Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Identity politics – Case studies »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Identity politics – Case studies"
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Kizelbach, Urszula. « Eroticism—Politics—Identity : The Case of Richard III ». Text Matters, no 3 (1 novembre 2013) : 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/texmat-2013-0028.
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Richard III’s courtship of Lady Anne in William Shakespeare’s King Richard III is a blend of courtly speech and sexual extravaganza. His sexual energy and power of seduction were invented by Shakespeare to enhance the theatrical effect of this figure and, at the same time, to present Richard as a tragic character. Richard’s eroticism in Act 1 Scene 2 makes him a complicated individual. Playing a seducer is one of the guises he uses to achieve his political aims on the one hand, and, on the other, the pose of a sexually attractive lover enables him to put his masculinity to the test. Throughout the scene Richard is haunted by his deformity that, together with his villainy, makes him a stranger to the world and an enemy to his family and the court. In order to overcome his self-image of a disproportional cripple he manifests his sexuality towards Anne to boost his self-esteem and to confirm that the lady will accept him despite his obvious physical shortcomings. This article uses Georges Bataille’s theory of eroticism and erotic desire to characterize Richard as a tragic individual and to explain the reasons behind his unexpected sexual behaviour in the seduction scene.
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Lye, Colleen. « Identity Politics, Criticism, and Self-Criticism ». South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no 4 (1 octobre 2020) : 701–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8663603.
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If one of French Maoism’s main contributions to the sixties’ cultural turn was a theory of the relative autonomy of ideology, one of US Maoism’s main contributions was identity politics. A product of the application of Mao’s theory of contradiction to US circumstances, identity politics also represented a reinvention of ideology critique by US Third World and Black feminist movements, though in this case directed to practical ends.
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Ukhra, Aunil, Yana Syafriyana Hijri et Ifan Taufikurrohman. « Isu Politik Identitas dan Dinasti Politik dalam Kampanye Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2020 ». Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan 6, no 2 (31 décembre 2021) : 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um019v6i2p350-361.
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This study was intended to explain the phenomenon of identity politics and political dynasties in the holding of simultaneous elections in 2020. The focus of this study was looking at the issue of identity politics and political dynasties in several regions, including Solo, Medan, South Tangerang, and Central Kalimantan, which were case studies of identity politics and political dynasties issue in the 2020 elections. This research used a type of qualitative research with a descriptive approach. Data was obtained through literature studies by looking at previous research based on the same topic and news in the mass media about the issue of identity politics and political dynasties. The study found that identity politics and political dynasties still occurred in some regions, i.e., in Solo, Medan, South Tangerang, and Central Kalimantan. In addition, hate speech, black campaigns, and hoax issues had sprung up with different models through social media and billboards.
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Kebadze, Nino. « FRANCOIST POLITICS OF FEMALE IDENTITY : THE CURIOUS CASE OF LIDA VERONA ». Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 11, no 2 (juin 2010) : 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2010.512753.
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Klem, Bart. « Islam, Politics and Violence in Eastern Sri Lanka ». Journal of Asian Studies 70, no 3 (août 2011) : 730–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181100088x.
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This article bridges Sri Lankan studies and the academic debate on the relation between contemporary Islam and politics. It constitutes a case study of the Muslim community in Akkaraipattu on Sri Lanka's war-ridden east coast. Over two decades of ethnically colored conflict have made Muslim identity of paramount importance, but the meanings attached to that identity vary substantively. Politicians, mosque leaders, Sufis and Tablighis define the ethnic, religious and political dimensions of “Muslimness” differently and this leads to intra-Muslim contradictions. The case study thus helps resolve the puzzle of Sri Lankan Muslims: they are surrounded by hostility, but they continue to be internally divided. Akkaraipattu's Muslims jockey between principled politics, pragmatic politics and anti-politics, because they have to navigate different trajectories. This article thus corroborates recent studies on Islam elsewhere that argue for contextualized and nuanced approaches to the variegated interface between Islam and politics.
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Merino, Asunci—n. « Politics of Identity and Identity Policies in Europe : The Case of Peruvian Immigrants in Spain ». Identities 11, no 2 (avril 2004) : 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890490451983.
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Lim, Elisha. « Personal Identity Economics : Facebook and the Distortion of Identity Politics ». Social Media + Society 7, no 2 (avril 2021) : 205630512110174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211017492.
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This article examines Facebook’s role in the treatment of marginalized identity as currency. Recent examples of solidarity statements and corporate social responsibility rhetoric treat disenfranchised racial and gender identities as value-added competitive market quantities to boost brands. This trend also incentivizes marginalized actors to capitalize on their own disenfranchisement in pursuit of visibility and career advancement. The resulting identity politicking replaces communal care, grassroots social ties, solidarity, and interdependence with isolating market competition. This article diverges from scholars who trouble the differential value of identity—by troubling the valuation of identity itself. Facebook normalizes identity as private property in what I call a transition from identity politics to “personal identity economics.” I coin this concept and break it down into the following four factors: (1) The optimization of difference beginning in the 1970s, (2) Facebook’s algorithmic invasion of market logic into intimate aspects of life starting in the mid 2000s, (3) Ads Manager’s economization of identity into legible economic units, and (4) neoliberal corporate social responsibility rhetoric of “social good” as a profitable asset.
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Vorster, Nico. « Human Identity, Political Recognition and Social Symbiosis : A Public Theological Perspective ». International Journal of Public Theology 12, no 2 (19 juillet 2018) : 260–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341538.
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Abstract Muslim radicalization has forced western states to rethink policies on integrating minority communities into their societies. As a result, some European countries are in the process of replacing the traditional multiculturalist state paradigms with a civic integration model. This article warns against integration policies that: i) create parallel societies; ii). impose the identity of the majority group on minority groups; iii). or impose a difference-blind universal identity on all its citizens. Drawing on the Christian-informed political philosophies of John Althusius and Charles Taylor, the case is made for an inclusionary political mindset that addresses the challenges of globalization and pluralization. The approach proposed is termed symbiotic politics and is based on a common respect for political values such as human dignity, equality and freedom that are essential for human coexistence, a shared commitment to non-aggression and mutual aid, and the political recognition of collective identities.
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Lensink, Jip. « Contextual Theology as Heritage Formation : Moluccan Culture, Christianity, and Identity ». Exchange 50, no 3-4 (14 décembre 2021) : 238–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341601.
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Abstract This article uses the case of Moluccan Protestantism to argue that contextual theology is not merely a postcolonial theological movement, but in some cases also can be understood as part of a larger post-independence political nation-building project of heritage formation. I show how in two key political periods the interests of the Moluccan Protestant church (GPM) and the Indonesian government coalesced. The word ‘heritage’ is central to the Moluccan contextual discourse, and the development of contextual theology resembles practices of heritage formation, being a controlled political process of careful selection of cultural forms, aimed at a sense of ‘authentic’ local identity. The development of a Moluccan contextual theology partakes in the socio-political effort of preservation of Moluccan cultural heritage. At the same time, and paradoxically, the heritage frame in which Moluccan contextual theology is embedded, also hinders the theological goal of contextualization. This article is based on anthropological research into Moluccan theology. Its innovative contribution and relevance lies in the interdisciplinary postcolonial perspective, that understands Moluccan contextual theology as both a theological exercise of inculturation and as a religious expression of Indonesia’s heritage politics.
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Wirman, Hardi Putra, Nunu Burhanuddin et Maiza Elvira. « Chinese Muslim at Political Crossroad : The Case Study of the Jakarta Regional Head Election 2017 ». Islam Realitas : Journal of Islamic and Social Studies 8, no 2 (31 décembre 2022) : 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/islam_realitas.v8i2.5988.
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As ethnic minorities who adhere to the majority belief (Islam), ethnic Chinese Muslims in Jakarta are faced with a complex identity crisis, especially in the area of political participation. In the 2017 Jakarta regional elections (Pilkada), ethnic Chinese Muslims were faced with a political situation, whether to choose leaders from ethnic Chinese or leaders from the Muslim community. This situation puts them in a dilemma. However, ethnic Chinese Muslims have survived the complicated politics of ethnicity, even though regional election politics has caused a crisis of identity politics in Jakarta. Based on the research results, Chinese Muslims in Jakarta were able to survive despite the difficulties caused by their identity. This research is important because there are not many studies that specifically discuss the survival strategies of Chinese Muslims in Jakarta. This research is a socio-political research. To collect data, the methodology used is in-depth interviews with several informants. The results of the interviews and data are then processed using a qualitative and analytic approach. This is done in order to show how the Chinese Muslim ethnic group have survived the complicated political situation in Jakarta
Thèses sur le sujet "Identity politics – Case studies"
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Chan, Wa-yan Jonathan, et 陳華恩. « The politics of identity : exploring christianpedagogy in a protestant school : a case study ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31961472.
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Dumiso, Phazamile. « Identity politics of race and gender in the post-apartheid South Africa : the case of Stellenbosch University ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49984.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Identity has been a contentious issue in South Africa for many years. This created many problems including, among others, discrimination against people on the basis of race and gender. When the new government came to power in 1994, it promised to make valuable changes, and hence programmes such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment were introduced. This study investigates perceptions of students at Stellenbosch University (US) towards identity politics of race and gender after 1994. The subject of investigation includes, inter alia, student accommodation, language of tuition, relationship between students, class participation, sexual harassment and politics (affirmative action and black economic empowerment). This research investigates the university's treatment of students and how students themselves treat each other. Information was collected through a survey using a questionnaire in four selected residences, viz. Concordia, Goldfields, Huis DeViIIiers and Lobelia. The findings of this study indicate that there still are some problems as far as identity politics of race and gender at the US are concerned. For example, this study came to the following conclusions: • The majority of students from the three racial groups who participated in this study have a perception that racial divisions still exist at the US in three areas (classroom, residences and the student centre). The perception is these divisions are caused by the fact that students come from different cultural backgrounds. Language differences also play a role in this respect; • The majority of students also have a perception that black students are less likely to speak in class because they feel intimidated; • The majority of black and coloured students support the ANC (African National Congress), while the majority of white students support the DA (Democratic Alliance). Although this is the case, this research also finds that many students at the US do not want to indicate their political support; • Black and coloured students are positive about the role of Affirmative Action (AA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), whereas white students have a different view; • Women students at the US have a perception that South Africa is still confronted by a problem of gender inequality; • The majority of students have a perception that white men are the worst affected group by AA and BEE; • Most students, regardless of their race or gender, feel protected at the US. There is a perception that there is no gender discrimination by their lecturers; • Men and women students view sexual harassment differently; for example, women students view sexist jokes and wolf-whistling as constituting sexual harassment while men students have a different view. They all have perception that women students are the one who experience more of these forms of sexual harassment than their male counterparts do.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Identiteit is reeds vir baie jare in Suid-Afrika 'n omstrede kwessie. Dit het baie probleme veroorsaak, waaronder, diskriminasie teen mense gegrond op ras en geslag. Tydens die totstandkoming van die nuwe regering in 1994, is beloftes gemaak om veranderinge teweeg te bring. Gevolglik is programme soos regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging ingestel. Hierdie studie ondersoek die persepsie van studente, verbonde aan die universiteit van Stellenbosch (US), jeens die identiteitspolitiek van ras en geslag na 1994. Die onderwerp van die studie sluit ondermeer die volgende in: studente-akkommodasie, die onderrigstaal, die verhouding tussen studente, klasdeelname, seksuele teistering en politiek (regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging). Dit ondersoek die universiteit se hantering van studente en die behandeling van studente se optrede teenoor mekaar. Die inligting is ingesamel deur 'n meningspeiling verkry deur die verspreiding van vraelyste in vier geselekteerde koshuise, naamlik Concordia, Goldfields, Huis de Villiers en Lobelia. Die bevindinge van die studie toon dat daar steeds baie probleme bestaan wat betref die politieke identiteit van ras en geslag aan die US. Die studie het byvoorbeeld tot die volgende gevolgtrekkings gekom: • Die meerderheid van studente, uit drie rassegroepe, wat aan die studie deelgeneem het, het die persepsie dat rasse-verdeeldheid steeds in drie areas voorkom (die klaskamer, koshuise en die studente sentrum). Die persepsie word voorgehou, onder andere, dat die verdeeldheid versoorsaak word deur die feit dat studente van verskillende kulture afkomstig is, asook dat taalverskille 'n rol speel. • Die meerderheid studente het ook die persepsie dat swart studente neig om minder te praat in die klas omdat hulle geïntimideerd voel. • Die meerderheid swart en bruin studente steun die ANC (African National Congress), terwyl die meerderheid wit studente die DA (Demokratiese Alliansie) steun. Hoewel dit die geval blyk te wees, het die studie ook gevind dat baie studente aan die US nie hulle politieke steun bekend wil maak nie. • Swart en bruin studente is positief oor die rol van regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging, teenoor wit studente wat 'n ander uitkyk hierop het. • Vroue studente aan die US het die persepsie dat Suid-Afrika steeds gekonfronteer word met die probleem van geslagsongelykheid. • Die meerderheid studente het die persepsie dat wit mans die ergste geraak word deur regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging. • Meeste studente, ongeag hul ras of geslag, voel beskermd by die US. Die persepsie bestaan dat geen geslagdiskriminasie deur lektore toegepas word nie. • Mans- en vroue-studente sien seksuele teistering verskillend. Vroue-studente, byvoorbeeld, sien seksistiese grappe en wolwefluite as seksuele teistering, teenoor mansstudente wat dit nie so sien nie. Almal het wel die persepsie dat vrouestudente meer geraak word deur seksuele teistering as hulle manlike eweknieë.
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Arvidsson, Sara, et Roza Nermany. « The Gendered Dimensions of Identity Wars - The Case of the Former Yugoslavia ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-17308.
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In this thesis we investigate gendered dimensions of the war in the former Yugoslavia. We do this with the help of gender theory, as well as theories about the construction of identities and the role of the identity aspect in contemporary warfare. By combining these theoretical points of departure we hope to shed light on how gender can be used by political and military leaders and by the media in times of war. We explore how underlying gender assumptions in the Yugoslav society affected the course of war as well as how gender relations were altered just before and during the war.
We come to the conclusion that gender was central to the construction of collective identity in the Yugoslav wars. Women were pushed in to traditional gender roles and constructed as carriers of culture and mothers of the nation. Further the symbolic values associated with women made them vulnerable to sexual violence, since an attack against enemy women were considered to be an attack on the entire nation. The intersections between gender and identity aspects in the Yugoslav wars made women strategic targets of military violence.
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Menon, Sunita. « The creation of a national identity : construction and representations with a case study of Mobutu's Zaire ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23403.
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This paper is in response to the stereotypes perpetuated around Africa. Much like other postcolonial spaces, Africa has fallen prey to Western assumptions and stereotypes. While the continent is diverse and has multiple narratives and voices, the notion of barbaric backward Africa has lived on. The shift to independence from Belgian Congo to Zaire marked the reclamation of not only an African identity but the African voice. While his rule was characterised by patronage politics and corruption, Mobutu effectively developed a counterhegemonic discourse on the Congo through the twin processes of authenticité and Zairianization. Mobutu created an authentically African state with a common national identity while still attracting foreign investment and financial aid. It is through Edward Said's Orientalism that the "othering" and subsequent exploitation of Africa can best be understood. Orientalism has been used to explain the systematic oppression and exploitation of the Orient and has called for discourses on this from within the region. Although Mobutu has been touted as a puppet of the West, he applied the core tenets of post-colonial theory and Orientalism in his reimagining of the "the Congo". This thesis looks at the postcolonial discourse surrounding Africa and Mobutu's role in redefining the Heart of Darkness. The significance of this study is in translating Orientalism's applications to the East and the perceptions and assumptions held by the West to Africa and particularly "the Congo". Mobutu subverted the traditional colonial narrative by inventing a new Zairian identity that asserted control over the dominant colonial discourse. In a sense, what Mobutu did was to control the narrative and ensure that it was experienced by the West as an authentic African vision while transacting with the West for his own personal benefit and ensuring that he remained in power.
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Fawaz, Ahmed M. Abdel Hafez. « Opportunity, ethnic identity and resources in ethnic mobilisation : the cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1919.
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The cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia were chosen to illustrate how ethnic entrepreneurs play a crucial role in the ethnic mobilisation process. The study argues that in both cases a combination of variables was at work. These cases seem unlikely comparisons at first. The primary challenge appeared to be dealing with cases that involve different contexts and identities. However, in both cases entrepreneurs exploited an appropriate domestic environment to start the process and they perceived the opportunities provided by external intervention and the state’s policy towards their groups as incentives. Choosing the intermediate variables depends on the understanding that each one provides part of the explanation. Political opportunity structure directs the attention to the cost-benefit analyses of ethnic entrepreneurs and their perceptions of the available opportunity. Ethnic identity politicisation illustrates the role of ethnic entrepreneurs in choosing and activating identities. Finally, resource mobilisation is essential in conflict as any conflict requires resources that are consumed throughout its various stages. These resources are also used by ethnic entrepreneurs to reward their followers and guarantee loyalty, or sometimes to provide material incentives to reassure those unconvinced of the movement's potential success against the central authorities.
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Jacobs, Chantal, et Chantal Rowena Jacobs. « Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament : A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.
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Reinnoldt, Charlotte. « Asserting Indigenous Identity to Substantiate Customary Forest Claims : A Case Study of the Dayaks of West Kalimantan, Indonesia ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2279.
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This thesis examines Dayak identity constructions and how they have been and are currently being used to assert customary land rights in forested areas of West Kalimantan, Indonesia. The Indonesian state has required that customary land claims include proof that communities have maintained their indigenous institutions. Drawing from government and NGO reports, academic research, and Indonesian law, a few questions thus are explored: What aspects of identity must be maintained in order to be sufficient to claim customary land rights under Indonesian law? How has recent Dayak mobilization fed into a resurgence in Dayak identity and pride, and vice versa? What opportunities does this hold for conservation and development? This thesis emphasizes the necessity of the subsequent transfer of ownership following the recognition of customary rights, which would protect indigenous land more permanently, increase Dayak community involvement and self-perceptions as active agents in forestry, and in doing so, aid in improving security of indigenous livelihoods and protecting biodiversity in Indonesia’s forests.
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Hartwell, Marcia Byrom. « Perceptions of justice, identity, and political processes of forgiveness and revenge in early post-conflict transitions : case studies, Northern Ireland, Serbia, South Africa ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:64cd9d6e-c557-4eb5-ac2e-cfaca04d7bf6.
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Jabbari, Fatma. « The Discursive Production of Citizenship, Social Identity, and Religious Discrimination:The Case of Tunisia ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1524332005234282.
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An, Hyoju. « Evolution of Security Identity of Domestic Antimilitarism and Roles of Political Parties : Case Studies of Japan and Germany ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec_An.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Fareast, Southeast Asia, Pacific) )--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Weiner, Robert J. ; Abenheim, Donald "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 26, 2010 Author subject terms: Security Identity, Antimilitarism, Political Party, Japan, Germany, The War on Terrorism in Afghanistan, The Bosnian War, The SDF dispatch, Out-of-Area Missions. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-140). Also available in print.
Livres sur le sujet "Identity politics – Case studies"
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The challenges of ethno-nationalism : Case studies in identity politics. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Postcolonial migrants and identity politics. New York : Berghahn Books, 2012.
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Mixed race marriage in Pakistan : Politics of identity. Lahore : Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2013.
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Adrienne, Russell, et Echchaibi Nabil, dir. International blogging : Identity, politics and networked publics. New York : Peter Lang, 2008.
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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute, dir. Governance, identity, and counterinsurgency : Evidence from Ramadi and Tal Afar. Carlisle, PA : Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press, 2013.
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Rutgerd, Boelens, Getches David H et Guevara Gil Jorge Armando, dir. Out of the mainstream : Water rights, politics and identity. London : Earthscan, 2010.
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Culture and language : Multidisciplinary case studies. Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang, 2011.
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Vigdis, Broch-Due, dir. Violence and belonging : The quest for identity in post-colonial Africa. London : Routledge, 2005.
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Power and identity in archaeological theory and practice : Case studies from ancient Mesoamerica. Salt Lake City : University of Utah Press, 2012.
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MacDonald, David Bruce. Identity politics in the age of genocide : The Holocaust and historical representation. London : Routledge, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Identity politics – Case studies"
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Saville, Jane. « Linguistic Human Rights in Education : International Case Studies ». Dans Language, Power and Identity Politics, 43–64. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230592841_3.
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Blum, Douglas W. « Agency, State—Society Relations, and the Construction of National Identity : Case Studies from the Transcaspian Region ». Dans Identity and Global Politics, 145–67. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403980496_9.
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Knudsen, Magne. « Changing Tides : Temporal Dimensions of Low-Cost, High-Skill Fisheries in the Central Visayas, Philippines ». Dans Case Studies in Biocultural Diversity from Southeast Asia, 21–42. Singapore : Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6719-0_2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAt the southern mouth of the Tañon Strait—the body of water that separates the islands of Cebu and Negros in the Visayas region of the Philippines—small-scale fishing has always been challenging. Strong and complex sea currents make it difficult for fishers to utilise certain fishing gears. With a significant decline in the resource base and new regulations of the fisheries in recent decades, only fishers with advanced skills and fine-grained place-specific and calendric knowledge of the marine environment are able to catch enough fish, and the right kind of fish, to secure a decent return. Drawing on insights from cultural ecology, the chapter examines the skills and knowledges that fishers draw on to catch fish in this challenging environment. It gives particular attention to the temporal dimensions of the biocultural knowledge complex, showing how fishers’ knowledge of the links between sea currents, the lunar cycle and monsoon winds play into their decisions about where, when and how to fish. In addition to its direct livelihood significance, calendric knowledge also serves as a resource in the formation of identity as mananagat (fisherman) and authority and status within the fishing community. To further explain why some fishers are able to use their knowledge to make fishing a viable and legitimate livelihood and others are not, the last part of the chapter uses insights from political ecology to address issues of power and dynamics of exclusion in the fisheries.
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Hawkins, Benjamin, et Kathryn Oliver. « Select Committee Governance and the Production of Evidence : The Case of UK E-cigarettes Policy ». Dans Integrating Science and Politics for Public Health, 187–208. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98985-9_9.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the process of evidence use within the Westminster select committee system and the potential this offers for health-harming industries to influence the evidentiary content of policy debates. It introduces these issues through the example of the regulatory debate on electronic cigarettes and the 2018 Science and Technology enquiry into their regulations. Through this we identify a more general set of issues around the governance of select committees, and their generation and promotion of policy-relevant evidence, which is under-explored in the current research literature. The currently opaque accountability mechanisms create a significant opportunity for well-resourced policy actors, including trans-national corporations, to shape the evidentiary content of policy debates, via committee evidence gathering and synthesis processes and the potentially influential reports generated from this. Studies of the tobacco and other health-harming industries identify a long-standing strategy of seeking to ‘capture’ apparently independent bodies to generate research amenable to their underlying policy objectives. Such outputs are particularly valuable to corporate political actors, as they have the appearance of separation from the industry and enjoy the kudos associated with entities at the heart of the body politic. As such, it raises important questions about the oversight of evidence production by government bodies.
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Monnet, Éric, et Blaise Truong-Loï. « The History and Politics of Public Debt Accounting ». Dans A World of Public Debts, 481–511. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48794-2_19.
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AbstractA country’s public debt figures vary considerably in any given year, depending on the definitions used. It creates difficulties in constructing and interpreting long-term statistical series. This chapter examines the policy issues behind the definition and accounting of public debt through history. Based on a critical analysis of widely used historical sources, as well as case studies, it discusses how to interpret historical public debt statistics. Analyzing general trends in the historical development of comparability of public debt statistics since the nineteenth century, it identifies three perspectives on debt accounting that have framed the construction of statistics over time: “financial”, “circuitist” and “benchmarking”. Since public debt accounting and policy depend on the way in which public debt is issued and traded and on the identity of creditors, each of these ideal-types roughly corresponds to a debt regime, and more broadly to a historical period of capitalism.
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Omodeo, Pietro D. « The Social Position and Intellectual Identity of the Renaissance Mathematician-Physicist Giovanni Battista Benedetti : A Case Study in the Socio-Political History of Mechanics ». Dans Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, 181–213. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90345-3_7.
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Browne, Victoria. « Concepts and case studies ». Dans Politics, 243–70. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | “Second edition published by Routledge 2002”—T.p. verso. : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315629346-9.
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Siebers, Tobin. « Disability Studies and the Future of Identity Politics ». Dans Identity Politics Reconsidered, 10–30. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983398_2.
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Flores, Juan. « Reclaiming Left Baggage : Some Early Sources for Minority Studies ». Dans Identity Politics Reconsidered, 53–68. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983398_4.
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Vivienne, Sonja. « Case Studies in Voice ». Dans Digital Identity and Everyday Activism, 86–131. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137500748_4.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Identity politics – Case studies"
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Veigurs, Matīss. « “Disembedment” Politics of Identity : the Case of Montenegro ». Dans Latvijas Universitātes Sociālo zinātņu fakultātes 2. starptautiskā studentu konference. LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/luszfsk.2013.01.
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Abidin, Min Hajul, et Mustadin. « Social Identity of Santri : A Case Study in Politics ». Dans 1st Borobudur International Symposium on Humanities, Economics and Social Sciences (BIS-HESS 2019). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200529.224.
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Bauer, Thomas. « Sport in Paolo Sorrentino’s Movies ». Dans Les journées de l'interdisciplinarité 2022. Limoges : Université de Limoges, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25965/lji.238.
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While sport is a popular theme for film directors, it is all too rarely studied by social science researchers. This is all the more true when it is considered as just one of the many narrative or decorative elements of the film and is not at the heart of the story. Such is the case for academic studies related to Italian director Paolo Sorrentino’s work, in which the easily identifiable theme of sport is surprisingly nowhere to be found. Indeed, while reference to the body periodically occurs, most of the work conducted on his feature films focuses on the recurrent themes of politics and the quest for power, loneliness and isolation, the flâneur in post-industrial society, sexism, irony, and of course the mafia. The sporting occurrences (including footballer Antonio Pisapia in L’Uomo in più, Cheyenne’s ping-pong match in This Must Be the Place, as well as Fred Ballinger and Mick Boyle’s alpine treks in Youth, etc.) cannot be missed. Why then does Sorrentino choose to refer to sport: for societal, narrative or nostalgic reasons? These questions and more invite us to identify the “constants” and “variables” of this theme, so as to highlight a strong element of his style.
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Fei Hu, Jun Hu, Wei Wang et Yang Wang. « Design identity system based on product identity and its case studies ». Dans 2013 IEEE Tsinghua International Design Management Symposium (TIDMS). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tidms.2013.6981237.
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Wantong, Cai. « Opportunities and Challenges of Korean Politics With B-class Culture : A Case Study of Pengsoo’s Political News ». Dans The Asian Conference on Cultural Studies 2021. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2187-4751.2021.6.
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Ilovan, Oana-Ramona. « Meaningful Learning : Case Studies On The Territorial Identity Of Historical Urban Centres ». Dans ERD 2017 - Education, Reflection, Development, Fourth Edition. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.06.49.
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Utami, Triana, et Muhammad Fuad. « Kavanaugh vs Ford : Gender Politics in the Hearing of Sexual Assault Allegation Case ». Dans Proceedings of 3rd International Conference on Strategic and Global Studies, ICSGS 2019, 6-7 November 2019, Sari Pacific, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.6-11-2019.2297274.
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Ramesh, Ananya, et Nirupama M. Vidyarthi. « Decentralisation and devolution in growing megacities. Case of Bangalore, India ». Dans 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/mpmv6643.
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Through the 73rd and 74th Amendment Act of 1992, India sought to empower urban and rural local bodies. On the contrary, parallel modes of governance have undermined them. In the case of megacity Bangalore, two such modes i.e Electronic City and Smart City are studied to unpack the status of decentralisation. Key person interviews serve as primary data. Following the enquiry of decentralisation and devolution, elements of disconnectedness emerge. Disconnectedness can be seen between parts-affecting the whole, embodied as intents as well as outcomes through tools of planning, administrative, legal, political and economic choices. This leads us to enquire how we can retain decision-making power within the democratic realm and strengthen the role of local bodies in megacities. Unpacking the dynamics of decentralized governance is critical across megacities globally, as cities continue to seek autonomy not just in functioning but identity and influence, in the network of global flows.
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Fuentes, Gabriel. « The Politics of Memory : Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba ». Dans 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.
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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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Sim, Monica-Ariana, et Anamaria-Mirabela Pop. « Workplace Motivation – Case Study Engaging Students during a Pandemic ». Dans Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics : Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.177.
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Professionals in all fields are to work even when societies go through crises (i.e., the current pandemic), natural disasters, or catastrophes. Studies conducted by specialists in different areas, indicate that numerous people are not willing to work under stressful conditions. In this paper, we want to find out what can motivate a person to work in abnormal conditions of stress, risk of illness, which motivational tools may be applicable with a direct view on students who remained online for more than 21 months. Humanity is facing one of the greatest challenges of this century: the COVID 19. People are going through a period of fearful insecurity and stress causing many problems and even mental health issues, some of them probably hard to remediate. Education is among the most affected fields of activity. The purpose of the paper is to discover workplace motivation of teachers and students to respond and react to such unfortunate circumstances and to continue their activity, thus avoiding long term blockages and drawbacks.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Identity politics – Case studies"
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Thompson, Stephen, Brigitte Rohwerder et Clement Arockiasamy. Freedom of Religious Belief and People with Disabilities : A Case Study of People with Disabilities from Religious Minorities in Chennai, India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), juin 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.003.
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India has a unique and complex religious history, with faith and spirituality playing an important role in everyday life. Hinduism is the majority religion, and there are many minority religions. India also has a complicated class system and entrenched gender structures. Disability is another important identity. Many of these factors determine people’s experiences of social inclusion or exclusion. This paper explores how these intersecting identities influence the experience of inequality and marginalisation, with a particular focus on people with disabilities from minority religious backgrounds. A participatory qualitative methodology was employed in Chennai, to gather case studies that describe in-depth experiences of participants. Our findings show that many factors that make up a person’s identity intersect in India and impact how someone is included or excluded by society, with religious minority affiliation, caste, disability status, and gender all having the potential to add layers of marginalisation. These various identity factors, and how individuals and society react to them, impact on how people experience their social existence. Identity factors that form the basis for discrimination can be either visible or invisible, and discrimination may be explicit or implicit. Despite various legal and human rights frameworks at the national and international level that aim to prevent marginalisation, discrimination based on these factors is still prevalent in India. While some tokenistic interventions and schemes are in place to overcome marginalisation, such initiatives often only focus on one factor of identity, rather than considering intersecting factors. People with disabilities continue to experience exclusion in all aspects of their lives. Discrimination can exist both between, as well as within, religious communities, and is particularly prevalent in formal environments. Caste-based exclusion continues to be a major problem in India. The current socioeconomic environment and political climate can be seen to perpetuate marginalisation based on these factors. However, when people are included in society, regardless of belonging to a religious minority, having a disability, or being a certain caste, the impact on their life can be very positive.
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Collins, Rita. People, Programs, and Politics : Two Case Studies of Adult Literacy Classes. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1393.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, et Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel : The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.
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Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, octobre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism : The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Just, Richard E., Eithan Hochman et Sinaia Netanyahu. Problems and Prospects in the Political Economy of Trans-Boundary Water Issues. United States Department of Agriculture, février 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2000.7573997.bard.
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The objective of this research was to develop and apply a conceptual framework for evaluating the potential of trans-boundary bargaining with respect to water resource sharing. The research accomplished this objective by developing a framework for trans-boundary bargaining, identifying opportunities for application, and illustrating the potential benefits that can be gained thereby. Specifically, we have accomplished the following: - Developed a framework to measure the potential for improving economic efficiency considering issues of political feasibility and sustainability that are crucial in trans-boundary cooperation. - Used both cooperative and non-cooperative game theory to assess feasible coalitions among the parties involved and to model potential bargaining procedures. - Identified empirically alternative schemes of cooperation that both improve upon the economic efficiency of present water usage and appease all of the cooperating parties. - Estimated the potential short-run and long-run affects of water reallocation on the agricultural sector and used this information to understand potential strategies taken by the countries in bargaining processes. - Performed case studies in Israeli-Jordanian relations, the relationship of Israel to the Palestinian Authority, and cooperation on the Chesapeake Bay. - Published or have in process publication of a series of refereed journal articles. - Published a book which first develops the theoretical framework, then presents research results relating to the case studies, and finally draws implications for water cooperation issues generally. Background to the Topic The increase in water scarcity and decline in water quality that has resulted from increased agricultural, industrial, and urban demands raises questions regarding profitability of the agricultural sector under its present structure. The lack of efficient management has been underscored recently by consecutive years of drought in Israel and increased needs to clean up the Chesapeake Bay. Since agriculture in the Middle East (Chesapeake Bay) is both the main water user (polluter) and the low-value user (polluter), a reallocation of water use (pollution rights) away from agriculture is likely with further industrial and urban growth. Furthermore, the trans-boundary nature of water resources in the case of the Middle East and the Chesapeake Bay contributes to increased conflicts over the use of the resources and therefore requires a political economic approach. Major Conclusions, Solutions, Achievements and Implications Using game theory tools, we critically identify obstacles to cooperation. We identify potential gains from coordination on trans-boundary water policies and projects. We identify the conditions under which partial (versus grand) coalitions dominate in solving water quality disputes among riparian countries. We identify conditions under which linking water issues to unrelated disputes achieves gains in trans-boundary negotiations. We show that gains are likely only when unrelated issues satisfy certain characteristics. We find conditions for efficient water markets under price-determined and quantity-determined markets. We find water recycling and adoption of new technologies such as desalination can be part of the solution for alleviating water shortages locally and regionally but that timing is likely to be different than anticipated. These results have been disseminated through a wide variety of publications and oral presentations as well as through interaction with policymakers in both countries.
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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus : The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, décembre 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.
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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”
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Mader, Philip, Maren Duvendack, Adrienne Lees, Aurelie Larquemin et Keir Macdonald. Enablers, Barriers and Impacts of Digital Financial Services : Insights from an Evidence Gap Map and Implications for Taxation. Institute of Development Studies, juin 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2022.008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Digital financial services (DFS) have expanded rapidly over the last decade, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. They have been accompanied by claims that they can alleviate poverty, empower women, help businesses grow, and improve macroeconomic outcomes and government effectiveness. As they have become more widespread, some controversy has arisen as governments have identified DFS revenues and profits as potential sources of tax revenue. Evidence-based policy in relation to taxing DFS requires an understanding of the enablers and barriers (preconditions) of DFS, as well as the impacts of DFS. This report aims to present insights from an Evidence Gap Map (EGM) on the enablers and barriers, and subsequent impacts, of DFS, including any research related to taxation. An EGM serves to clearly identify the gaps in the evidence base in a visually intuitive way, allowing researchers to address these gaps. This can help to shape future research agendas. Our EGM draws on elements from the systematic review methodology. We develop a transparent set of inclusion criteria and comprehensive search strategy to identify relevant studies, and assess the confidence we can place in their causal findings. An extensive search initially identified 389 studies, 205 of which met the inclusion criteria and were assessed based on criteria of cogency, transparency and credibility. We categorised 40 studies as high confidence, 97 as medium confidence, and 68 as low confidence. We find that the evidence base is still relatively thin, but growing rapidly. The high-confidence evidence base is dominated by quantitative approaches, especially experimental study designs. The geographical focus of many studies is East Africa. The dominant DFS intervention studied is mobile money. The majority of studies focus on DFS usage for payments and transfers; fewer studies focus on savings, very few on credit, and none on insurance. The strongest evidence base on enablers and barriers relates to how user attributes and industry structure affect DFS. Little is known about how policy and politics, including taxation, and macroeconomic and social factors, affect DFS. The evidence base on impacts is strongest at the individual and household level, and partly covers the business level. The impact of DFS on the macroeconomy, and the meso level of industry and government, is very limited. We find no high-confidence evidence on the role of taxation. We need more higher quality evidence on a variety of topics. This should particularly look at enablers, constraints and impacts, including the role of taxation, beyond the individual and household level. Research going forward should cover more geographic areas and a wider range of purposes DFS can serve (use cases), including savings, and particularly credit. More methodological variety should be encouraged – experiments can be useful, but are not the best method for all research questions.
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz et Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia : Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.