Thèses sur le sujet « Identità europea »
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1
Manenti, Claudia <1968>. « Luoghi di identità e spazi del sacro nella città europea contemporanea ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3630/1/CLAUDIA_MANENTI_-_TESI.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A fronte della frammentarietà e della confusione semantica della città contemporanea, la ricerca sui ‘Luoghi di identità e spazi del sacro nella città europea contemporanea’ ha inteso affrontare il tema della morfologia urbana in termini di significato. La focalizzazione sui temi dell’identità e del sacro nella città odierna è stata intesa quale modalità per tentare di andare alla radice dell’irrisolto problema di mancanza di senso che affligge la compagine urbana contemporanea e per cercare di individuare le cause e, quindi, le possibili azioni necessarie a riportare il costruito nell’ambito della relazione significante. Il campo di indagine è quello delle aree periferiche europee, ma la ricerca si muove da considerazioni di ordine generale relativamente alle reti di relazioni che l’essere umano instaura con il mondo circostante.
Il lavoro sviluppa un primo inquadramento del tema di carattere generale, con un riferimento sistematico alla letteratura scientifica, individuando attraverso un sintetico excursus storico, i principi fondamentali della costruzione dell’immagine spaziale e del suo evolversi nel tempo. Su questa base i tre concetti di ‘centralità’, ‘identità’ e ‘sacro’, sono intesi come i cardini del discorso circa gli ambiti di significato e, sulla base di studi di alcune esperienze europee ritenute particolarmente esemplificative, la trattazione di questi tre temi arriva a proporre alcune considerazioni in merito alle caratteristiche che il contesto urbano deve avere per manifestarsi come luogo di costruzione di una identità personale e comunitaria.
Nella consapevolezza che l’ampiezza dei temi considerati non ne consente una trattazione esaustiva, le considerazioni fatte sono da intendersi quali spunti di riflessione a riguardo dei metodi e delle modalità di relazione che sono ritenute necessarie per la costruzione di spazi di riferimento orientativo, identitario e socializzante.
2
Manenti, Claudia <1968>. « Luoghi di identità e spazi del sacro nella città europea contemporanea ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3630/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A fronte della frammentarietà e della confusione semantica della città contemporanea, la ricerca sui ‘Luoghi di identità e spazi del sacro nella città europea contemporanea’ ha inteso affrontare il tema della morfologia urbana in termini di significato. La focalizzazione sui temi dell’identità e del sacro nella città odierna è stata intesa quale modalità per tentare di andare alla radice dell’irrisolto problema di mancanza di senso che affligge la compagine urbana contemporanea e per cercare di individuare le cause e, quindi, le possibili azioni necessarie a riportare il costruito nell’ambito della relazione significante. Il campo di indagine è quello delle aree periferiche europee, ma la ricerca si muove da considerazioni di ordine generale relativamente alle reti di relazioni che l’essere umano instaura con il mondo circostante.
Il lavoro sviluppa un primo inquadramento del tema di carattere generale, con un riferimento sistematico alla letteratura scientifica, individuando attraverso un sintetico excursus storico, i principi fondamentali della costruzione dell’immagine spaziale e del suo evolversi nel tempo. Su questa base i tre concetti di ‘centralità’, ‘identità’ e ‘sacro’, sono intesi come i cardini del discorso circa gli ambiti di significato e, sulla base di studi di alcune esperienze europee ritenute particolarmente esemplificative, la trattazione di questi tre temi arriva a proporre alcune considerazioni in merito alle caratteristiche che il contesto urbano deve avere per manifestarsi come luogo di costruzione di una identità personale e comunitaria.
Nella consapevolezza che l’ampiezza dei temi considerati non ne consente una trattazione esaustiva, le considerazioni fatte sono da intendersi quali spunti di riflessione a riguardo dei metodi e delle modalità di relazione che sono ritenute necessarie per la costruzione di spazi di riferimento orientativo, identitario e socializzante.
3
Milazzo, Elisa. « La tutela delle minoranze nell'Unione Europea ». Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/1441.
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La questione della protezione dei gruppi minoritari, non nasce in questo secolo ma è da sempre intimamente legata alla storia del continente europeo e si presenta oggi di lampante attualità .La creazione di legami universali che si sono imposti negli ultimi decenni , non è riuscita a determinare il superamento dei particolarismi né la graduale scomparsa dei vincoli basati sulla differenziazione etnica e culturale. Il lavoro partirà da un approfondita analisi del concetto di minoranza e della difficoltà di elaborare una definizione di minoranza legalmente e universalmente vincolante alla luce della complessità del fenomeno minoritario. Individuato chi merita oggetto di protezione si passerà ad esaminare i modelli teorici elaborati al fine di offrire tale tutela , analizzando in particolare la dibattuta categoria dei diritti collettivi e delle legal theories sottese. L attenzione successivamente si focalizzerà sulla verifica dell impiego di tali modelli da parte del legislatore sovranazionale e in particolare di quello comunitario. Emergerà dal lavoro un diritto che dovendo regolare una società sempre più pluralista e multiculturale finisce di assumerne le stesse sembianze, presentandosi come uno strumento multiplo, plasmato su livelli, garanzie e ambiti di applicazioni variabili e dinamici. Un multidiritto che permetta di fornire la soluzione normativa più congrua a soddisfare le istanze di riconoscimento e di protezione dell identità dei gruppi minoritari.
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Zaccaroni, Giovanni. « Il Principio di Non Discriminazione e l’Identità Costituzionale dell’Unione Europea ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA015/document.
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L’objectif de cette recherche est d’évaluer la contribution du principe de non-discrimination à l’identité constitutionnelle de l’Union européenne. Pour ce faire, il est nécessaire de clarifier la notion d’identité dont nous parlons. Dans la première section/partie nous analysons la structure des arrêts pour juger sur la discrimination. La structure de l’arrêt sur la discrimination permet, après une phase initiale d’ajustement dont nous avons signalé, d’identifier quatre phases différentes au sein desquelles la Cour de justice développe son raisonnement. Ces phases sont : 1) introduction de l’affaire devant la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne 2) identification du désavantage 3) comparaison et 4) justification. La deuxième section/partie porte sur l’analyse de la contribution à l’identité constitutionnelle de l’Union européenne par la lutte contre sept motifs spécifiques de discrimination : sexe, nationalité, handicap, âge, religion, orientation sexuelle et race. Le choix des motifs de discrimination (par exemple, entre les beaucoup plus nombreux motifs dans la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne) est lié à un critère normatif : ce sont les motifs de discrimination qui ont fait l’objet de la législation dérivée. D’où il suit un critère supplémentaire, celui quantitatif : la présence d’un acquis législatif stable autorise la Cour de justice à saisir un plus grand nombre des causes, qui font significative l’examen des motifs proposés. L’identification d’une contribution si riche à l’identité constitutionnelle de l’Union européenne peut reconnaître le principe de non-discrimination en tant que principe constitutionnel, qui, inspiré par l’identité constitutionnelle des États membres, peut constituer l’épine dorsale de la future constitution "formelle “européenneThe definition of the EU as a constitutional legal order is crucial, but still fragmented. For the sake of systematization, it is important to find out a principle to support its development. That is why we made the choice of examining the principle of non discrimination through the analysis of case law, with the object of verifying if this principle is a fundamental part of the EU constitutional identity. In the first part of this work the structure of the discrimination scrutiny in front of the CJEU and of the ECHR is analyzed, enlightening the fact that its structure increasingly recalls that of a constitutional scrutiny. In the second part of this work we will focus on the contribution given by the case law on the fight against different grounds of discrimination to the EU constitutional identity. As there is an increasing number of grounds of discrimination, a choice should be made. That is why the second part of the analysis is devoted into explaining a selection of grounds of discrimination: discrimination on the ground of nationality, age, disability, religion, and sexual orientation. From the analysis of the case law and of secondary legislation is possible to induce that this principle has the potential necessary to support the development of the EU constitutional identity without prevailing on the national constitutional identities. At the same time, the principle could help into shading light in one of the most debated issues of EU law: the tension between the conferred powers and the direct effect of directives. The conclusion of this work is a reflection on how a precise line of case law is crucial into defining the principle of non discrimination as a EU constitutional principle
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QUARANTA, Laura. « Gli studi sul nazionalismo di Benedict Anderson e la natura dell'Unione Europea ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi del Molise, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11695/91211.
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«Devo essere l'unico a scrivere sul nazionalismo che non la pensa male… Penso davvero che il nazionalismo possa essere attraente. Mi piacciono i suoi elementi utopici». A pronunciare queste parole è stato un marxista “anomalo”, uno tra gli storici più autorevoli nel mondo della scienza politica e negli studi accademici sul nazionalismo: Benedict Anderson, meritevole di aver coniato il concetto di nazioni come "comunità immaginate” nel libro omonimo Comunità immaginate. Origini e fortuna dei nazionalismi (1983). La capacità di questo autore cosmopolita è stata l’aver indagato i meccanismi “segreti" del sentimento nazionale, quelli su cui nessuno studioso si era soffermato attentamente prima. Egli infatti, fornendo un contributo fondamentale alla ricerca sul nazionalismo moderno, è riuscito ad esplorare la "microfisica" del sentimento di appartenenza nazionale, i suoi linguaggi, la sua genesi e la sua diffusione in ambiti culturali anche diversissimi tra loro, individuando le radici del nazionalismo e delle attuali strutture nazionali non tanto nella teoria e nella prassi politica e parlamentare, quanto negli atteggiamenti e nelle pratiche condivise dagli abitanti di tale comunità. Vestendo i panni dell’antropologo, lo storico anglo-irlandese è riuscito a sviluppare una visione rivoluzionaria della questione: il rinnovamento stava nel vedere la nazione come un puro prodotto culturale, vale a dire come il frutto di una costruzione artificiosa, funzionale a precise esigenze politiche ed economiche.
Il nazionalismo, pertanto, non deve essere considerato né una patologia né un’ideologia della storia moderna: Anderson lo analizzò come fenomeno paragonabile non al fascismo o al liberismo ma alle categorie antropologiche della religione e della parentela, cioè a quei complessi sistemi di credenze che danno un’impronta sostanziale alle azioni della vita quotidiana. Da qui, propose una definizione illuminante di Nazione: è una comunità politica immaginata e peraltro diversa da altre comunità immaginate che l’hanno preceduta – la comunità religiosa e lo stato dinastico. In particolare, è immaginata come intrinsecamente limitata e insieme sovrana: immaginata, in quanto gli abitanti della più piccola nazione non conosceranno mai la maggior parte dei loro compatrioti, eppure nella mente di ognuno vive l’immagine del loro essere comunità; limitata, perché è sempre immaginata con dei confini, al di là dei quali vi sono altre nazioni; sovrana, in quanto l’idea di nazione porta in sé gli ideali illuministi della autonomia e della libertà; infine è comunità poiché, malgrado le disuguaglianze e gli sfruttamenti che avvengono al suo interno, viene vissuta sempre in un clima affettivo informato da un "profondo e orizzontale cameratismo”.
L’impostazione dello storico risulta stimolante di fronte ai problemi attuali e contribuisce ad un esito preciso, ovvero quello di spiazzare, scuotere l'orgogliosa sicurezza con cui spesso ingenuamente si discute di stato nazionale e di nazionalismo. Recuperando la connotazione più neutrale di questi termini, Anderson non solo mette in guardia dal consegnare il fenomeno nazionale alla pattumiera della storia, ma aiuta a comprendere la ragione d’esistere della nazione stessa. Gli studi da lui portati avanti rappresentano così uno spunto per tentare di rispondere ad un interrogativo finale: può un modello istituzionale come l’Unione Europea trovare una strada per creare un sentimento di appartenenza tra i suoi abitanti?What is a nation? What is the main drive of a national state? Over the last two hundred years, millions of people have died but most of all have died for the name of their country. What has allowed this? And today, what position does nationalism have within the European Union? From the various answers on this subject, one of note is elaborated by the American historian, Benedict Anderson. In his most famous book “Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism”, Anderson investigates deeply one’s feelings regarding national belonging, their culture, their roots and their diffusion in different cultural settings, revealing the roots of nationalism and the actual national structure, not in their political and parliamentary practice, but more so within the shared practices of inhabitants and their communities. Therefore, similar to an anthropologist, he develops a revolutionary vision in his description: the renewal is in viewing the nation as a cultural product; that is an artificial construction. He proposes a new definition of the nation: “a political imagined community” and imagined as sovereign and limited. It is imagined in such that the inhabitants of the most smallest nation will never know all their compatriots, however each person feels part of a community; a nation is limited because it is seen surrounded by borders, beyond these limits there are other nations; sovereign for the fact that the idea of a nation is inspired by Enlightenment ideas of independence and liberty; finally, it is a community because it is lived within an affectionate environment, despite differences, inequalities and exploitation. On the last ten years Benedict Anderson has had a great influence within the study of individual relationships, societies and national organization. Following the birth of European Union , combined with globalization and the union of the European market, the national identities has gone into crisis. Considering the all above points, my research intends to develop a reflection on the national identity in the contemporary societies, evaluating the theoretical elements in general, and also the actual political and cultural debate within the European Union.
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Göksu, Fatih. « European identity on the perspective of incoming and outgoing Eramus students : a study of stereotypes and prejudices as cultural differences ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/402436.
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European education programs and European identity are acknowledged as inextricable concepts considering the fact that education programs such as Erasmus plays an important role on the construction of European identity by using exchange programs to create awareness. This study mainly tries to realize if incoming and outgoing Erasmus students are conscious of this European identity and if stereotypes and prejudices as intercultural communication barriers are obstacles in this construction based on the fact that Erasmus students live in intercultural community. European exchange programs such as Erasmus have a proved effect to strengthen relations among European societies. In this context, the research investigates if Erasmus as a most important exchange program has an effect to build European identity. Besides the research tries to understand how Erasmus student see their own identity in relation to European one and what effect are observed in students’ national identity by investigating Catalan Erasmus students.Els programes d’educació de la Unió Europea i la identitat Europea són reconeguts com a conceptes que inevitablement van de la mà, donat que programes educatius com l’Erasmus juguen un paper important en la construcció de la identitat Europea, i són utilitzats per crear consciencia. Aquest estudi tracta d’analitzar si els estudiants d’Erasmus, tant els que arriben com els que marxen, són conscients d’aquesta identitat Europea, així com determinar si els estereotips i prejudicis, tals com les barreres de comunicació interculturals, són obstacles en la construcció d’aquesta identitat, basant-nos en que aquests estudiants viuen dins de comunitats interculturals. Programes Europeus d’intercanvi com el programa Erasmus tenen el poder particular per enfortir les relacions entre les diferents societats europees. En aquest context, l’estudi investiga si l’Erasmus, com a programa d’intercanvi més important, repercuteix directament en la creació de la identitat Europea. A més, l’estudi intenta entendre com els estudiants d’Erasmus viuen la seva pròpia identitat en relació amb l’Europea, i quins efectes s’observen en la identitat nacional dels estudiants a través d’investigar els estudiants d’Erasmus catalans
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PENA, DIAZ FRANCISCO DE ASIS. « 'LOS DERECHOS DE LOS SOLICITANTES DE ASILO LGBTI TRAS LA AGENDA EUROPEA DE MIGRACIÓN' ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/699332.
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Since its inception, International Human Rights Law has been concerned with protecting those most exposed to violence and discrimination. However, their development in the aftermath of World War II ignored LGBTI people. The acknowledgment of this group as subjects of human rights has progressed slowly but inexorably. A good example of this is the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Although its provisions do not mention LGBTI people, it has eventually included them in its scope thanks to the case-law of the Court of Strasbourg. The same tendency is echoed in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. As a result, the refugee definition has evolved to accommodate persons who are very different in all probability from the people conceived by its drafters. Since the 1980s, LGBTI asylum-seekers have gradually acceded to refugee status. This is no small achievement. All too often, the violence suffered by these people is perpetrated while national authorities remain impassive or even participate in the oppression. Against this backdrop, many LGBTI people are forced to flee their countries of origin seeking the protection their States cannot or refuse to provide. However, the definition of refugee of the Geneva Convention fails to address issues of gender, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression and sexual characteristics, being more suitable to protect a male, European, cisgender and heterosexual refugee than an LGBTI asylum seeker. Although persecution on the grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity is now widely accepted in International Refugee Law, LGBTI asylum applications present a high degree of complexity, leading to many and varied issues affecting every element of the refugee definition. A sizeable number of these refugees flee to European States, whose societies portray themselves to the outside world as the strongest bulwarks of the LGBTI. However, European States are currently caught up in a primarily securitarian logic that sees refugees and irregular migrants as threats to their security, stability and "European way of life". As a result, regulations governing asylum status and procedures have been developing in an increasingly repressive way. The crisis of the Common European Asylum System that followed the arrival of large numbers of asylum seekers has led to a "new normal" in which the limitation of the rights of asylum seekers is not only legitimate and possible, but also desirable. In this thesis, we examine how this approach to migration affects LGBTI asylum seekers.
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Rohde-Liebenau, Judith. « Raising European citizens ? : European narratives, European schools and students' identification with Europe ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:24615518-fef0-44e0-be23-0ec24ca301eb.
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Fostering identification with Europe among citizens could legitimise European integration. Whether such an identity exists, however, remains an on-going debate among scholars. This research returns to the foundations of how a European identity is constructed, transmitted and transformed. It explores narratives of European identity in a carefully chosen context - European Schools for children of EU officials - where identification with Europe should mirror official EU visions. A qualitative content analysis explores narrations of 101 students collected during interviews and focus groups across three schools, and analyses documents and interviews with EU officials, school directors and teachers. This analysis reveals a descriptive puzzle: official EU and European School propositions of (multi-) national narratives differ markedly from teachers' and students' conceptions of cosmopolitan and transnational identities. The EU constructs an out-group of its own nationalist past and non-EU citizens. On the other hand, students construct an explicitly European in-group, but differentiate themselves from more national and less mobile lifestyles. This disparity, in turn, reveals a causal puzzle about how differences in narratives emerge. I use process tracing to elucidate the relationship between European schooling and students' identification with Europe. The results show a distorted transmission where broader EU goals are elaborated and transformed by teachers and further fuelled by interactions amongst students with similarly mobile and multilingual backgrounds. I develop a dual mechanism to understand how the varieties of identification with Europe develop: the concept of "doing Europe" explains how students nourish a transnational social network; "telling Europe", on the other hand, considers students' exposure to European symbols and stories in school and both national and anti-nationalist narratives provided by teachers and peers. Together, this leads to a transformed but ultimately European in-group understanding. Overall, this project underlines the complexity of identity construction, given that top-down transmission gets altered even in this favourable case. Specifically, it informs future research on European identity by detailing peculiar narratives and offering a causal approach to how these narratives emerge.
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Edwards, Sobrina. « EUrope and the EUropean : definition, redefinition, identity and belonging ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.506948.
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Hemmert, Guillaume. « Europe and the Challenge for Identity : the European institutions and the ‘European values’ as criteria for identity ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-428901.
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Over the last decade, Europe has been the scene of an increased and generalized sense of ‘Euroscepticism’, expressed through a growing feeling of rejection towards the European Union, its institutions and values. This phenomenon has further resulted in a questioning of the EU’s legitimacy, with an emerging opposition to the principle of supranational governance executed by the EU observed across the Union. While this reveals an issue of general identification with the EU and the European project among individuals, the European Union has sought to respond to this through specific means, particularly through the approach of shaping a greater sense of European identity for and among ‘Europeans’. This has been going through the European Commission’s financial contribution, and the Council of Europe’s establishment of a wide range of organisms, programs, or projects working to establish this identity through multiple aspects, for instance through cultural and legal aspects, as well as to increase identification with this sense of identity. This research seeks at conducting a close study of specific programs created or funded by the EU, and establishing this sense of European identity. Our findings suggest that the shaping of a sense of European identity has remained a challenge despite the institutions’ efforts in that sense, as the concept of European identity still represents an unclear, blurred concept for many people. Moreover, the outcomes of this research have highlighted the issues behind the process of identity-shaping in the case of European identity, that is the persisting lack of identification with this identity, as well as the shaping of an exclusivist identity, rather than an inclusive identity promoting integration and inclusion for all individuals.
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Mc, Cartney Michael. « Civics education and European identity / Samhällskunskapsundervisning och europeisk identitet ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för lärande och samhälle (LS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-29473.
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There is much debate over whether a common European identity or genuine citizenship can be created. A number of researchers claim that education can play a vital role in this area. The Swedish school curriculums also state that schools have a responsibility in this area. The purpose of my research was to find out if this was occurring in schools. I carried out an inquiry into the opinions and attitudes of students to civics education and European identity. I used a quantitative method of research which also allowed for expanded comments. The students I chose were not randomly selected and the survey questions allowed for in-depth responses. I chose civics education as my research area as it is best placed to educate students in this area. The perceptions of students to civics education and its relevance to the development of European citizenship and identity was compared to and analyzed with previous research. I also included two questions that were not specifically directed at civics but considered the school as a whole. My conclusion is that the majority of students perceive civics as being helpful in developing a sense of European identity. However, their understanding of European identity and citizenship is limited to a right to work and study elsewhere in Europe. There is a general lack of school projects that allow for students to learn with students from other European Union countries. Students have also not experienced being involved in community organizations and school projects that could further develop active citizenship. Their schooling is developing identification with a political community or sense of citizenship but not of a European social community.
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Mangkhala, Suwit. « European identity in the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) : two constructivist analyses ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521953.
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Wood, Stephen. « Germany, Europe and the persistence of nations : transformation, interests and identity 1989-1996 / ». Title page, abstract, contents and preface only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw879.pdf.
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Hansen, Peo. « Europeans only ? : essays on identity politics and the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-60606.
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The chief preoccupation of the dissertation revolves around the European Union's project of calling forth a collective sense of "European identity" amongst people in the Union. It focuses specifically on how the European Union's identity politics plays out once the ethnic minorities with immigrant background now living in the Union are brought into view. The main purpose can be described as twofold; involving, firstly, a mapping and examination of how the EU construes and defines the identity it seeks to mobilize, and, secondly, a thorough discussion of the types of consequences or implications that stem from this endeavour. In demonstrating the strong tendency on part of the EU to articulate a common identity for the Union in ethno-cultural terms — whereby the EU is conceived as primarily a cultural community whose members are said to share the same origin, cultural heritage, religion and history — the study goes to great length in discussing the excluding implications that an ethno-cultural identity politics gives rise to. The dissertation argues that such an ethno-cultural disposition partly must be seen in light of the European Union's gradual adjustment to a largely neoliberal order; an order which has worked restraining on the feasibility of a social and political articulation of identity and citizenship in the Union. An introductory chapter outlines the discourse theoretical approach which guides the analyses in five essays. The essays mainly explore how the European Union's discourse on identity manifests in various policy areas - immigration, citizenship and education - all of which in one way or another address the issues of culture, the multicultural society, ethnic exclusion, racism and the situation for ethnic minorities and migrants. The complex of problems concerning ethnic, cultural and social exclusion in today's European Union thus constitutes a central theme engaged with throughout the dissertation.digitalisering@umu
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Müller-Wille, Björn Wilhelm. « Thinking security in europe ? is there a European security and defence identity ? / ». [S.l. : s.n.], 2003. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=970705735.
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Rezmuves, Ildiko. « Selling Europe. Citizenship, identity and communication in the European Union's institutional discourse ». Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3219022.
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MEYER, Camille. « “We are Europeans” : Perspectives of European citizenship and identity in the European Union and Argentina ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361705.
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The European Union is a supranational structure of its own, created to bring peaceafter years of war on the ground of shared economic interests. In the 1970s, the polity started torealize its need of a European identity to further pursue its integration process efficiently, openinga door on a whole new sphere. This latter shift brought new issues on the table, questioning thefeatures of a common identity bringing the European countries of the Union together andeventually introduced the concept of EU citizenship as a condition of (EU)ropean belonging. Onthe other side of the Atlantic, Argentina has been on the quest of its own identity since theindependence from Spain in 1810. In the twentieth century, the country started to identify withEurope, resulting in the creation of a European identity in a non-geographically Europeancontinent and far from the concept of EU citizenship. This thesis seeks to study the differentunderstandings of a European identity. The leading question is: How are European citizenshipand European identity interwoven in the expression of belonging to Europe in the officialdiscourse in the EU and Argentina? According to a model of the sociologist Delanty, we willdeconstruct the concept of citizenship according to three features and look at citizenship as acommunity of Rights, a participatory behaviour and an identity with means of culturalcohesiveness and historical traditions in both the EU and Argentina’s official discourse. Ourfindings show, neither the study of EU rights and participatory behaviour of Eu citizens inArgentina allow us to understand the identification of Argentina with Europe, in opposition withthe EU. Indeed, being a European in the EU refers to belonging and participating in a politicalsphere and eventually could lead to a political identity. In Argentina being European refers to acultural, if not eugenic identity which can be explained by the history of the country.
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Tyrrell, Nicola. « European identity beyond boundaries : conceptualising a future European community ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26128.
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This thesis maintains that the study and practice of European integration is hindered by an unquestioned and all-embracing conceptual foundation, derived from 17th/18th century political thought. By virtue of identity-related assumptions including 'nation-state', 'nationalism', and 'sovereignty', which rest on an exclusive binary distinction between "self" and "other", this foundation is inadequate and anachronistic as a theoretical lens through which to understand the dynamics of contemporary Europe.Chapter 1 reveals the inadequacy of existing theories of European integration, and Chapter 2 traces this inadequacy to the issue of identity, tying it in with a modern identity crisis. It is argued that the theory and practice of European integration in the 1990's depends on a fundamental reconceptualisation of identity, to eliminate the conceptual rigidity of exclusive self/other binary distinction, and so to provide the basis for a new kind of European identity. In Chapter 3, the framework of a new "non-fixed", "non-essential" and pragmatic identity (and therefore European identity), beyond the self/other boundaries of contemporary thought, is elaborated through the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Derrida, and its effect on the study and practice of European integration is assessed.
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Wacogne, Emilie. « Le cinéma des héritiers de l'immigration en Europe ». Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2175.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la question du multiculturalisme qui traverse de 1993 à 2010 le cinéma des pays européens. Notre recherche vise en particulier à étudier le rôle joué par l’histoire de l’immigration dans la redéfinition du cinéma national, au sein des pays européens. Les pays retenus ont en commun d’avoir reçu des migrants avant 1989, et d’être agités par le débat sur l’identité dite nationale. Dans ce contexte post-industriel, nous constatons le succès national de comédies représentant les « héritiers de l'immigration », qui mettent en scène des identités culturelles dites hybrides en France, en Grande-Bretagne, en Allemagne. Nous observons ce même phénomène plus tardivement en Belgique, aux Pays-Bas ou en Suède. Les exemples de films analysés dans le cadre de cette thèse donnent à voir le long processus d' « intégration » et parfois d'assimilation de ces travailleurs immigrés au sein des pays européens. Le cinéma est devenu un moyen privilégié d’exprimer leur identité, avec la musique, la danse et les livres, pour les « héritiers de l’immigration ». Ces comédies constituent bien souvent un contre-champ à l'actualité. Dans ces films, des stratégies identitaires sont développées, reposant notamment sur la langue nationale. Il convient de souligner que ce choix de la comédie assure la conquête du grand public. Les «héritiers de l’immigration » contribuent notamment au renouvellement de la scène artistique du pays d’accueil, en en retravaillant les cadres symboliques de la culture de ces pays. Le local et le global s’entremêlent pour remodeler la représentation du cinéma dit national. En Grande-Bretagne et en France où ces mouvements transculturels sont les plus établis, cela se traduit par la construction de catégories, telle celle du cinéma « britanico-indo-pakistanais ». Ces catégories posent problème, car elles ne reflètent pas les diverses appartenances culturelles. Dans cette étude, nous aborderons notamment la question des cinéastes issus des minorités, « attendus » comme représentants de leur communauté. L’émergence de ces espaces transculturels redessine le concept du cinéma des pays européens, et souligne sa nature problématique et ses mouvances. Nous avons particulièrement étudié la construction d’espace transculturel. Le succès national de ces comédies, légitimées par des festivals en Europe, révèlent un problème de visibilité dans l’espace publicThis thesis examines the question of multiculturalism which spanned the cinema of some European countries from 1993 to 2010. Our research is aimed at studying the role played by the history of immigration in the redefinition of national cinema in European countries. The countries analysed welcomed migrants prior to 1989 and have since been shaken by debates on national identity. In this postindustrial period, we noticed the national success of comedies representing the " descendants of immigrants", in France, Great Britain, and Germany. We recently observed the same phenomenon in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden. The examples of movies analyzed reveal the long process of "integration" (and sometimes assimilation) of these guest workers in some European countries. Cinema, as well as music, dance, and literature, have become the arenas in which descendents of immigrants have expressed their hybrid identities. These comedies often reflect the opposite point of view of the news media. Some films are big box-office successes in their countries. The "descendants of the immigrants" contribute in particular to a renewal of the artistic scene of their country. The emergence of transcultural spaces in Europe reshapes national cinemas, and underlines the problematic nature
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Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel. « Bürgerschaft und kollektive Identität in Europa ». Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1341/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept kollektiver Identität werden drei Bürgerschafts-Modelle (republikanisches, liberales und cäsarisches) diskutiert. Bürgerschaft wird im Sinne von citizenship anstelle von Staatsbürgerschaft wegen deren etatistischer Konnotation in der deutschen Sprache verwendet.
Abschließend wird die europäische Bürgerschaft sowie deren korrespondierende kollektive Identität betrachtet.The article refers to collective identity as a sense of commonness between individuals that fosters a general commitment to the public interest. In order to establish the link between collective identity and citizenship, three models of citizenship are explored (republican, liberal and caesarean). Finally, the model of European citizenship and its corresponding collective identity are elaborated.
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Le, Beller Pierre. « Fédéralisme et identité européenne : contribution à une étude politique du phénomène Europe ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1002.
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Depuis les débuts de l'ère moderne, la formule fédérale s'est imposée de par le monde comme un moyen institutionnel de gestion de la diversité sociale et politique. Le système fédéral figure comme modèle idoine de constitution d'un ordre juridique composé. En tant que doctrine politique, le fédéralisme pose la question des appartenances collectives dans des termes différents des modèles identitaires classiques. Il offre une vision ouverte et inclusive du phénomène identitaire et ouvre sur une coexistence d'identités complémentaires dans un cadre institutionnel équilibré.La construction européenne déroge depuis ses débuts avec les principes fondamentaux du fédéralisme mais constitue une expérience nouvelle de communauté composée à fort potentiel intégrateur du point de vue politique et identitaire.L'analyse parallèle et complémentaire du phénomène Europe dans ses manifestations historiques les plus notables et du système fédéral dans ses fondements éthiques et moraux permet de mettre au jour une homologie saisissante entre l'idée d'Europe et le modèle fédératif, révélant dans le même temps les rigidités des forma mentis contemporaines restreignant le processus de constitution concrète d'un ordre politique fédéral européenSince the beginning of the Modern Era, the federal formula has been advocated worldwide as the adequate institutional tool to deal with politic and social diversity. It appears as a suitable model for the constitution of a compound legal order. As a political doctrine, federalism raises the question of collective membership in rather divergent terms compared to the classical identity models. Federalism offers an open and inclusive vision of identity phenomenons and guides towards a balanced institutional framework guaranteeing the coexistence of complementary identities.From its start, the European construction derogates with the core principles of federalism, constituting nevertheless a new experience of a compound community endowed with a strong political and identity integration potential.The parallel and comprehensive analysis of the Europe phenomenon in its most remarkable historical manifestations and the ethic and moral basis of the federal system reveals a strong homology between the idea of Europe and the federative model, as well as the rigidities of contemporary forma mentis restraining the process for the constitution of an actual European federal order
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Boukala, Salomi. « Greek media discourse and the construction of European identity : supranational identity, fortress Europe and Islam as radical otherness ». Thesis, Lancaster University, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.761667.
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Akyurek, Engin Ahmet. « Changing Conceptions Of European Identity And Shifting Boundaries ». Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604993/index.pdf.
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In the end of the 1980s and in the beginning of the 1990s Europe and the world witnessed the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the mid-1990s the member states of the European Union decided to enlarge the Union towards the Eastern Europe. Thus European integration entered into an unprecedented phase. Integration of the Eastern Europeans with the Western Europe contributed to the debates on the notions of European identity and the idea of Europe. Adherence of the East Europeans to the ideals of the Western European civilization brought up some questions about the changing identities and shifting boundaries of Europe. Various theories deal with the problems of identity in general and European identity in particular. However to a great extent they are limited within a rigid description of self-other relationship. They do not intend to investigate the real motives or purposes behind these transformations of the prevailing identities and shifting of the boundaries of Europe. So, it will be argued that, in order to understand construction/reconstruction process of the new European identity, one should also take into consideration the more dynamic effects on changing European identity and shifting borders of Europe.
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Bielawski, M., J. Jurišić, T. Lenz, Rusche T. Maxian et C. Nippert. « Via : communis Europa ; Europe's architecture in 2020 ». Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4845/.
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Bruhagen, Åsa. « European Identity-building and the Democratic Deficit - a Europe in search of its 'Demos' ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-557.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the last two decades the citizens’ trust in the European Union (EU) has decreased. It has been established that the Union suffer from a democratic deficit which has caused it to impose so called “identity-policies”. There is a need for the citizens to identify with the Union as a foundation of its legitimacy. But there is a problem since there is no clear idea of who constitutes “the people” in the European case.
Democratic theory presupposes a demos and a polity. The problem of the EU is that there are difficulties defining the ‘demos’ – there are difficulties identifying ‘the people’. The fact that the EU is in a situation where it has to deal with ‘peoples’ instead of a ‘people’ (demoi instead of demos) makes it more difficult since demos is closely related to the ‘nation’. Only nations may have states, thus the EU may not have a state. Hence it is difficult for the EU to conceptualize a demos, and without a demos there cannot be democracy. By arguing in this way the great need to create a ‘peoples’ Europe’ is understandable.
The thesis will concentrate on why there is a lack of a demos, or a “We-feeling”, within the Union, why this is a source of anxiety, and what possibly could unite the Union.
Attempts have been made to create a ‘European’ identity through constitution-making (however, a new constitution was recently rejected) and citizenship rights. The Union has also adopted a number of symbols to facilitate the citizens in identifying with the Union. Most of these symbols have been similar to those of the memberstates, thus, the Union has tried to use the methods of nation-building to overcome the legitimacy problem. Still, there is a lack of uniqueness of the Union. This may be for various reasons. Institution-building and constitution-making cannot alone provide democratic legitimacy; social practice and contestation must be included. This should take place in a public sphere but, in order to ‘have’ a public sphere, there must be a certain degree of collective identification.
It has also been claimed that there is a ‘European’ culture stemming from three ancient treasure houses (the ancient Near East, the ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire). Since culture is based on norms, i.e. customs, attitudes, beliefs, and values of a society, it is of importance to the Union when this is what politics are based on.
The study of this topic is relevant since the EU has an increased impact on the lives of its citizens, yet troubles to reach them. There is a lack of communication between the Union and its citizens and the democratic deficit becomes more and more obvious. The methods used by the Union do not seem successful and the issue of a European identity has become a source of anxiety.
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Aiello, Giorgia. « Visions of Europe : the semiotic production of transnational identity in contemporary European visual discourse / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6206.
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Gorgun, Tugrul. « The Impact Of The European Union Upon European Identity ». Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604995/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the making of the European identity concept under the impact of the European Union (EU) project. In order to define the structure of the European identity, theoretical and historical aspects have been scrutinised.
Besides, the Eurobarometers (EBs) have been used to analyse the condition of European identity perception among the people of the member countries. The results of the EBs data show that the popularisation of the European identity is
limited and the elite character of this identity seems dominant. The EU still lacks its common political identity, which forms a political agenda, and a supranational political identity. This thesis has concluded that the popularisation
of the European identity can ensure more political unity for the EU, and this unity can be realised only with a multiple identity perception including current strong identities of the Europe.
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Widmer-Schnyder, Florence Johanna. « Nineteenth-century women's narratives at the crossroads : problems of travel, genre, and identity / ». Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Pia, Aimilia. « Deconstructing European identity : the European Social Forum ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496162.
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Huertas, Roig Assumpció. « L'escola i la formació de la identitat europea en els adolescents. Tecnologia, Influències socialitzadores i convergència de múltiples identitas ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/8925.
Texte intégralRésumé :
de la tesiL'escola i la formació de la identitat europea en els adolescents.
Assumpció Huertas Roig
Ens trobem immersos en un procés de construcció europea on els avenços s'han produït a un ritme vertiginós. Les institucions europees cada cop han adquirit més poders de decisió, i el procés d'unificació ha abastat diversos àmbits, deixant de centrar-se tan sols en aspectes purament econòmics. Però perquè la democràcia avanci juntament amb aquest procés d'unió europea, és necessària la legitimitat viscuda i sentida d'aquestes institucions i de tot el seu procés de creació i evolució per part dels ciutadans. Tanmateix, a més de la legitimació formal, caldria aquella que es fonamenta en l'interès i la participació de tots els individus en els afers comunitaris; i aquests factors depenen, en gran mesura, del sentiment d'identitat europea existent i de la identificació amb Europa per part dels seus ciutadans.
Des de les elits polítiques europees es té la confiança en què la conscienciació de la legitimitat es pot resoldre pedagògicament. Monnet, un dels pares de la idea de la unitat europea, ja va afirmar: "Si hagués de començar una altra vegada, començaria per l'educació".
Aquest és un dels motius pels quals el present estudi se centra en l'àmbit educatiu. L'objectiu principal és conèixer empíricament fins a quin punt l'escola influeix en la creació de la identitat europea entre els adolescents, amb la intenció d'esbrinar com fomentar satisfactòriament aquest sentiment identitari des d'aquest àmbit.
Consegüentment, la pregunta inicial que ens plantegem en aquest estudi és: Com influeix l'escola en la formació de la identitat europea entre els adolescents, en àmbits on concorren múltiples identitats?
Per conèixer quin és el sentiment d'identitat europea que posseeixen els adolescents, com es relaciona dins l'entramat identitari, i quins agents són els principals influents en el procés de formació de les identitats, metodològicament s'utilitzen dues tècniques de recollida d'informació, que corresponen a les dues parts del procés d'aquest estudi: la quantitativa i la qualitativa.
Per l'anàlisi quantitativa s'empra un qüestionari d'opinió de caràcter descriptiu, amb el qual s'interroga als adolescents sobre els seus coneixements d'Europa, el seu grau de ciutadania, els sentiments identitaris, la seva acceptació de ciutadans i cultures extra-comunitàries, i finalment, les seves actituds i expectatives respecte a la Unió Europea.
La segona tècnica de recollida d'informació utilitzada és l'entrevista en profunditat semi-dirigida (anàlisi qualitativa), que ens proporciona una informació més completa sobre les identitats dels joves, els factors que influeixen en la seva formació i les relacions internes de complementarietat o conflicte que es poden crear dins l'entramat identitari de cada individu.
Els resultats de l'estudi confirmen la importància de l'escola com a agent clau en la formació de les identitats dels adolescents, des dels seus tres possibles àmbits d'influència: com a principal font d'informació i coneixements d'Europa, com a planificadora i realitzadora d'intercanvis escolars i com a educadora per a la ciutadania europea. Així mateix, també es comprova que el rol dels centres escolars en aquests tres àmbits no sempre obté resultats positius en el foment de la identitat europea. Es requereix que es compleixin unes certes condicions en la seva actuació. El descobriment d'aquests requisits ha resultat de cabdal importància per matisar quina ha de ser la tasca de l'escola i quins aspectes ha de potenciar si vol fomentar realment la identitat europea entre els adolescents.
En les conclusions es mostra, a través d'uns gràfics, quins factors influeixen en la formació de la identitat europea, i com actuen en l'entramat identitari juvenil. La família, -principalment els pares-, i l'entorn són els agents que més influeixen en el nivell primari de les identitats, que és el més subjectiu i emocional, a més de ser el que normalment determina la identitat principal dels individus, la més profunda i identificativa. Ja sigui per assimilació o rebuig, els adolescents adopten o canvien en part el llegat de les identitats paternes i ambientals. Contràriament, l'escola i els mitjans de comunicació, que resulten ser les principals fonts d'informació que reben els adolescents d'Europa, influeixen en el nivell secundari de les identitats, on l'entramat identitari se superposa i complementa. La seva influència és analitzada i seleccionada per part dels joves, resultant més informativa i racional que emotiva. Així doncs, l'escola no interfereix en la creació de la identitat primària i identificativa dels individus, sinó en la formació de les identitats complementàries; malgrat això, la seva influència pot resultar de cabdal importància en la creació de la identitat europea entre els adolescents si actua seguint uns objectius i uns paràmetres establerts.
Nowadays the cultural industry use socializational agents and marketing strategies trying to influence individuals identities. In view of the lack of european building's legitimacy by the citizens, political leaders try to increase the european identity between teenagers.Which agents have more influence? The mass communication power and the educational system. Consistently, the objective of this study is to analyze mass communication influence in the formation of european identity between teenagers.
This research is based, methodologically, in two sections: the quantitative and the qualitative one. The treatment of quantitative data have been realized by descriptive statistics, contingency boards and variables correlations using the SPSS programme.
Mass communication, and specially the television, are the second information source of Europe that teenagers receive. Although the high valuation of the media by teenagers, results of the study show that their influence is not so strong.
As a conclusion, there is necessary increase informations and kwnoledge of Europe in teenagers through mass communication. But the spread of any information is not enough. Is important to know cultural aspects of other countries and the advantatges that UE involve to all citizens of states members.
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Varon, Ari David. « Islam and Europe : reflections on religion state relations by European Muslim intellectuals ». Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://spire.sciences-po.fr/hdl:/2441/7o52iohb7k6srk09o02c1ck3i.
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Comment les intellectuels musulmans en Europe interprètent-ils les relations entre l’Etat et la religion ? Cette thèse propose une analyse comparative des discours de quatre intellectuels musulmans européens traitant de cette question. Nous étudions conjointement les nombreuses interprétations de l’Islam avec l’essor des relations religion-Etat depuis la paix de Westphalie (1648), ainsi que la coordination entre les communautés musulmanes d’Europe et les institutions étatiques, à travers les réseaux de politiques publiques islamiques relatives à l’Islam dans la sphère publique européenne. Cette recherche compare les discours d’intellectuels musulmans ayant une grande écoute dans la sphère publique Européenne, à savoir Bassam Tibi, Tariq Ramadan, Amr Khaled et Yusuf Qaradawi. Notre analyse compare les discours de ces quatre intellectuels dans un cadre d’analyse multidimensionnel qui comprend quatre catégories. La première est conceptuelle ; la deuxième est institutionnelle; la troisième, l’agenda social; enfin l’action politique et la mobilisation politique prescrite pour les musulmans en Europe. Cette recherche éclaire également l’étude des relations entre Etat et religion à la lumière de l’influence de l’immigration musulmane vers l’Europe et l’installation de Musulmans en tant qu’Européens durant les dernières décennies. Comprendre les perceptions de l’Islam en Europe comme étant influencées par le discours religieux européen tout en influençant celui-ci en retour permettrait de préciser le développement futur des relations entre les religions européennes et les Etats à la fois pour les chercheurs, les acteurs sociaux et les décideurs politiquesHow do Muslims intellectuals in Europe interpret religion state relations? The Ph. D. Dissertation performs a comparative discourse analysis (CDA) of four European Muslim intellectuals as each reflects upon religion state relations. The dissertation studies the multiple interpretations of Islam juxtaposed with the developing religion state relations since the Peace of Westphalia (1648) as well as the coordination between European Muslim communities and state institutions through Islamic policy networks relating to issues of Islam in Europe’s public sphere. The research compares the discourses of for Muslim intellectuals that are prominent in Europe’s public sphere: Bassam Tibi, Tariq Ramadan, Amr Khaled and Yusuf Qaradawi. The CDA compares the four intellectuals in a multi-dimensional framework comprising four categories. First is conceptual; second, institutional surrounding; third, social agenda; fourth, political action and political mobilization prescribed for Muslims in Europe. Studying the discursive presentations of Tibi, Ramadan, Khaled and Qaradawi the research reorganizes the principles of analyzing Islam and Europe opening the possibility of bridging potential obstacles and rigid interpretations of Islam and European identity. The research enlightens the study of religion state relations and the social establishment of Muslim as Europeans over the previous decades. Understanding the perceptions of Islam in Europe as simultaneously influenced by and influencing Europe’s religious discourse could elaborate the future development of European religions state relations for researchers, social organizers and policy makers
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Kulczak, Alana-Alice. « The European Union and its Citizens : Belonging together ? : A Case Study of European Identity within the Europe for Citizens Programme 2014-2020 ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95854.
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In recent years, the European Union has faced increased Euroscepticism and Nationalism. Fostering a sense of belonging of European citizens to and with the EU is crucial to ensuring its legitimacy. However, the EU stays relatively silent on the issue of European identity and how this identity is envisaged. Is the EU a purely political community or does it also have a cultural dimension? The Europe for Citizens Program offers a unique approach in uniting both dimensions of European identity under its objectives of fostering European remembrance and promoting civic participation by connecting them to the practice of active citizenship. This case study analyzed the conceptions of European Identity within the Europe for Citizens Program 2014-2020 and what role active citizenship plays in this context. Although the current program generation does not include an objective to foster European identity, this study found that promoting and constructing this identity in a civic and cultural dimension is a prominent part of the program. Through active participation of European citizens, a sense of belonging to and with the Union is supposed to be created. Europeans are said to belong to a political community that is based on shared cultural values that entail more than just a purely civic dimension.
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Ulbrich, Katharina. « La costruzione discorsiva dell'identità europea ». Master's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-108478.
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L'obbiettivo della tesi è la ricostruzione del discorso sull'identità europea. Inizialmente vengono rintracciate varie correnti di questo discorso su diversi livelli discorsivi (politico, scientifico e mass mediale). L'analisi empirica si rivolge poi sul dibattito sull'ingresso della Turchia nell'Unione Europea svoltasi nei mass media tedeschi ed italiani. A questo scopo vengono analizzati articoli di respettivamente tre grandi quotidiani per ogni area discorsiva (Germania ed Italia) che trattano la questione dell'ingresso della Turchia nell'UE. Il quadro metodologico si rifa alla analisi del discorso foucaultianoGegenstand der Diplomarbeit ist die Rekonstruktion des Diskurses zur europäischen Identität untersucht am Beispiel der Türkeibeitrittsdebatte in Deutschland und in Italien. Dazu wurden Beiträge aus jeweils drei überregionalen Tageszeitungen im Zeitraum 2005 einer wissenssoziologischen Diskursanalyse unterzogen
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Li, Xin. « European identity, a case study ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
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Gamberale, Carlo. « European citizenship and political identity ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6013/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The provisions of the EC Treaty on citizenship of the Union introduce a fundamental democratic element in the process of European political integration. The focus of integration is no longer on an economic factor of production (workers) but on politically self-determined citizens. Citizenship of the Union, however, does not constitute a full status of European citizenship, because of its incompleteness in terms of entitlements and its dependence on Member States' nationality. The development of Union citizenship into a complete status of citizenship depends on Member States' determination to transfer essential aspects of sovereignty to the Community and achieve full political integration. If Union citizenship is to evolve from the current form of derived status of Member States' nationality into a more complete and independent European citizenship, it must be followed by a parallel evolution in the field of collective identity of the citizens. In the EU legal order, citizenship, if taken in its `national meaning', could be a fundamental element in the consolidation of the Union as a `state-like phenomenon'. The current `national understanding' requires the existence of a common national identity (based on culture, language, traditions and in some cases ethnicity) to sustain the legal and political framework made of rights and obligations of membership. At European level, however, this approach is unlikely to work because of the different national and cultural identities of the people of Europe. Alternatively it is argued that Europe needs a radical change in the conception of citizenship and democracy to proceed in the direction of political integration. Only a strictly political European identity based on association and participation could co-ordinate the different allegiances that European citizens already have towards institutions and groups other than the Union, and at the same time create a common political bond among them. Despite this fundamental change, the extension of citizenship beyond the national boundaries should take place without endangering those citizens' rights, which have been developed in the context of the nation-state, in particular the principles of liberty and equality. The great challenge faced by the European Union consists in dissociating those rights from the tie of nationhood. On a point of eligibility, European political identity could not be used to exclude `cultural outsiders' from European citizenship, regardless of whether they come from a Member State or a third country. As European identity would lack a common cultural basis, the same concept of `cultural outsider' would not apply to European citizenship. As a result such type citizenship would be naturally open to non-European immigrants, who already reside in the Union, but who are excluded from national citizenship, and to prospective third country immigrants. The openness of a politically based European citizenship and identity contrasts with the restrictive European Union immigration and asylum policies (fortress Europe). In the absence of cultural or ethnic common grounds, fortress Europe seems to be based mainly on contingent economic reasons, such as the protection of the European labour markets and welfare systems. It appears that in the long term, due to demographic changes, these economic reasons might disappear together with the restrictive immigration policies. In the meanwhile, however, there seems to be no excuse for the non-integration of resident third country nationals into European citizenship.
36
Striessnig, Erich, et Wolfgang Lutz. « Demographic strengthening of European identity ». Wiley, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2016.00133.x/abstract.
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37
Bobick, Michael. « The Roma of Eastern Europe in Transition : Historical Marginalization, Misrepresentation, and Political Ethnogenesis ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1314105612.
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38
Sarikuzu, Hande. « Becoming European, Becoming Enemy : Mosque Conflicts And Finding A Permanent Place For Islam In Europe ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613038/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to problematize the cosmopolitan-spirited quest for a proper and permanent place for Islam and Muslim immigrants in Europe today, and to claim that the efforts to establish a European Islam cannot be thought in isolation from the efforts to consolidate a European identity. Since &ldquoEuropeanizing&rdquo
Islam is a process of inserting it into the politically acceptable formations of the secular in the European public sphere, not only does this project fail to offer a genuine alternative framework for belonging, or an authentic opportunity for dialogue, but also in fact consolidates the European civilizational identity on the one hand, and sustains the metanarrative about the Islamic threat on the other. The major argument of this thesis, therefore, is that the stranger (Muslim) is allowed to enter the host&rsquo
s secular space only under the conditions that construct Islam as the enemy. Forging a European Islam under the rules of secularism, without a radical interruption of the secular - religious division, and without referring to its implication in the discourses of Orientalism and racism, is ultimately a reconsolidation of the authority of the self-same European. This argument will be illustrated via a critical study of three cases of mosque debates in European cities.
39
Barkhof, Sandra. « European integration and European identity : case study : the European dimension in secondary schooling ». Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/436.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores some of the issues concerning the concept of European identity. In particular, the aim is to assess how far school education is a suitable method to foster a European identity and support for European integration. In this context, the thesis aims to investigate whether the historic and more recent political and national developments in England and Germany have resulted in different attitudes to European integration, European identity and subsequently to a European dimension in education. The analysis also compares the general attitude towards national and European identity and European integration in England and Germany and assesses if different attitudes have resulted in a different implementation of a European dimension in education. To facilitate this analysis, the political and national development in England and Germany as well as the emergence of the European idea and the history of European integration will be discussed. The assessment of a European dimension in secondary education in England and Germany includes an analysis of documentary material and selected curricula. In addition, a survey has been carried out among a sample of German and English head and subject teachers to explore aspects of the practical implementation of a European dimension. The findings show that there are significant differences between the two countries concerning their understanding and implementation of a European dimension in education. Many of these differences can be attributed to different attitudes to national and European identity and European integration.
40
Gebhardt, Barbara. « European identity and the Eastern borderlands of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22237.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis proposes that a genuine European identity may emerge in the eastern borderlands of the European Union. This perspective is based on two lines of thought: first, with the increasing challenges the European Union is currently facing, such as demands for regionalisation and EU enlargement towards the East, the progressive development of the European integration process can no longer rely on its citizens' permissive consensus, but is in need of a genuine 'European identity'; second, clues to a genuine European identity may be found in the Eastern borderlands of the European Union, because it is here - since the fall of the Iron Curtain - where it has become most evident that the term 'European' can no longer be viewed as interchangeable with Western Europe or the European Union (thus also excluding the Western European non-EU countries) and where the crude East-West division may now be replaced by a West/Central/East division. These two dimensions have created confusion about the exact meaning of Europe and the future of the European Union. The changing political geography seems to have left Europe and especially the European Union with a sense of disorientation. The effect has been the appearance of some pressing questions about Europe's core of identity, its geographical limits and the concept of Mitteleuropa. Within the European Union, the 'Europe 1992' project saw the gradual disappearance of internal frontiers. Together with Schengen, this has enhanced the EU's four freedoms and promoted the idea of the EU as an area open within itself. Free trade, interdependence, communication and transport have contributed to the decreasing importance of internal frontiers and have, in theory, brought the European peoples closer together. But the existence of a European identity still remains questionable. This is also triggered by the fact that the widening versus deepening debate has increasing challenged the European Union's problem of governance. It suggests that the overall European Union's attempts to create a European identity -as, for example, through the concept of European citizenship - have so far only been of symbolic importance and have not yet had the desired impact.
41
AYDIN, TUGBA. « Nationalism and European identity in the frame of European citizenship ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201045.
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42
Kap, Derya. « European Union & ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608066/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of &lsquoEuropean identity&rsquo
within the context of the European Union (EU) in terms of constructivist approach. This thesis is based on the idea that European integration project needs a shared identity
it is essential means for the success and continuity of an &lsquo
ever closer Union&rsquo
. In this context, the aim of the thesis is to find out the answers to the questions of whether the EU has a European identity
whether a post-national European identity is viable and desirable
if so, which model of identity is more viable and desirable. Through adopting the constructivist approach the main argument of this thesis is that a European identity is as a process and project. The thesis further argues European identity as a &lsquo
thin&rsquo
identity is still in the process of formation and its uncertain content and &lsquo
future-oriented&rsquo
character is open to new codifications. Accordingly, the thesis contains three main parts
the viable and desirable post-national European identity
the EU&rsquo
s identity building strategies
the impact of European integration and the effects of identity-building strategies on both national and European identities since the 1950s to present.
43
Cosan, Amy Michelle. « Turkey, identity, and European Union enlargement ». [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0000668.
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44
Ambjörnsson, Rebecka. « Embracing Complexity : New ways forward for identity scholarship in International Relations ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22722.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Insufficient theorizations about identification result in flawed conclusions about how actors in the international arena construct themselves and the Other. With references to fallacies of previous identification studies, the thesis at hand therefore argues for the necessity to contemporize research approaches. It asks the question “how could identification research in International Relations be improved?”. Based on a micro-level survey and interviews, the thesis can show how discourse, as well as inadequate conceptualizations and operationalizations, produce limited understandings of identification. The thesis recognizes several pitfalls that identification research must seek to avoid, for example: the uncritical acceptance of, and contribution to, dominant discourses, the reduction of identification into dichotomous categories, as well as the aiming for clear-cut, essentialist operationalizations. Research shows that identifications are ambiguous, fluid and contextual. Hence, identification research must embrace and encompass these traits in theorizations about the international system.
45
Hernandez, Pérez Adrian. « Vad är det som gör en europé till en europé ? : En undersökning om hur samhällskunskapslärare konceptualiserar en europeisk identitet och hur de undervisar om det ». Thesis, Jönköping University, Didaktik i Samhällsämnena, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-53422.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sedan det officiella bildandet av EU så har idén om en gemensam europeisk identitet funnits. Både EU och Sverige har försökt förverkliga denna idé – det finns däremot forskning som tyder på att det är ett tämligen svårdefinierat koncept. I läroplanen för gymnasieskolan finns en formulering rörande utvecklandet av elevernas europeiska identitet. I och med dess svårdefinierade natur så väcker det frågan kring hur lärare själva konceptualiserar en europeisk identitet, vilket besvarar föreliggande studies syfte. Dessutom är det meningen att synliggöra lärares resonemang kring möjligheter och utmaningar som finns med att undervisa om en europeisk identitet. Således har en kvalitativ intervjustudie genomförts där sju verksamma samhällskunskapslärare intervjuats och analyserats utifrån en social identitetsteori. Resultatet av studien visade att det saknas en samstämmighet bland lärarna gällande vilka aspekter som kan utgöra en del av en europeisk identitet. Sekularism, mångkulturalism och kontinentens historia framstod som de främsta aspekterna, men varenda aspekt ifrågasattes kontinuerligt av samtliga lärare. Det fanns en brist på möjligheter bland de intervjuade lärarna som menade att EU och identitet utgjorde självklara förutsättningar men att det kräver ett visst intresse från läraren själv. Vid talan om utmaningar så fann de intervjuade lärarna bland annat att det är en svårdefinierad fråga, ett obekvämt ämne för vissa lärare och framför allt en brist på förankring i ämnesplanen, vilket gör att det europeiska hamnar i skymundan. Den nationella och globala identiteten ges mer utrymme i ämnesplanen och således är det naturligt att dessa behandlas mer i klassrummet.Ever since the foundation of the European Union, the idea of a common European identity has existed. Both the EU and Sweden have tried to make this idea come into fruition – however, previous research indicate the difficulty in defining this concept. In the Swedish curriculum for upper-secondary school, there is a formulation regarding developing the students’ European identity. Due to its difficulty to define, it raises the question regarding how teachers themselves conceptualize a European identity, which explains the main purpose of this study. Another objective was to investigate teachers reasoning regarding the potential possibilities and challenges when teaching about a European identity. Therefore, a qualitative interview study was conducted where seven active civics teachers were interviewed and analyzed using a social identity theory. The results of the study pointed to a lack of consensus among the teachers regarding what aspects to include in a European identity. Secularism, multiculturalism and the continent’s history emerged as the most prevalent aspects; however, each aspect was continually disputed by every teacher. There was also a lack of possibilities presented. EU and identity were the most obvious in terms of core content, but it requires a certain interest from the teacher. The interviewed teachers brought up several challenges, including its difficulty to define, its uncomfortable nature and, above all, its absence from the course curriculum. This effectively sidelines the European identity from making any significant appearance. The national and global identity are present in the course curriculum and are therefore given a higher priority.
46
Kartomi, Margaret. « New Directions in the Discourse on Cultural and National Identity, with Special Reference to Europe and the European Union ». Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71772.
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47
Kretz, Lauren Ashley. « Integration and Muslim identity in Europe ». Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/33899.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The portrayal of collective identity of Muslim populations in Europe presents an increasingly important issue within identity politics. While European Muslims represent a diverse population that has experienced longstanding socio-political concerns, they are also increasingly portrayed in light of wider global perceptions of Islam in a post-9/11 era. Consequently, there is growing concern over a confusing of such pre-existing domestic issues and larger international problems of radical fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism. The misrepresentation of European Muslims as linked to such issues in turn often exacerbates domestic problems and contributes to an evolving sense of oppositional Muslim identity in Europe. In light of these concerns over inaccurate depictions of Muslims and their harmful effects, many of which will be expounded upon below, a more critical and deliberate approach is necessary in scholarly assessments of Muslim populations.
This thesis examines the situation of European Muslims amidst such portrayals of commonality and international influence. After discussing some facets of political identities and critiquing other approaches to this issue, the study focuses on the case of Muslims in France. Using the lens of universalism, I examine the context of Muslims in France and evaluate the accuracy of assertions of common identity. After illustrating the diversity of French Muslims, the study then turns to the situation of Muslims in Europe, comparing the French case with those of Great Britain and Germany. Finally, it returns to the recent French national identity debate for concluding remarks. The study demonstrates that, while portrayals of Muslims as a uniform threat to European identity are at present inaccurate and misleading, such assertions also carry potentially harmful effects in stigmatizing Muslims and contributing to oppositional identity formation.
48
Duarte, David. « La représentation de l'identité européenne ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO30006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Avec la signature du Traité de Paris en 1951, l’unité européenne est passée du domaine des rêves à celui de la réalité. Des institutions communes ont été créées, ainsi qu’un droit communautaire qui a harmonisé les législations des États membres et une citoyenneté supranationale reconnue. Pourtant, pouvons-nous affirmer que la communauté européenne existe ? Celle-ci, n’exige-t-elle pas également l’existence d’une représentation commune qui rassemble des peuples qui ont parcouru leurs histoires au rythme des conflits ? Y a-t-il un sentiment de coappartenance en Europe ? Nous soutenons que l’objet politique non identifié qu’est l’Union Européenne ne peut faire l’objet d’une représentation que s’il n’assume son europeanité. En d’autres termes, l’existence d’une communauté politique européenne consolidée est ici conditionnée à la représentation de l’identité européenne, à l’existence d’un ensemble de références partagées et donc fédérateur des différences qui la constituent. Il s’agira de questionner, dans un premier moment, les relations entretenues par l’Europe avec le temps et l’espace. Ceux-ci permettront alors de dégager les traits caractéristiques de l’européanité à l’origine d’un style européen. Ce style européen sera ensuite associé à la construction politique, comme le contenu doit être associé à la forme. Ce sera alors le moment pour questionner les modèles politiques européens de façon à savoir enfin lequel parmi l’État-nation et l’Empire est le plus adéquat au style européenWith the signature of the Treaty of Paris in 1951, european unity moved from the field of dreams to reality. Common institutions were created, as well as a community law that harmonised the laws of the member states and recognised supranational citizenship. However, can we say that the european community really exists? Doesn’t it also requires the existence of a common representation that brings together the people who have walked through their stories to the rhythm of conflicts? Is there a feeling of co-belonging in Europe? This thesis argues that the unidentified political object that is the European Union cannot be the object of representation if it does not assume its europeanity. In other words, the existence of a consolidated european political community is here conditional on the representation of european identity, that is, on the existence of a set of shared references that consequently unify the differences that make up the territory. Therefore, on a first approach, the relationships between Europe and the space-time dimensions are questioned. These will then allow us to bring out the characteristic features of europeanity that form an european style. This european style will then be associated with political construction, the same way that contents must be associated with form. This will then be the time to question the European political models so that we may know, between nation state or Empire, which is most appropriate to the european style
49
Kariya, Nicholas Charles. « European space policy and the construction of a collective European identity ». [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1468154.
Texte intégral
50
Khayrizamanova, Khayrizamanova Irina. « The (mis-) recognition of the identity of the European Union as an international actor : the discourse-historical analysis of the Russian political narrative ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/399997.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El objetivo principal de esta tesis es el análisis de la construcción discursiva tanto de la UE como de Rusia en torno a cuatro roles de la política exterior de la UE. En términos empíricos, el principal tema de este estudio es: ¿Cómo puede la interacción de las percepciones de una y otra, la UE y Rusia, contribuir a la explicación de las tensas relaciones UE-Rusia a nivel ideacional? y ¿de qué forma dicha dinámica contribuyó al clímax del conflicto reflejado en los acontecimientos de Ucrania? Con el objetivo de responder a esta cuestión esta tesis analiza cómo la Unión Europea se construye a sí misma en tanto que actor de política exterior, cómo estas auto-representaciones reverberan en el contra-discurso ruso y qué repercusiones tienen estas imágenes reflejadas en las interacciones entre ambos actores a nivel ideacional y en sus acciones de política exterior.
Los procedimientos empíricos están basados en el marco analítico y teórico que está estrechamente relacionado con los supuestos básicos de la agenda de investigación constructivista y postestructuralista: es decir, la fuerza constitutiva de las declaraciones políticas y la percepción de que la identidad es el resultado de la interacción entre el Yo y el Otro. El marco analítico adopta el significado amplio de la identidad como “un sentimiento de individualidad” que se basa en los siguientes criterios: autonomía, unidad, capacidad y representaciones ideacionales sujetas al juicio externo.
La parte empírica de la tesis ha revelado que el contra-discurso ruso exhibe una amplia gama de reacciones discursivas que van más allá de la dicotomía convencional reconocimiento/no-reconocimiento. Así, Rusia ha manifestado una tendencia visible a desafiar y cuestionar las imágenes de auto-adulación de la UE basadas en su carácter de actor con una identidad distintiva. Este patrón de no-reconocimiento que prevalece en la narrativa política rusa ha creado preferencias conflictivas, intensificadas por la resistencia recíproca de la UE a estas imágenes reflejadas, las cuales a su vez ponen en duda el status de Rusia como un “Otro significativo” y “socio estratégico”. Por consiguiente, en su “lucha por el reconocimiento de status” ambos actores se encuentran presos en el círculo vicioso y autorreforzante del no-reconocimiento recíproco. La dificultad para evitar este hecho nace de su conceptualización en términos de jerarquía y securitización derivando en medidas extraordinarias como la participación de Rusia en la crisis en Ucrania.The principle object of this thesis is the analysis of the EU and Russian discursive construction of four EU foreign policy roles. The main empirical question of the study is: How can the interplay of the EU-Russian perceptions contribute to the explanation of the strained EU-Russian relations at the ideational level and how did these dynamics contribute to the climax of the conflict as presented by the Ukrainian events? In order to answer this question this thesis proceeds with the analysis of how the European Union constructs itself as a foreign policy actor, how these self-representations reverberate in the Russian counter-discourse and what repercussions these mirror images have on the interactions between both actors at the ideational level and foreign policy outcomes. These empirical steps are based on the analytical and theoretical framework which is closely linked with the core assumptions of the constructivist and poststructuralist research agenda, namely the constitutive force of political utterances and the view that identity is the result of the interaction between Self and Other. The analytical framework accepts the all-embracing understanding of identity as ‘a feeling of Selfhood’ that consists of the following criteria: autonomy, unity, capability and ideational representations that are subject to external judgment. The empirical part of the thesis revealed that Russian counter-discourse exhibited a wide gamut of discursive reactions that go beyond the conventional recognition/misrecognition dichotomy. However, Russia manifested a conspicuous tendency towards challenging and contesting the EU’s self-ingratiating images as an established actor characterized by distinctive identity. These misrecognition patterns prevalent in Russian political narrative created conflictual predilections intensified by the EU’s reciprocal resistance to these mirror images, which in turn cast into doubt Russia’s status as a ‘Significant Other’ and ‘strategic partner’. Therefore, in their ‘struggle for recognition of the status’ both actors found themselves caught in the vicious and self-reinforcing cycle of mutual mis- and non-recognition. The difficulty to avoid it originates from its framing in the terms of hierarchy and securitization leading to extraordinary measures like the Russian involvement in crisis in Ukraine.