto de estudo será a fotografia como imagem mediática, que atinge facilmente as massas da sociedade e incentiva a sua atitude para uma tomada de posição ou atuação, de acordo com os intuitos dos solicitadores dessa imagem. Estas imagens mediáticas, uma vez introduzidas nos meios de comunicação (jornais, rádio, televisão, etc.), abrem novas portas para o mundo e mostram-nos uma realidade ilusória na qual uma dada classe dominante espera que acreditemos e nos identifiquemos com a sua mensagem e valores. Segundo os estudos de Charles W. Mills (1959) acerca da “imaginação sociológica”, a partir do século XIX assistiu-se a uma transformação da sociedade medieval e das “coletividades” numa sociedade na qual os seres humanos livres se tornam “homens de massa”, “sendo que cada um deles está confinado em meios desprovidos de poder”. A fase da História da Humanidade que melhor marca a viragem para esta “sociedade de massas” caracteriza-se pela emergência da “democracia totalitária”. Assim, será pertinente esta análise da fotografia como meio de manipulação de massas no período compreendido entre os anos 1933 e 1945, de maneira a formular uma visão acerca das estruturas de classe, estatutos e poder a uma escala nacional. Nesta linha, o estudo da fotografia como forma de propaganda e manipulação de massas será realizado no contexto da 2a Guerra Mundial, época em que a propaganda foi crucial para a difusão e expansão dos ideais nacionais-socialistas, servindo-se, em grande escala, de imagens bárbaras e chocantes que oprimiam e humilhavam diferentes etnias que se distanciavam dos “arianos”. Cerca de sete anos antes de Hitler chegar ao poder na Alemanha, em 1933, já traçava, no seu livro Mein Kampf (1926), uma estratégia bem delineada que daria a conhecer ao mundo os seus ideais políticos: “Propaganda tries to force a doctrine on the whole people... Propaganda works on the general public from the standpoint of an idea and makes them ripe for the victory of this idea." A propaganda terá sido uma das armas mais fortes e eficazes utilizada pelos nazis durante a 2a Grande Guerra, não só aliciando as massas a seu favor como, também, reforçando o seu poder perante o inimigo. Desta forma, as imagens propagandísticas utilizadas pelos nazis tinham o poder de “transformar uma comunidade de públicos numa massa manipulada e adormecida” (Mills, como referido em Campenhoudt, 2003, p. 280).
This investigation leans onto the photographic image and its importante role on the modern world, lending service to one of the cruelest totalitarian regime - the nazism. Therefore, the main subject will the photograaphy as media that easily reaches the masses and improves its positioning and acting according to the purpose of the image representatives. These mediatic images once introduced to the media (newspapers, radio, television, etc.) open new doors to the world and show us an ilusory reality in which a dominating group expect us to believe and relate with the message and the standards. According to Charles W. Mills’ studies about the “sociological imagination” (1959) in the XIX century there was the transformation of the medieval society and the “collectivities” into a society where the free Man becomes “the masses”, “which each one of them is confined to a life deprived of power”. There’s a period in the Human History that better marks this twist of “society of masses” caracterized by the emergency of a “totalitarian democracy”. So it is apropos the analysis of the photography as a way of manpulating masses between 1933 and 1945, to create a vision about classes, status and power in a national scale. The study of photography as a way of advertisement and manipulation of the masses will be conceived into the II World War context, a time when propaganda was crucial for the diffusion and expansion of the national socialists’ ideals, taking advantage, in a large scale, of the barbarian and shocking images that opressed and humilliate diferente ethnic groups who were unlike the “arians”. About seven years before Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933 he already traced in his book Mein Kampf (1926) a well planned strategy that would let the world know about his political ideals. “Propaganda tries to force a doctrine on the whole people... Propaganda works on the general public from the standpoint of an idea and makes them ripe for the victory of this idea." Propaganda must have been one of the strongest and most effective weapon used by the Nazis during the II World War, not only they enticed the masses to their favor but they increased the power against the enemy. With that being said, the advertised images used by the Nazis had the power to “transform a public community into manipulated and numb masses” (Mills, in Campenhoudt, 2003, p. 280).

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Nay, Jamie P. « Citizenship, culture and ideology in Roman Greece ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/217.

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A study of the cultural and ideological effects of Roman citizenship on Greeks living in the first three centuries AD. The ramifications of the extension of citizenship to these Greeks illustrates that ideas such as 'culture' and 'identity' are not static terms, but constructions of a particular social milieu at any given point in time. Roman citizenship functioned as a kind of ideological apparatus that, when given to a non-Roman, questioned that individual's native identity. This thesis addresses, via an examination of four sources, all of whom were Greeks with Roman citizenship - Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Paul in the Acts of the Apostles, Ulpian, the minters of eastern civic coins - the extent to which one could remain 'Greek' while participating in one of the most Roman institutions of the Empire. Utilizing these sources with the aid of a number of theoretical bases (notably Louis Althusser and Pierre Bourdieu), this study attempts to come to a conclusion about the nature of 'Romanness' in the ancient world.

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Daly, Frances Mary. « Ideology critique and a philosophy of freedom ». Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146114.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Ideologen 1825 »

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