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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Hungary – Economic policy – 1968-1989 »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Hungary – Economic policy – 1968-1989"

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Comisso, Ellen, et Paul Marer. « The economics and politics of reform in Hungary ». International Organization 40, no 2 (1986) : 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027193.

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Reform of the domestic economic system is the distinctive element of Hungary's foreign economic strategy in the 1980s. The need for systemic economic reform stems from Hungary's status as a small country, heavily dependent on foreign trade, many of whose imports can no longer be met within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance alone. The many obstacles to economic reform lie in a heritage of policy choices that responded to domestic and CMEA supply constraints rather than to principles of comparative advantage. Such policies undercut the initial economic reform in 1968 and contributed to a major economic crisis in 1979–82. The subsequent changes in policy priorities and institutional mechanisms prompted by this crisis aimed to reduce Hungary's insulation from the larger international economy and make the economy more efficient. Politically, economic reform is possible in Hungary largely because of the impact of the 1956 revolt on both the subsequent composition of the political elite and the norms and features of collective leadership that guided its decision making afterwards. Nevertheless, the political and economic structures on which collective leadership rests weaken reform advocates and obstruct consistent implementation of their policy preferences. Yet Hungary's economic situation in the late 1970s altered the political balance offerees in favor of reformists, permitting them to alter both economic structures and policies.
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Skyba, Ivanna. « ECONOMIC REFORMS IN HUNGARY (LATE 1950s – 1960s.) ». Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series : History, no 2 (47) (20 décembre 2022) : 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(47).2022.267357.

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The article is devoted to the characteristics of economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic carried out in the late 1950s-1960s by representatives of the reformist wing of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) under the leadership of J. Kadar. It is noted, in particular, that the ultimate success of the ruling communist regime was the economic reform, the main provisions of which came into effect on January 1, 1968, having received the name "a New economic mechanism." The reform anticipated the transition from a centralized directive-planning system to an indicative one, i.e., the elements of market-based relations were introduced along with the existing socialist planned economy. As the study pointed out, liberal transformations in Hungary resulted from J. Kadar's policy of consolidation and social harmony after the revolutionary events of 1956, and their goal was primarily to increase the population's welfare. Both the best Hungarian economists and political figures took an active part in developing essential reforms under the chairmanship of the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party Rezső Nyers, Prime Minister Jenő Fock, Vice Prime Minister Lajos Fehér. It is emphasized that the economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic brought the following changes: mandatory planning tasks were canceled, material incentives appeared, pricing practices changed, liberalization of agriculture took place, and small-scale production with the simultaneous functioning of large cooperative farms originated. Based on the developed scientific material, it was concluded that the most significant successes were in agriculture. However, after the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the liberal changes in Hungary, which destroyed the directive management system, caused dissatisfaction among the communist leaders of the countries of the socialist camp and in the Kremlin. There were also many opponents of reforms in the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and in the party-state apparatus, which ultimately led to the collapse of the New economic mechanism in 1972–1973. Based on the analysis of specialized domestic and foreign publications, the author points out that the amount of scientific literature on the studied issues in modern Ukrainian historical science is insufficient.
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Süli-Zakar, István. « The Formation of Social and Economic Peripheries in Hungary after the Change of Regime ». Landscape & ; Environment 10, no 3-4 (13 septembre 2016) : 179–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21120/le/10/3-4/11.

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The Hungarian industrial revolution started in the second half of the 19th century, which caused therevaluation of the geographical peripheries in Hungary. After the Trianon Treaty the rural areas of Hungarylost their foreign markets and became the "country of three million beggars". The socialist industrializationof the systems of Rákosi and Kádár absorbed the surplus of rural labour, but the industrializationmeant the redistributive exploitation of the agricultural areas and the further impoverishment. Afterthe political transition in 1989, the rural Hungary could not be the "pantry of the Council for MutualEconomic Assistance", and the final crisis of the Hungarian agricultural sales finalized the deformationof the three-quarters of Hungary, the major part of the rural areas in Hungary. In the recent decades thebrain drain worked in the Hungarian peripheries, the disinvestment and the pauperization increased.The emerging of the new latifundia and the monoculture commodity production operate independently,separated from the Hungarian rural people in the sense of ownerships and production. As the result ofthese negative processes, significant part of the society in the peripheral areas declassed. In this hopelesssituation awareness only a conscious regional policy and above all, a very well-considered education isonly able to offer a chance for break
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Pula, Besnik. « Socialism Betrayed ? Economists, Neoliberalism, and History in the Undoing of Market Socialism ». Historical Materialism 23, no 4 (27 novembre 2015) : 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341426.

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Through an historical analysis of the transnational practices of economists during the Cold War, Johanna Bockman rejects the narrative that the revolutions of 1989 represented the victory of ‘Western economics’, and especially neoliberalism, over ‘East-European socialism’. Rather, Bockman shows that the space of exchange, as well as policy experimentation in socialist states such as Yugoslavia and Hungary, led to the articulation of alternative, decentralised, ‘market socialisms’ from the 1950s up until the 1980s. Instead of operating within separate and incommensurable paradigms of ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ economics, Bockman shows how neoclassical theory and its long tradition of comparing distinct economic systems became the centralepistemeallowing for the transnational exchange of ideas between economists of both the East and the West. This review-essay evaluates the book’s central claims but argues that the book stands on weaker ground when arguing that a reformed socialism was a viable option in Eastern Europe after 1989.
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Skyba, Ivanna. « The state and Protestant Churches in Hungary in 1948 – 1989 ». Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series : History, no 2 (45) (25 décembre 2021) : 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.247275.

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The purpose of the article is to characterize the activities of the largest and most influential Protestant churches in Hungary: Reformed (Calvinist) and Lutheran (Evangelical). These religious denominations along with the Catholic denomination belong to the so-called historical churches of Hungary. The chronological framework is the following: 1948 – the year of the communist regime’s rapid attack on the political, economic, educational activities of the Reformed and Lutheran churches and the signing of a compromise cooperation agreement with them, which lasted until 1990. 1989 – the liquidation of the State Administration for Churches, socio-political transformation in Hungary, which resulted in gaining absolute freedom. Based on Hungarian historiography, the relations between the Protestant churches and the state during the reign of Janos Kadar (1956 – 1988), called by Hungarian researchers the Kadar era, and are analyzed. It was Janos Kadar, the leader of the “soft dictatorship”, who managed to turn the Hungarian People’s Republic into “the funniest barracks in the socialist camp”. The background for the successful policy of the Hungarian government after the revolutionary events of 1956 was the achievement of social harmony, including through great tolerance and flexibility in the religious sphere. The article notes that representatives of the Reformed and Lutheran churches did not take an active part in the preparations for the events of 1956, but pastors and congregations supported the revolution. It is stressed that the relations with the Protestant denominations were settled specifically during the 50s of the twentieth century; the authorities managed to turn part of the clergy into their allies. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, it is identified that relations were compromise in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century, as the leadership of the Reformed and Lutheran churches helped the government to pursue the policy of the Popular Front in the struggle for socialism. Owing to it, no one was persecuted for their religious beliefs. In the 1980s, the state’s influence on historical churches gradually weakened, and processes leading to socio-political transformation in the late 1980s started, and as a result, churches in Hungary gained absolute freedom.
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Kassai, Piroska, et Gergely Tóth. « Agricultural Soil Phosphorus in Hungary : High Resolution Mapping and Assessment of Socioeconomic and Pedological Factors of Spatiotemporal Variability ». Sustainability 12, no 13 (1 juillet 2020) : 5311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12135311.

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Over-fertilization before 1989 resulted in high phosphorus levels in agricultural soils of Hungary, but the accumulated reserves seem to have been depleted in recent decades due to under-fertilization. The aims of this study were to map the spatial pattern of phosphorus level and its change in the last few decades in Hungary to document the effect of fertilization and underlying socio-economic conditions on P concentrations, to identify the role of soil properties in changing soil soluble P and to quantify the total amount of soluble phosphorus level change in agricultural areas in the last few decades in the country. Two soil datasets were analyzed (National Pedological and Crop Production Database of Hungary and the Land Use/Land Cover Area Frame Survey, LUCAS, topsoil dataset), representing the status of soil nutrient contents in 1989 and in 2009. The measured phosphorus concentrations were compared to the reported phosphorus fertilization inputs. We also evaluated the effect of some important soil properties on soluble phosphorus content and on its change. We produced three maps by using kriging methods: soluble phosphorus levels in 1989, in 2009 and the change between 1989 and 2009. The results confirmed that phosphorus levels in agricultural areas depend mainly on agricultural use, while soil physical characteristics play a smaller role. Nevertheless, we demonstrated that the decrease in soil phosphorus levels was significantly influenced by soil chemistry (pH and CaCO3 content). The mean soluble phosphorus level was 108 mg/kg in 1989 and 28 mg/kg in 2009, and the median values were 100 and 22. The total loss (caused by harvesting, fixation and erosion) is ~1.5 million tons of soluble phosphorus, which is twice as much as the reported phosphorus balances indicated. In conclusion, our results show that approximately 50% of agricultural areas in Hungary are characterized by a very low supply of phosphorus (according to the latest data), posing a risk of nutrient depletion in these areas.
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Olejnik, Maciej. « A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties : The Cases of Poland and Hungary ». Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no 2 (2020) : 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-178.

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Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.
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Frankland, E. G., et R. H. Cox. « The Legitimation Problems of New Democracies : Postcommunist Dilemmas in Czechoslovakia and Hungary ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 13, no 2 (juin 1995) : 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c130141.

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After 1989 the countries of Eastern Europe embarked upon new directions away from central economies and one-party systems towards market economies and democratic systems. The courses of these political and economic transformations largely depended upon the ability of the emerging regimes to create legitimacy. In particular, those regimes which suffered from greater political divisiveness and significant economic problems were more likely to be confronted with a crisis of legitimacy. In this paper, the legitimation crisis theory is examined for post-communist Czechoslovakia and Hungary. It is found that the developments in Czechoslovakia and Hungary during this early transition period support the hypothesis, and, in addition, they hold implications for the survival of other transitional regimes as well as those in the West which have increasingly been confronted with questions of legitimacy.
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Birtalan, Iván. « A Magyar Orvosi Kamara, mint első polgári mozgalom újraalakításának szubjektív története. Az újkori orvostörténelem egyik nagy eseménye ». Kaleidoscope history 10, no 21 (2020) : 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2020.21.37-46.

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“General of Hungarian Medical Chamber (MOK), recalled my memory, about the history, purpose and goals of the MOK.” Re-founded in 1988, the MOK has previously been prohibited for decades since it ceased to exist after the World War 2, because 1945 it was deemed a fascist corporation. In its newly founded structure between 1988 and 1989, the MOK became soon the body for representing ethical, professional, social and health policy interests of medical doctors. Efforts of the MOK re-foundation turned out as a historical victory of the medical doctors’ community during the political changes of the socio-economic system in Hungary.
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TAVITS, MARGIT, et NATALIA LETKI. « When Left Is Right : Party Ideology and Policy in Post-Communist Europe ». American Political Science Review 103, no 4 (20 octobre 2009) : 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990220.

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According to the classic partisan theory of spending, leftist parties are expected to increase government spending, and rightist parties are expected to decrease it. We argue that this relationship does not hold in post-Communist countries, where in the context of dual transition to democracy and to a market economy, leftist parties have had stronger incentives and better opportunities to enact tighter budgets, whereas rightist parties were compelled to spend more in order to alleviate economic hardships. We illustrate this theoretical argument with case studies from Hungary and Poland. We then test and find support for our theory by considering the influence of cabinet ideology on total, health, and education spending in thirteen post-Communist democracies from 1989 to 2004. We explore various alternative explanations and provide further narratives to support our causal argument.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Hungary – Economic policy – 1968-1989"

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Amer, Lutfi. « De la phase destructrice de l'économie planifiée à la formation d'une économie périphérique en Europe de l'Est : essai sur le cas hongrois ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212948.

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LORENTZEN, Jochen. « Opening up Hungary to the world market : external constraints and opportunities 1982-1992 ». Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5266.

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Defence date: 11 June 1993
Examining board: Prof. Susan Strange (European University Institute, supervisor) ; Prof. Robert Waldmann (European University Institute, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Tamás Bácskai (International Training Center for Bankers, Budapest) ; Prof. Patrick Messerlin (Institut d'Études Politiques, Paris) ; Prof. Louis Pauly (University of Toronto)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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KELLER, Judit. « Patterns and Dynamics of European Subnational Governance : Institutional Transformations in Hungarian Micro-regional Associations 1990-2006 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14377.

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Defense date: 15/06/2010
Examining Board: László Bruszt (EUI) (Supervisor), Michael Keating (formerly EUI/Univ. Aberdeen), Ilona Kovács Pálné (Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Pécs), Carlo Trigilia (Univ. Florence)
This research represents a longitudinal study of changing patterns of governance in six microregions in Hungary. Its findings indicate that the dominant trend was a move from a nonhierarchical mode of governance, including integrated developmental policy making by diverse local state and non-state actors in the early 1990s, towards fragmented and hierarchical modes of governance by the 2000s. By the time Hungary had moved closer to EU accession, non-hierarchical and inclusive institutional solutions (heterarchies) had started to disappear from micro-regional governance in comparison to the early 1990s. Only a few micro-regional collaborations could survive the Europeanization of sub-national governance. These evolutionary trends were mainly shaped by domestic factors, the EU having only indirect influence on the process through providing the central state with prerogatives near the end of the decade to control regional and sub-regional development policy. This is only part of the story, however. Pre-accession support programs had also strengthened the governance capacities of sub-national state and non-state actors and enabled local political entrepreneurs to organize micro-regional territorial development through heterarchies even in the face of asymmetric power constellations between central governments and local state and non-state actors. The basic underlying assumption of this research, based on heterodox development theories, is that there is an interplay between heterarchic governance patterns and socioeconomic development. The case studies confirm that in an unstable and swiftly changing political, economic and institutional environment, heterarchic institutional solutions are necessary to maintain at least an average developmental level or to change a development path.
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Valla, Edward J. « The Czechoslovakian reaction to perestroika : an examination of political and economic change in Czechoslovakia from 1985 to 1990 ». 1991. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2488.

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Livres sur le sujet "Hungary – Economic policy – 1968-1989"

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Boote, Anthony R. Economic reform in Hungary since 1968. Washington, DC : International Monetary Fund, 1991.

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Bönker, Frank. The political economy of fiscal reform in Eastern Europe : Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic from 1989 to EU accession. Cheltenham, UK : Edward Elgar, 2006.

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Boer-Ashworth, Elizabeth de. The global political economy and post-1989 change : The place of the Central European transition. Basingstoke : Macmillan Press, 2000.

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The global political economy and post-1989 change :b the place of the Central European transition /Elizabeth De Boer-Ashworth. New York : St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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1948-, Davis Christopher, Charemza Wojciech et Conference on Modelling of Disequilibrium and Shortage in Centrally Planned Economies (1987 : University of Birmingham), dir. Models of disequilibrium and shortage in centrally planned economies. London : Chapman and Hall, 1989.

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Salmen, Hubert. Am Pulsschlag der Wirtschaft : Veröffentlichungen, 1968-1989. Spardorf : R.F. Wilfer, 1989.

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Šulc, Zdislav. Psáno inkognito : Doba v zrcadle samizdatu, 1968-1989. Praha : Ústav pro soudobé deǰiny AV ČR, 2000.

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Šulc, Zdislav. Psáno inkognito : Doba v zrcadle samizdatu (1968-1989). Praha : Ústav pro soudbé dějny AV ČR, 2000.

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Stanislaw, Gomulka, dir. Stanisław Gomułka i transformacja polska : Dokumenty i analizy 1968-1989. Warszawa : Wydawn. Nauk. Scholar, 2010.

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Affairs, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign. United States economic programs for Poland and Hungary : Hearings and markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs and its Subcommittees on Europe and the Middle East and on International Economic Policy and Trade of the House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session, on H.R. 3402, September 20 ; October 4 and 11, 1989. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1990.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Hungary – Economic policy – 1968-1989"

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Dániel, Luka. « Teaching Land Law : Controversy and Land Policy in Hungary from 1948 to 1968 ». Dans Different Approaches to Economic and Social Changes : New Research Issues, Sources and Results, 146–57. Working Group of Economic and Social History Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Pécs, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/seshst-02-13.

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Topic of the study. During the harsh Stalinization from 1948 agriculture had to be collectivized while land was not nationalized by decree as the Bolsheviks did in Russia in 1917. The Soviet legal system was a pattern for jurists but the differences made the transition to “socialism” more rugged and controversial. The legal scholars had to interpret a situation which had to develop further to full “socialization”. In order to do that, a “cooperative law” and a “land law” had to be created and taught as part of “agricultural law”. Research questions and methods. Land law consisted of regulations regarding private farmers and collective agricultural producers (cooperatives, state farms etc.), theoretically in the whole research period. How did the agrarian, cooperative and land policy affect legal theory on land tenure system? What kind of scientific dispute emerged on this matter and how did the attempts of codification of land law affect legal education? Various types of sources were evaluated, for instance protocols of council meetings of the faculty of law of two universities, archival sources, articles and studies from authors who taught land law and took part in its debate and codification. Results and conclusions. Law was used as a tool to boost transformation, and the lawmakers and jurists faced a paradox situation in which there was a need of codification of land law and to make it independent from other branches of law. On the one hand, jurists argued like Gyula Eörsi and Miklós Világhy that civil law had primatus in the legal system and property relations had to be included in that part of legislation during the “transition period”. On the other hand, many jurists, for instance Iván Földes, Imre Seres claimed that cooperative law or/and land law were separated branches of law despite the fact that mass collectivization was not completed until the spring of 1961.
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Pavletits, Péter. « The Golden Age of Narrow-Gauge Railways in Hungary after World War II until the Transport Policy Concept of 1968, Through the Example of the Szerencs-Prügy Narrow-Gauge Railway ». Dans Different Approaches to Economic and Social Changes : New Research Issues, Sources and Results, 179–95. Working Group of Economic and Social History Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Pécs, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/seshst-02-16.

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The purpose of my study. The main target of my study was to survey the golden age of the Hungarian narrow-gauge railways from the and of WWII until the Transport Policy Concept of 1968. Beside the survey, I examined the impact of the Transport Policy Concept of 1968 on the narrow -gauge railways, especially at the Szerencs-Prügy narrow-gauge railway. Applied methods. Literature review including the history of the Hungarian narrow-gauge railways in the time frame of World War II and 1968. We involved sources from monographies, our own data from researches of archives, especially from MÁV Archive, and local newspapers of the above mentioned period. Outcomes. After WWII ended, notable narrow-gauge railway constructions begun, so we can call apostrophe the quarter century as the second golden age there history, however from the early 1960’s the communist regime did not sympathize with narrow-gauge railways (New Economic Mechanism in 1968). Therefore the railway system, which was more than 5000 kilometres long before, constantly began to diminish. Nowadays only 5% of the original system has left (245 kilometers) and today narrow-gauge railways – beside four lines - have only touristical funtion. Economic policy recommendations. With the implementation of the transport policy concept, 30% of the low-traffic lines and stations were closed by diverting their traffic to the road. These measures have done a lot of damage to domestic transport. The rate of closure of the sidelines was well above the level of similar measures of the European railways, but the road development did not take place to the extent planned and the loading engineering and other development measures necessary for the successful implementation of the concept were largely cancelled. The leftover railway network could not become an engine for the development of transport, its performances decreased and road transport took over the tasks of the railways even in areas where the railway proved to be more uneconomic.
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Rupnik, Jacques. « The East–West Divide Revisited 30 Years On ». Dans Europe's Transformations, 85–100. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895820.003.0006.

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Thirty years after the end of the Cold War and the division of the continent, are we witnessing a renewed east–west divide in Europe? Fifteen years following the enlargement of the European Union to countries of central and eastern Europe, are we witnessing mere political differences or is there an emerging divergence between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ EU member states on issues as fundamental as democracy and the rule of law? The triggering of Article 7 of the Lisbon Treaty against Poland and Hungary suggests the latter. This is the interpretation favoured in the media or in declarations of political figures on both sides of a newly restored dividing line. In the west, it tends to be perceived as a challenge to the European project and sometimes even as a justification for reservations regarding the very idea of the EU’s eastward expansion. In the Visegrád Group, there are claims of being treated as second-class members of the EU and resentment of alleged double standards and interference from Brussels, sometimes compared to pre-1989 control from Moscow. How can this triple divide on democracy, migration, and societal issues—three aspects of European liberalism—be accounted for after a quarter-century of unprecedented economic, political, and institutional convergence? One place to start is the misunderstandings concerning the process and meaning given to the post-1989 EU integration process (‘enlargement to the east’ or ‘European unification’). Different security concerns and threat perceptions (east versus south) also remain an obstacle in shaping a Common Foreign and Security Policy. There are deeper historical and cultural differences, the understanding of which is important to avoid recent divisions becoming fault lines. Finally these trends should be understood not as irreconcilable differences, but as a specific and acute version of a transeuropean crisis of democracy.
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Gáspár, Pál. « Exchange Rate Policy in Hungary Between 1989 and Mid 1995 ». Dans Exchange-Rate Policies for Emerging Market Economies, 333–49. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429039546-17.

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Breslauer, George W. « Varieties of Opposition to Bureaucratic Leninism in Eastern Europe, 1968–1985 ». Dans The Rise and Demise of World Communism, 223–36. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197579671.003.0033.

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Brezhnev’s Bureaucratic Leninism was broadly emulated (or imposed) in East European communist regimes. But it was controversial and led to many rejections. The Prague Spring of 1968 was an effort to democratize the communist party from within. It was crushed by Warsaw Pact troops. Poland experienced a repeated wave of worker rebellions, as well as a cross-class alliance that resulted in Solidarity almost coming to power, until it was crushed in 1981 by Polish special-service troops. Hungary experimented with narrow-scope marketization of its economy, insufficient to create prosperity, but enough to avoid the extent of economic stagnation plaguing the Soviet Union. All these set the stage for Gorbachev’s reforms.
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Kozerska, Ewa, et Tomasz Scheffler. « State and Criminal Law of the East Central European Dictatorships ». Dans Lectures on East Central European Legal History, 207–39. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ps.loecelh_9.

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The chapter is devoted to discussing constitutional and criminal law as it existed in selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe between 1944 and 1989 (Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Romania, Hungary, and Poland). As a result of the great powers’ decisions, these countries came under the direct supervision of the Soviet Union and adopted totalitarian political solutions from it. This meant rejecting the idea of the tripartite division of power and affirming the primacy of the community (propaganda-wise: the state pursuing the interests of the working class) over the individual. As a result, regardless of whether the state was formally unitary or federal, power was shaped hierarchically, with full power belonging to the legislative body and the body appointing other organs of the state. However, the text constantly draws attention to the radical discrepancy between the content of the normative acts and the systemic practice in the states mentioned. In reality, real power was in the hands of the communist party leaders controlling society through an extensive administrative apparatus linked to the communist party structure, an apparatus of violence (police, army, prosecution, courts, prisons, and concentration and labor camps), a media monopoly, and direct management of the centrally controlled economy. From a doctrinal point of view, the abovementioned states were totalitarian regardless of the degree of use of violence during the period in question. Criminal law was an important tool for communist regimes’ implementation of the power monopoly. In the Stalinist period, there was a tendency in criminal law to move away from the classical school’s achievements. This was expressed, among other means, by emphasizing the importance of the concept of social danger and the marginalization of the idea of guilt for the construction of the concept of crime. After 1956, the classical achievements of the criminal law doctrine were gradually restored in individual countries, however – especially in special sections of the criminal codes – much emphasis was placed on penalizing acts that the communist regime a priori considered to be a threat to its existence. Thus, also in the field of criminal law, a difference was evident between the guarantees formally existing in the legislation and the criminal reality of the functioning of the state.
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Wescoat, James L. « Water Resources ». Dans Geography in America at the Dawn of the 21st Century. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233923.003.0030.

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Water resources geography expanded its spatial, regional, and intellectual horizons during the 1990s. Tobin et al. (1989) reviewed earlier US geographers’ contributions to the hydrologic sciences, water management, water quality, law, and hazards; and they identified three emerging topics: (1) theory development and model formulation; (2) applied problem-solving and policy recommendations; and (3) international water problems. This chapter assesses progress along those and other fronts, beginning with historical and disciplinary perspectives. Charting the progress of a field requires a sense of its history, and Platt’s (1993) review of geographic contributions to water resource administration in the US offers a useful perspective on policy-related research, beginning with George Perkins Marsh and John Wesley Powell. Doolittle (2000) reaches back to Native American antecedents in water resource management in North America (cf. chapters in this volume on cultural ecology, historical geography, and Native American geography). Carney (1998) sheds light on African influences on rice cultivation in the southeastern US. Research on European antecedents ranges from seventeenth-century “hydrologic” theories in England (Tuan 1968) to hydraulic engineering at the École des Ponts et Chausées in France, water courts in Spain, and more distant Muslim and Asian contacts (e.g. Beach and Luzzader-Beach 2000; Bonine 1996; Butzer 1994; Lightfoot 1997; Swyngedouw 1999; Wescoat 2000). In the field of water law and institutions, Templer (1997) has linked recent geographic work on Western water laws with earlier research in political geography. A historical geographic study of water rights transfers from irrigated ranches in the South Platte River headwaters to Denver, Colorado, has shed new light on how urban economic and political power employ and reshape water law (Kindquist 1996). The battle between Owen’s Valley and Los Angeles continues to stimulate historical geographic research on relations among facts, laws, and their social meanings (Sauder 1994). Although a geographic perspective of international water laws has yet to be written, databases on transboundary conflicts and agreements shed light on the evolution of international water law (Wolf 1997, 1999a, b; and <http://www.transboundarywaters.orst.edu>, last accessed 10 February 2003). Historical or contemporary, the pragmatic spirit of water resources geography remains strong (Wescoat 1992).
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Hungary – Economic policy – 1968-1989"

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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