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1
Stykalin, Alexander S. « The Hungarian Community of Transylvania in Its Relations With the Romanian Communist Authorities From the 1950s to the 1980s ». Central-European Studies 2020, no 3 (12) (2021) : 134–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The historical experience of Hungarian-Romanian relations in previous eras affected the relations of the Hungarian national minority of Transylvania with the Romanian communist authorities from the 1950s to the 1980s. The concept of Romania as a unitary national state excluded the idea of Hungarian territorial autonomy even within its narrowest borders; Transylvanian Hungarians were declared an integral part of the Romanian political nation. This caused growing resistance from the consolidated Hungarian minority with a highly developed national identity and with the intelligentsia, which perceived itself as the guardian of the 1000-year-old Hungarian state and cultural traditions in Transylvania. The reaction of the Transylvanian Hungarian intelligentsia to the growing Romanian nationalist challenge changed as the Ceauşescu regime evolved, giving rise to different behavioral strategies. In the late 1960s, when Romania’s independent policy was internationally recognised the dominant attitude was to influence the situation through dialogue with the authorities. Later, from the end of the 1970s, the participation of Transylvanian Hungarians in the Romanian dissident movement intensified. The policy of the K.d.r regime concerning the Hungarians in Romania also changed depending on the state of Hungary–Romania relations.
2
Dragojevic, Marko, Jessica Gasiorek et László Vincze. « Vitality, Language Use, and Life Satisfaction : A Study of Bilingual Hungarian Adolescents Living in Romania ». Journal of Language and Social Psychology 37, no 4 (1 septembre 2017) : 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x17729437.
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This study examined the relationship between objective and subjective vitality, in-group language use, and life satisfaction among two groups of bilingual Hungarians adolescents living in Romania: a low objective vitality group from Cluj-Napoca/Kolozsvár, where Hungarians are the demographic minority, and a high objective vitality group from Sfântu Gheorghe/Sepsiszentgyörgy, where Hungarians are the demographic majority. Consistent with predictions, the high objective vitality group reported higher subjective Hungarian vitality, lower subjective Romanian vitality, more frequent use of the Hungarian language, and higher life satisfaction, compared with the low objective vitality group. The effects of objective vitality on language use were partially mediated by subjective Romanian (but not Hungarian) vitality. Conversely, the effects of objective vitality on life satisfaction were fully mediated by subjective Hungarian (but not Romanian) vitality.
3
Rottler, Violetta, et János Sallai. « When changes went into effect : Hungarians from Transylvania permitted to cross the Western border from 1985 ». Belügyi Szemle 68, no 2 (15 septembre 2020) : 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.38146/bsz.spec.2020.2.7.
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In the final years of socialism, Hungarians in Transylvania were going through the fires of adversity. Their circumstances were also enhanced by the significant tension at the time between the Romanian and Hungarian parties and government authorities. The circumstances of the Hungarians living in Romania were to be relieved by the strictly confidential action that permitted those being in Hungary legally to secretly travel on to Austria or Yugoslavia.
4
Culic, Irina. « Dilemmas of Belonging : Hungarians from Romania ». Nationalities Papers 34, no 2 (mai 2006) : 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600617839.
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On 5 December 2004 the citizens of Hungary were called to decide through referendum on two issues: (1) that the health system remained under full state control, and (2) that ethnic Hungarians living in the neighboring countries were granted citizenship preferentially. Sixty-five percent of the Hungarians who went to vote gave a favorable answer to the first question, and a little more than 51% gave a yes answer to the second question. Despite this, however, the referendum failed because of the low voter turnout of only 37.49% of the electorate. According to Hungarian law, for a referendum result to be valid it is required that at least 25% of the electorate endorses it. In this referendum a little less than 19% of all franchised citizens voted for granting double citizenship to ethnic Hungarians living in the neighboring countries.
5
Bell, Andrew. « The Hungarians in Romania Since 1989 ». Nationalities Papers 24, no 3 (septembre 1996) : 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408462.
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The fate of the Hungarian minority in Romania is closely linked to the political situation in that country, its economic development, and its geopolitical location. This was the case before 1989 and remains so today. On the other hand, the Hungarians of Romania are an important factor affecting the internal and the external political relations of the country. This was dramatically confirmed by the revolution of 1989 which had been triggered by ethnic unrest. This study will focus on major political and economic developments from December 1989 until December 1993, analyzing them in terms of their impact on the Hungarian minority.
6
Csata, Zsombor, et László Károly Marácz. « Prospects on Hungarian as a Regional Official Language and Szeklerland’s Territorial Autonomy in Romania ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 23, no 4 (18 novembre 2016) : 530–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02304005.
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This article analyses two options the Hungarian ethno-linguistic community in the Transylvanian region of Romania has in order to preserve its ethno-linguistic identity. Firstly, there is the option of unrestricted language use in the public domain. At present the Romanian legal framework assigns members of the Hungarian speaking community in Transylvania individual linguistic and cultural rights only. The Romanian language policy is further restricted by a threshold rule. The ratio of minority must number 20 per cent of the total inhabitants of a certain administrative-territorial unit in order to have their language recognised officially. The second possibility is that historical territories where Transylvanian Hungarians statistically form a dominant majority (i.e. Szeklerland) are granted territorial autonomy. The territoriality principle would secure linguistic minority rights. We will conclude that the prospects for Hungarian as a regional language in Romania are more realistic than the recognition of Szeklerland’s territorial autonomy.
7
Fischer-Galati, Stephen. « National Minority Problems in Romania : Continuity or Change ? » Nationalities Papers 22, no 1 (1994) : 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408310.
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The national minorities question in Romania has been one of crises and polemics. This is due, in part, to the fact that Greater Romania, established at the end of World War I, brought the Old Romanian Kingdom into a body politic (a kingdom itself relatively free of minority problems), with territories inhabited largely by national minorities. Thus, the population of Transylvania and the Banat, both of which had been constituent provinces of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, included large numbers of Hungarians and Germans, while Bessarabia, a province of the Russian empire, included large numbers of Jews. While the Hungarian (Szeklers and Magyars), Germans (Saxons and Swabians), and Jewish minorities were the largest and most difficult to integrate into Greater Romania, other sizeable national minorities such as the Bulgarians, Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars, Serbians, Turks, and Gypsies also posed problems to the rulers of Greater Romania during the interwar period and, in some cases, even after World War II.
8
Grabevnik, M. V. « ELECTORAL REGIONALISM : CASE OF DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE OF HUNGARIANS IN ROMANIA ». Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no 1 (2022) : 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-1-31-39.
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The article analyzes the dynamics of the regionalism strategy of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians of Romania (UDMR), representing the interests of the Hungarian minority, in the 1990s-2010s. The study uses official policy documents and manifestos of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania, official electoral data, materials of coalition interactions and parliamentary debates, along with materials from the Manifesto Project Database. The results of the analysis show that the strategy of the regionalist party is transforming: from the rigid and consistent ethnolinguistic regionalism of the 1990s-2000s, in the 2010s the party is shifting to a more flexible adaptive strategy, which is a synthesis of moderate regionalism and competent positioning of the party as a coalition partner with a centrist social-economic agenda. The regionalist agenda is used by the party during the years of electoral activity, which serves as a tool for achieving institutional opportunities for participation in the national political process (shared-rule). The UDMR intention to expand the party's political subjectivity is not the main aim but the tool and opportunity for lobbying the interests of the regional community. The turn of the Hungarian regionalists from a strategy of confrontation with the Romanian unionist parties to a strategy of bargaining and cooperation is also the result.
9
Stykalin, Alexander S. « The fate of one university in the context of changing borders in Central Europe (Kolozsvár — Cluj — Szeged) ». Slavic Almanac, no 3-4 (2021) : 353–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.3-4.5.01.
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An example of how epoch-making historical events in Central Europe affected the fate of an elite educational institution is the history of the second Hungarian university, founded in 1872 in the main city of Transylvania, Kolozsvár. This university was forced to leave Transylvania as a result of its reunification with the Kingdom of Romania in December 1918 following the First World War. Romanian professors from the “Old Kingdom” entered the university buildings built in the era of Austro-Hungarian dualism, located in the same city that changed its name from Kolozsvár, to Cluj. They were tasked by the new authorities to facilitate the integration of the region into Romania. The Hungarian University moves within the new borders of Hungary, to the city of Szeged. The creating of this powerful center of elite Hungarian culture became one of the essential directions of the cultural policy of the conservative regime. Its representatives saw the transformation of Hungary into a bastion of high European culture on the threshold of the Balkans as one of the ways to compensate for the enormous national infringement that the Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920 was for millions of Hungarians. The resettlement to Szeged, however, by no means put an end to the history of the Hungarian University of Transylvania. After the second Vienna arbitration for the transfer of Northern Transylvania to Hungary (August 1940), the Hungarian university in Cluj was restored, and the Romanian one moved within the narrowed borders of Romania. In the post-war Romania, under the left-wing authorities, and later the communist regime, which was not interested in aggravating the Hungarian-Romanian contradictions, both Romanian and Hungarian universities functioned in Cluj for a decade and a half, until in 1959, amid the rise of Romanian nationalism, an independent Hungarian university was closed.
10
Culic, Irina. « Neoliberalism Meets Minority Nationalism : The Politics of Hungarian Higher Education in Romania ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 33, no 2 (9 août 2018) : 357–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418790364.
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A Hungarian public university was one of the main demands of the leaders of Hungarians from Romania after the fall of the communist regime in 1989. Almost three decades later, higher education in Hungarian has developed into a precarious, fragmented, and divided institutional assemblage, solidified around two main components, the Hungarian line of study at the well-established public Babeș-Bolyai University and the new private university Sapientia, reliant on the Hungarian government’s financial support. The article investigates how Hungarians from Romania, whose persistent ethnic politics brought them extensive recognition, and who were successful in creating a Hungarian parallel society, failed to converge in achieving one of their most important goals. By unpacking this case of intra-ethnic unmixing, it shows how institutional arrangements affect the stakes and means of the struggle for minority rights, and how structural asymmetry in numbers and power carries disadvantage into the life of institutions.
11
Tőkés, Gyöngyvér Erika. « The Third-level Digital Divide among Elderly Hungarians in Romania ». Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 66, no 1 (11 avril 2022) : 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/022.2021.00005.
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Abstract The aim of the present study is to examine the characteristics of the third-level digital divide among elderly Hungarians (over 65 years of age) in Romania. The third level of digital divide indicates the emergence of digital habits in the Bourdieusian sense, which provide real benefits in different areas of everyday life. Hungarian elderly people in Romania are clearly lagging in terms of the third-level digital divide. The explanation for this is partly to be found in the limits imposed by the characteristics of their age and partly in their socio-economic situation. Elderly Hungarian people in Romania tenaciously adhere to their usual ways of life and previously established daily habits, and their repertoire does not integrate the use of digital technology. The results obtained in this study of elderly Hungarians in Romania are in line with the research results of digital inequalities, according to which there is a relationship between the degree of digital competence, the structure and usefulness of digital activities, and inequalities according to the traditional dimensions of social stratification (economic, cultural, individual).
12
Kiss, Tamás. « Die Ungarn in Rumänien ». osteuropa 69, no 6-8 (2019) : 156–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/oe-2019-0065.
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13
Granville, Johanna. « “If Hope is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty” : Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958 ». Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no 1905 (1 janvier 2008) : 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.142.
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The events of 1956 (the Twentieth CPSU Congress, Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, and the Hungarian revolution) had a strong impact on the evolution of the Romanian communist regime, paving the way for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania in 1958, the stricter policy toward the Transylvanian Hungarians, and Romania’s greater independence from the USSR in the 1960s. Students complained about their living and studying conditions long before the outbreak of the Hungarian crisis. Ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania listened closely to Budapest radio stations, and Romanian students in Budapest in the summer of 1956 were especially affected by the ferment of ideas there. For the Gheorghiu-Dej regime, the Hungarian revolution and Soviet invasion provided a useful excuse to end the destalinization process and crack the whip conclusivel —carrying out mass arrests, but also granting short-term concessions to ethnic minorities and workers. Of all segments of the Romanian population, university students were the most discontented. Drawing on archival documents, published memoirs, and recent Romanian scholarship, this paper will analyze and compare the student unrest in Bucharest, Cluj, Iaşi, and Timişoara. Due to a combination of psychological, logistical, and historical factors, students in the latter city were especially vocal and organized. On October 30 over 2,000 students from the Polytechnic Institute in Timişoara met with party offi cials, demanding changes in living and study conditions, as well as the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania. Another 800-1,000 students convened on October 31, calling for the release of students who were arrested the day before. Obvious discrepancies between the Romanian and Hungarian media sparked their curiosity about events in Hungary, while their cramped dorm rooms actually facilitated student meetings. In the Banat region itself, a tradition of anti-communist protest had prevailed since 1945. Although arrested en masse, these students set a vital precedent—especially for the Timişoarans who launched the Romanian Revolution thirty-three years later.
14
Szépe, György. « The Position of Hungarians in Romania and Slovakia in 1996* ». Nationalities Papers 27, no 1 (mars 1999) : 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109190.
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The official language of the medieval Kingdom of Hungaria was Latin until the mid-nineteenth century (Szekfű, 1926); the throne was occupied from the second half of the sixteenth century by the Hapsburgs. The subsequent change to Hungarian was due to several factors, but was caused above all by the ideas of the French Revolution, and by the early anti-Austrian nationalistic endeavors of the Hungarian gentry, endeavors which also expressed the economic interests of the country. As soon as the official idiom of the kingdom became Hungarian, it triggered similar aspirations among the non-Magyar minority groups against the dominating and assimilating Hungarian majority. These aspirations were prominent among the causes of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy at the end of World War I. Within the former Kingdom of Hungary the Felvidék (Upper Land) roughly coincided with what was, after 1919, Slovakia. The eastern part of the kingdom, Ardeal/Erdély/Siebenbürgen/Transylvania, which had enjoyed a certain autonomy between the sixteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, became a part of Romania in the same year. Thus, both in Romania and in Slovakia (as also in Yugoslavia and to a lesser extent in Austria) a Hungarian minority was created by the 1919 borders. Revision of the peace treaties became the focal point of Hungarian politics in the inter-war period. During World War II Hungary attained a partial revision in respect to, first, the southern part of Slovakia, and also the entire Ruténföld/Rusinsko, which had from the 1920s been administered by the Czechoslovak State); second, northern Transylvania; and third, two further areas which had belonged to the then-dissolved Yugoslav kingdom. As a consequence of these revisions, a considerable number of non-Hungarians once again became minorities in the Hungarian State. After World War II, the 1919 borders were reinstated (with two exceptions: the major exception being that Ruténföld became part of Ukraine). The situation of the minorities was also reinstated, but differently in each instance. This was the age when some kind of democratic reconciliation was on the agenda in Romania (Balogh, 1985; Lázok and Vincze, 1995; “Mit kíván,” 1946/1988), after a period of thorough self-searching and a synthesizing of historical research and political experience (see Bibó, 1946).
15
Leff, Carol Skalnik, et Oana I. Armeanu. « Ethnic Politics of the Hungarian Minorities in Slovakia, Romania, and Serbia in 2015 ». European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 14, no 1 (12 septembre 2017) : 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01401012.
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In the post-communist period, the driving forces behind minority rights protection have been international—the incentives surrounding membership in the European Union and relations with Hungary—and domestic—the minority’s capacity to gain representation, and therefore leverage, in the political system. In this analysis of the current state of minority affairs, we focus largely on the domestic context—the politics of Hungarian minority representation in Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia—and the ramifications of relations with Hungary. In this overview, we will contextualize the key strategic situation in all three cases: the demographic challenge of inexorably declining minority populations. Given the size of their electorates, neither the half-million Slovak Hungarians nor the 1.2 million Romanian Hungarians can afford the kind of partisan split that could push all minority parties below the five percent electoral threshold. In Serbia, the Hungarian minority of around a quarter million benefits from the waiving of the electoral threshold. Nonetheless, they are a distinct minority even in Vojvodina, the region of their greatest concentration. We will also review ongoing controversies that have surrounded minority issues since the collapse of communism: language, education, and the issue of territorial and cultural autonomy.
16
Horváth, István. « The bilingualism of the Hungarians from Transylvania : between rescuing the language and integration ». Erdélyi Társadalom 1, no 1 (2003) : 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.12.
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The renegotiation and redefinition of the (official and informal) status of minority languages constituted one of the key-issues regarding interethnic relations from Romania in the last decades. The study of Horváth István sheds light on the antagonisms between the professional (administrative) and the political perspectives on this problem, and analyses the divers attitudes towards bilingualism declared by the Hungarian from Transylvania. It ought to constitute object of professional reflection the assumption that only minorities should hold the burden of cultural integration, an assumption taken for granted in many professional circles. In the same time, more attention should be driven to the ways members of ethnic minorities relate to bilingualism. On the basis of empirical data, the author argues that approximately one-quarter of the Hungarians from Romania use Romanian as their second language in those communication-situations where social class or local identities are expressed as well.
17
Toró, Tibor. « Hungarian Minority Politics in Post-Socialist Romania : Interests, Strategies, and Discourses ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 10, no 1 (1 décembre 2016) : 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2016-0022.
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Abstract This paper analyses the integration strategies formulated by the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania and the Hungarian political elite in the post-communist period. It argues that the internal debates of the political community are formulated in a field where other actors (the Hungarian and the Romanian state, political parties, European institutions, etc.) carry out their activities, which deeply influences both the chosen strategies and the needed resources for their implementation. Moreover, it questions the monolithic organization of the minority organization, showing that DAHR as the representative of the minority community was shaped by several internal debates and conflicts. Also from 2003 these conflicts have grown beyond the borders of the organization and since 2008 we can follow a whole new type of institutionalization. In achieving this, I introduce three strategies - individual integration, collective integration, and organizational integration - which are chosen by different fragments of the Hungarian minority elite both toward the Hungarian and the Romanian political sphere. Throughout the 1989-2012 period, the outcome of the conflict between the supporters of these strategies is deeply influenced by the policies of the two states.
18
Kiss, Tamás, et István Gergő Székely. « Shifting linkages in ethnic mobilization : The case of RMDSZ and the Hungarians in Transylvania ». Nationalities Papers 44, no 4 (juillet 2016) : 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1149157.
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The Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ) has been the most stable actor in the Romanian party system over the past two decades. However, in this article, we argue that beyond this apparent stability, the linkages between RMDSZ and its voters have undergone a gradual, yet significant shift. The ethnic block voting of Transylvanian Hungarians was closely connected to the concept of a self-standing and parallel “Minority Society,” and to the practices of institution building that the minority elites engaged in in the early 1990s. However, since its first participation in the Romanian government in 1996, RMDSZ has gradually departed from this strategy, a phenomenon that was also closely connected to a process of elite change within the organization. The present RMDSZ leadership puts less and less emphasis on policy programs that could reinforce the institutional system of the minority; consequently, it is unable (and unwilling) to organizationally integrate the community activists of the minority society who previously had played a key role in the process of (electoral) mobilization. At the rhetorical level, RMDSZ did not abandon the goal of building a parallel Hungarian minority society, but in its linkages to the Hungarian electorate, clientelistic exchanges have become predominant.
19
Magyari, Tivadar. « Newspaper reading habits of Hungarians in Transylvania. » Erdélyi Társadalom 1, no 1 (2003) : 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.17.
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The approximately one million and a half Hungarians in Romania use primarily the mass media accessible in their mother tongue. In his present study, Magyari Tivadar investigates on the basis of empirical data how Hungarians from Transylvania relate to the written press. The analysis reveals the details of the typical lecture act: reading the local newspaper. This constitutes one of the most widespread habitual acts of the Hungarian community from Transylvania, the basic form of media-consumption. It is a tradition for decades, a part of the everyday life. The author constructs a typology of readers, presenting the current situation of the publications and their perspectives for the future
20
Dudoi, Marian-Alin. « The Transylvanian issue : Swedish perspectives (1944-1945) ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 9, no 1 (15 août 2017) : 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v9i1_3.
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The study refers to the approaches of the Transylvanian issue expressed by the Swede Gustav Bolinder in a “Svensk Tidskrift” article, volume XXXI, no. 9 of 1944. The Armistice Agreement between Romania and the United Nations, signed on September 12/13, 1944, admitted that Transylvania or most of this province to be reassigned to Romania. Suddenly, the Transylvanian issue had become one of the headlines in the world. Gustaf Bolinder, who had traveled in Romania in 1943, supported the Romanian rights in a book and press articles, both in Swedish (the article referred to in this paper dates from Autumn 1944). Another Swede, namely Arvid Fredborg, wrote comments that mostly criticized Bolinder’s approaches. Bolinder’s views and Fredborg’s comments were dispatched by the USA Legation in Sweden to the State Department, in Washington DC, and studied by the author at the Central National Historical Archives of Romania, within the USA Microfilm Collection. As the Armistice Agreement between Hungary and the United Nations, signed on January 20, 1945, forbade any Hungarian claims on Transylvania only two choices remained: an independent Transylvania, an unrealizable project according to the United Nations but present in the international media, or its reintegration into Romania. The author considers that Bolinder’s synthesis mastered, among non-Romanians and non-Hungarians, the truth about Transylvanian interethnic relations at the end of World War II.
21
Kim, Ji Young. « Territorial Recovery of Hungary through the 2nd Vienna Award : 1940. 8. 30. » East European and Balkan Institute 46, no 4 (30 novembre 2022) : 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.91.
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In the Second World War, Hungary was an ally of Germany, joining the Axis powers in August 1940 under the Second Vienna Award. Joachim von Ribbentrop, Germany’s Foreign Minister, and Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano met with Hungarian and Romanian representatives in the Belvedere Palace in Vienna. There they began negotiations on Hungary recovering the territory of Transylvania that it had ceded to Romania as a consequence of World War One. The confrontation between Hungary and Romania meant that Hungary’s demands were not accepted. As a result of Ribbentrop and Ciano’s mediation, the two sides agreed to redraw the boundaries of the territory to account for population composition and historical claims to sovereignty. Hungary failed to realize their ambitious dream of recovering the entire territory of Transylvania, and they had to be content with taking back the region of Székelys, where Hungarians were in the majority. Romania’s sovereignty over the rest of Transylvania, which Romania had taken control over post-World War One, was recognized. However, this deal would ultimately hurt Hungary. Because it was brokered by Germany and Italy, Hungary was treated as a defeated state in the post-World War Two peace negotiations.
22
Salat, Levente, István Gergő Székely et Dorottya Lakatos. « The Autonomy Movement of Hungarians in Romania ». European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 19, no 1 (29 juin 2022) : 268–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_013.
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Abstract While the issue of the Szekler autonomy has attracted considerable tabloid interest in the past two decades, it is rarely addressed in more systematic, scholarly accounts available for a wider international audience. The political project of achieving some form of autonomy has been on the agenda of several political actors speaking in the name of Romania’s sizeable Hungarian minority after 1989 and constitutes the object of heated debate between those actors and authorities of the Romanian state. In 2020 this debate recorded a peak which will seemingly require a new approach on behalf of protagonists, if the project is meant to be kept alive. This paper aims to fill some of the above-mentioned scholarly gap by providing an account of the parliamentary reception of the draft autonomy conceptions submitted by ethnic Hungarian politicians to Romania’s parliament in the three decades that passed since the regime change. Based on a content analysis of documents produced during the legislative process, we identify the most important arguments, as well as a number of procedural tricks deployed by Romanian politicians and political parties against the autonomy initiatives. We also emphasize the differences between the reception and trajectories of the bills, which is clearly related to the authorship and political backing of the various autonomy drafts. This comparative analysis also allows the formulation of a number of conclusions concerning the prospects of the Hungarian autonomy movement.
23
Cornelius, Deborah S. « In Search of the Nation : Hungarian Minority Youth in the New Czechoslovak Republic ». Nationalities Papers 24, no 4 (décembre 1996) : 709–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408479.
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The question of the national minorities of East Central Europe has again become a major topic of debate, as it was at the Paris Peace Conference 75 years ago. In 1994 and 1995, as the Horn government has attempted to hammer out bilateral treaties with Slovakia and Romania, the Hungarian minority populations have been a subject of public debate. The debate takes place in two forums. The interstate debate revolves around the same problems discussed in Paris; the question of the legal protection of minority rights in states in which the nation was declared to belong to the majority, and the further question of whether rights should be protected on an individual or collective basis. The second forum is that of the larger Hungarian community and concerns the nature and cohesion of the fifteen million Hungarians throughout the world. The implicit question is who actually belongs to the Hungarian community and what should be the relationship between so-called “minority” Hungarians and the Hungarian state.
24
Knigth, Gregory D. « The Nationality Question in Contemporary Hungarian-Romanian Relations ». Nationalities Papers 15, no 2 (1987) : 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408056.
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The historical feud between Hungary and Romania over Transylvania has escalated in proportion and intensity in recent years. Territorial dispute is no longer central to the present debate. Rather, it is the treatment of approximately two million ethnic Hungarians residing in Transylvania that has generated considerable tension between the governments of Janos Kadar and Nicolae Ceausescu. Transylvania's ethnic Hungarians represent an obstacle to Ceausescu's policy of “national communism,” which promotes “Romanianism” to the detriment of the country's minority populations. In Hungary, reformists both within and outside the Kadar government have pressed the regime for a satisfactory solution to the perceived mistreatment of Hungarians living in neighboring socialist countries. By complicating relations between the two countries, the nationality question also effectively limits the degree to which Hungary and Romania can cooperate succesfully on regional endeavors. Finally, particularly in the case of Romania, exacerbation of the nationality question has attracted increased concern among “external” players, including the Soviet Union and the United States.
25
Granville, Johanna. « “Ask for Bread, not Peace” ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 24, no 4 (30 juillet 2010) : 543–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410376790.
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In contrast to restless students in Bucharest, Cluj, Iasi, Timiş oara, and other cities, who tried to organize rallies calling for government reforms in the fall of 1956 but failed, Romanian workers and peasants expressed their feelings about the revolution in nearby Hungary by going on feverish shopping sprees; stockpiling food staples; writing anonymous leaflets and graffiti; spreading rumors; and engaging in arson, vandalism, and physical brawls. The Hungarian crisis aroused in some citizens fears of a World War III, for others a war over Transylvania, and for still others a Hungarian-style revolt in Romania. A survey of published Securitate reports written between 26 October and 23 November 1956 shows that the three most frequent oral comments recorded were those complaining about the economy, those predicting that “what happened in Hungary will happen in Romania,” and those asking “why was the Soviet intervention necessary?” The economic complaints outnumbered the other two types of comments. Political messages, oral and written, spanned the spectrum, from fascist, Iron Guard songs, monarchist comments, to procapitalist slogans. Although most irredentist comments, oral and written, originated from cities in Transylvania, more than half of the incidents of physical aggression, including arson and other acts of sabotage, occurred in non-Transylvanian regions. Although the Securitate sometimes exploited ethnic tensions to gain recruits, Romanian citizens expressed more rage toward the communist dictatorship than against ethnic Hungarians.
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Stroschein, Sherrill. « Demography in ethnic party fragmentation : Hungarian local voting in Romania ». Party Politics 17, no 2 (24 février 2011) : 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810391161.
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When and where might ethnic party outbidding occur? This article examines potential outbidding dynamics via a study of local elections in Romania, where the dominant Hungarian UDMR/RMDSz (Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania) was recently challenged by a rival party, the MPP (Hungarian Citizens’ Party). A comparison of election results is made across cities and counties that differ according to demographic characteristics. Two primary findings emerge. First, Hungarian unity in the form of the RMDSz remained strong except under enclave conditions — where the ethnic minority is the local majority. Outbidding is more likely to be a luxury of enclave regions, where fragmentation will not involve a loss of power to another ethnic group, as could happen to a local minority or with ‘split’ demographics. Second, when majority-minority demographics are clear, cross-ethnic formal or informal coalitions are more likely to emerge. Cross-ethnic coalitions are rare under conditions of ‘split’ demographics, which exhibit a logic of ethnic polarization.
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Benő, Attila. « Two Relative Contact Phenomena in the Language use of Hungarians in Transylvania ». Hungarian Studies Yearbook 2, no 1 (1 décembre 2020) : 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hsy-2020-0008.
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Abstract The paper discusses two peculiarities of language use generally taken to be relative contact phenomena in case of Hungarian in bilingual, non-dominant context: the preference of analytical linguistic variants and non-standard plural forms. The data come from two sociolinguistic surveys conducted in Transylvania (in 1996 and 2009). The surveys were carried out with the participation of a representative sample of speakers. The 1996 survey was conducted with a quota sample (N = 216 in Romania and N = 107 in Hungary) and the 2009 sample with a representative sample (N = 4058 in Romania). The hypothesis that Romanian-dominant bilingual speakers tend to exhibit relative contact phenomena to a larger extent was supported with respect to these two issues. The results show that the occurrence of these phenomena is determined both by the language competence of the dominant language and by the regional characteristics of the bilingualism. The results confirm the possibility that the spoken-language properties under discussion are relative contact phenomena.
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Csata, Zsombor, Dénes Kiss et Tamás Kiss. « The institutes and organizations of Hungarians in Romania ». Erdélyi Társadalom 2, no 1 (2004) : 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.32.
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This presentation is a kind of research report of a project run on behalf of the Ministry of Culture in Hungary. The financer was interested in a statistical data base regarding those institutes which concern Hungarian minorities’ cultural activity abroad Hungary
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Stoyanova, Stanislava, Natali Doseva, Teodor Gergov et Emese Virginás-Tar. « Nostalgia and Sentimentality Among Minority Elderly People (Bulgarian Roma People and Hungarians Living in Romania) ». Psychological Thought 8, no 1 (30 avril 2015) : 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/psyct.v8i1.116.
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Nostalgia and sentimentality are very typical for the old age. There are some characteristics that are perceived as typical for the elderly people in the different cultures, such as being dependent, and needing long-term care. There are also some similarities between the population tendencies in Bulgaria and Romania. The simultaneously acceptance in European Union of both countries also suggests the existence of some similar attitudes towards the past among elderly minority people in both countries. The hypothesis of the study was that together with some similarities, the elderly people from both ethnic minorities in the two countries would differ cross-culturally in their sentimentality and nostalgia related to the past. Sentimentality and nostalgia in elderly minority people (26 Roma people in Bulgaria and 21 Hungarians in Romania) were measured by means of a questionnaire created by Gergov & Stoyanova (2013). The results indicated that the Hungarian minority in Romania was more sentimental and nostalgic than the Roma minority in Bulgaria. More thoughts about the past reported the minority young elders than the minority oldest old. The females from the minority groups were more sentimental than the males from the minority groups. Higher sentimentality and nostalgia among elderly Hungarians could be explained by their higher conservatism and more satisfaction with the hystorical past than Roma people. Roma people living in institutions felt a sense of stability in their present and they shared some positive expectations for the future.
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Horváth, István. « Migrational willingness among ethnic Hungarians from Romania - October 2003 ». Erdélyi Társadalom 1, no 2 (2003) : 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.19.
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Andrén, Daniela. « Romanians, Hungarians and their wages, in transition, in Romania ». Economic Modelling 29, no 6 (novembre 2012) : 2673–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econmod.2012.08.009.
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Huszthy, Bálint. « “Transylvanian Hunglish” Phonological Properties of Hungarian Accented English in Transylvania ». Hungarian Studies Yearbook 4, no 1 (1 novembre 2022) : 131–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hsy-2022-0007.
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Abstract Hunglish is a term for Hungarian native speakers’ English pronunciation. It is a well recognisable and quite homogeneous accent, which is thoroughly described in the literature of second language acquisition. However, this paper proposes that Hungarian speakers living in Romania use a phonologically different Hunglish compared to those living in Hungary. The study is built on direct speech recordings made with 30 Hungarian speakers descending from various parts of Transylvania. Their accent is confronted with the pronunciation of 15 speakers from Hungary, who participated in the same reading experiment. Results indicate that the English pronunciation of the two groups mostly share the same phonetic and phonological features. Only a few persistent phonological differences can be identified; for instance, English open back vowels [ʌ, ɒ, ɑ] are replaced with Hungarian [ɒ] by the Transylvanian informants, and with [a] by the speakers from Hungary; Transylvanian informants preserve more English schwas and diphthongs due to their L2 Romanian, etc. The differences basically originate in the fact that Transylvanian speakers’ interlanguage is much more heterogeneous than that of Hungarians’, i.e. Transylvanians speak a substandard version of Hungarian as L1, they speak a Transylvanian dialect, they speak Romanian at high level as L2, and they usually speak further foreign languages as well beyond English; these varieties all affect their foreign accent. The paper takes account of the most important characteristics of Transylvanian Hunglish, with a synchronic phono-logical analysis, and a contrastive analysis with the general phonological properties of Hunglish found in the literature.
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Hăisan, Angel-Alex, Zizi Goschin et Mihai Avornicului. « Understanding the emigration propensity of Romanian teachers : Does ethnicity play a role ? » Acta Oeconomica 67, no 2 (juin 2017) : 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2017.67.2.2.
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Mass migration was, is, and will always be an important topic of discussion regardless of whether it is economically, socially, or politically motivated. This is certainly a matter of great concern for Romania, currently Europe’s largest sender of migrants to Western Europe. Considering that the educational system should be of the uttermost priority, we addressed the issue of emigration propensity among Romanian teachers making use of data from our own nationwide survey. Bivariate logistic models were employed to identify the main factors behind the emigration decisions of pre-university teachers. Aiming to enrich the narrow economic perspective, we adopted a novelty approach by focusing on an overlooked determinant in emigration research studies, namely ethnicity in relation to nationality. Among Romania’s minorities, Hungarians are the most important ethnic group, accounting for 6.1% of the population, hence we explored their migration behaviour compared to Romanian ethnics. The results from the logistic regression models indicate significant differences regarding the factors that trigger the intention to initiate the emigration process for our subjects, based on their ethnicity. We found that teachers of Hungarian ethnicity display 50.6% less propensity to emigrate compared to the ones of Romanian ethnicity and we were able to shape distinct emigration profiles for the two groups.
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Veress, Emőd. « Lajos Takács : A Hungarian Lawyer's Life in 20th-Century Transylvania ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Legal Studies 11, no 1 (15 juin 2022) : 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2022.11.1.09.
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Lajos Takács was born in Transylvania, a multi-ethnic region, at the time (before 1918/20) part of Kingdom of Hungary and later part of Romania. He finished his studies in law in what was by that time Romania, given that the university centre of Transylvania, Cluj, had become part of Romania. He was a young lawyer of good ability, gifted with political and social sensitivity. After 1945, he found himself in the service of the emerging dictatorship because he certainly believed that the time had come for a solution to the question of nationalities, for reconciliation, equality, cooperation, and friendship between Romanians and Hungarians. In this capacity, however, he contributed to the dismantling of Hungarian institutions and organizations, most notably – as rector – to the forced merger of Bolyai University into Victor Babeş University. Instead of reconciliation, the system was characterized by the oppression of minorities. Takács, in his old age, realizing his mistakes, became an opponent of the regime and of Ceauşescu. In the 1980s, during the darkest period of the dictatorship, he died without the hope that some of his former dreams would come true.
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Tudor, Noémi. « Constructing Ethnic Identity in Transylvania through Humour ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 12, no 2 (1 novembre 2020) : 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2020-0018.
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AbstractIn this paper, I put forward a comparative/contrastive analysis of ethnic identity on the basis of humorous texts about Romanians and Hungarians living in Romania within the framework of the Script-Based Semantic Theory of Humour (SSTH). The corpus contains fifty jokes taken from websites and social media, books and recordings in which the Romanians are at the centre and the Hungarians are the butt and vice versa. The overall purpose of the study is to illustrate the main topics and stereotypes used in ethnic jokes. In this research, I will show that Romanians and Hungarians joke about similar topics, the most common ones being the “ownership” of Transylvania, rejection of the other, and language distortion but also friendship among Hungarians and Romanians. I also conclude that stereotypes can be attributed to one ethnic group, but there are also shared stereotypes, and some of them can switch from one group to the other depending on the perspective.
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Pál, Helén. « Frontier as a diverging factor referring to the language of Székelys in the settlements by Lower Danube ». Acta Academiae Beregsasiensis, Philologica I, no 2 (20 décembre 2022) : 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.58423/2786-6726/2022-2-107-123.
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In 1883 South Banat belonged in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, within this it belonged in the historical Hungary. In that year more than 3000 Székelys of Bukovina were settled there, then Székelykeve, Sándoregyháza and Hertelendyfalva settlements came into being by the Lower Danube. (Ancestors of Székelys of Bukovina were those refugees who escaped into Moldva after the hecatomb of Madéfalva, then they went to Bukovina and lived there in 5 villages: Istensegíts, Fogadjisten, Hadikfalva, Józseffalva, Andrásfalva.) In 1918 the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was formed from the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, and after the Treaty of Trianon Székelys of the Lower Danube became the citizens of a new state. Past other historical events these days this territory belongs to Republic of Serbia. Originally in Sándoregyháza (Ivanovo) besides the Székelys also Germans and Bulgarians lived, in Székelykeve (Skorenovac) Székelys, other Hungarians from several settlements, Germans and Bulgarians, and in Hertelendyfalva (Vojlovica, today it is part of Pančevo city) Székelys, Germans and Slovakians lived. However, after the Second World War these Germans were relocated. Starting from the 1960s some residents of these settlements left the country (they moved mainly to Western Europe, but Australia too), moreover also the vicinal cities offered workplaces and a new home for them. This paper deals with the data related to the language of Székelys of these settlements by Lower Danube. First base of this examination is the separation after Treaty of Trianon, it has caused several language changes. In Hertelendyfalva Olga Penavin and her team mates started to collect dialectal and other linguistic data already in the 1950s, then they published some papers about the other two settlements too. From their papers of the 1970s and 1980s we know not only about the influence of the more prestigious version of Hungarian, but also the influence of the state language. We can set this Hungarian language originated from Bukovina against the language of the other Székely groups. So we can speak about the frontier as a diverging factor in connection with the language of their groups of Romania and of Hungary too. In these days language of Hungarians living in minority is primarily influenced by the given state language, so the language of Hungarians of Romania and Serbia too. In this paper I examine the linguistic data referring to the three settlements of Lower Danube. These data present the influence of the state language and differ from the language of other groups of Székelys of Bukovina.
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Korkut, Umut. « Nationalism versus Internationalism : The Roles of Political and Cultural Elites in Interwar and Communist Romania ». Nationalities Papers 34, no 2 (mai 2006) : 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600617698.
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This paper has two main goals. First, it illuminates continuities between the ideas of “true Romanian-ness” as held by both the Romanian cultural elite and the Romanian political regimes in the interwar and communist periods. A manufactured definition of a “true” Romanian—as a Romanian Orthodox Christian, natively Romanian-speaking, and ethnically Romanian—formed the core of Romanian nationalism, regardless of the ruling ideology. This definition did not include the Roman and Greek Catholics of Romanian ethnicity on the grounds that they were not Orthodox Christians. It goes without saying that these criteria also excluded Hungarians, Germans and other ethnic minorities on the basis of ethnicity, language and religion. Second, the paper demonstrates that the principal ideas of Romanian nationalism developed in overt contrast to the internationalist ideological movements of both periods. Both the liberals and the Marxists misunderstood nationalism, claimed Ernest Gellner in 1964: liberals assumed that nationalism was a doomed legacy of outmoded irrationalism, superstition and savagery, and Marxists considered it a necessary but temporary stage in the path to global socialism. Gellner's comments are evidently appropriate to Romania, where nationalist responses developed first to the Westernization of the interwar period and second to communist internationalism after 1948.
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Claes, Rita, Esther Hiel, Joris Smets et Marcela Luca. « Socializing Hungarians in Transylvania, Romania : A case of international organizational socialization ». European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology 15, no 3 (septembre 2006) : 300–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13594320500441545.
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Constantin, Marin. « Artisanship and Ethnicity in the 2000s Romania ». Canadian-American Slavic Studies 45, no 1 (2011) : 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023911x552025.
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AbstractThis article is concerned with the social, economic, and cultural process of the folk artisanship among the ethnic minorities of Hungarians, Turks, and Croatians in contemporary Romania. Ethnographic information is provided on the peasant artisans' professional framework (private workshops), as well as on their crafts development under socialism and in times of market economy in Romania. Similarly considered are the craft traditions, the folk arts, and the ethnic representativeness of artisanship. Relevant categories of analysis are also paternity in crafts and the relationships that the craftsmen engage with the ethnographic museums and the national centers for the conservation of folk culture. Description and interpretation in this text contribute to the understanding of artisanship as complex and dynamic pattern of civilization among the minority ethnic groups in Romania.
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Kovács, Lóránt. « Assessment of the environmental value of the Zichy Castle Park in Voivodeni, Romania – Brief description ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Agriculture and Environment 6, no 1 (1 novembre 2014) : 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausae-2014-0013.
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Abstract The Zichy Castle from Vajdaszentiväny (Voievodeni) is located in Mure§ County, central Romania, south-west from the town of Reghin. Its constniction in classical baroque style dates back to the beginning of the X\TH Century. The archaeological findings from the area show that Vajdaszentiväny was already populated in the Copper Age. The findings of gray dishes from the III and IV centuries were considered by Dr. Protase as indigenous Daco-Roman relics. The Roman presence here was demonstrated by residues of the hewn-stone road along the Maros River. After the Roman Age, several other populations (Goths, Slavonic peoples. Darghins and Huns) settled down here. The feudal Hungarian state occupied this area around the XI Century. Several streams, terraces and old cemetery ruins demonstrate tliat the Hungarians used the region for protective purposes. The first mitten records of Vajdaszentiväny date back to 1332, when die Papal documents (Sacerdos de Sancto Johanne) mention the settlement for the first time. In 1366. the name of the village was Märton-Szent-Ivän. and dunng the centuries it belonged to several old and noble families and dynasties as szentiväni Szekely. monoszlai Losonczi. Szakäcsi. the Bänffy and Dezsöfi, the Szentiväni, Butkai, Balog, Kecseti, Kerelöi, Szengyeli, Dengelegi, Fodor, vajdaszentivänyi Földväri, Koka, Piski, Järai or Järai Felsöjärai Abafäja. During the first half of the 19* Century, among former Hungarians noble owners of the village, the following can be mentioned: Count Sämuel Kemeny, Albert Horvath, Budai, Szocs (Käroly es Mihäly) and Duke Löwenthäl. Later on, the village of Vajdaszentiväny became famous because of its castle, later named the “Zichy Castle,” but also because of its citizens as preservers of folk music, folk dance and folk tales.
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Veres, Valér. « Fertility among Hungarian population in Romania ; an inter-regional comparative perspective ». Erdélyi Társadalom 2, no 1 (2004) : 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.30.
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Using the tools of statistical analysis, the author investigates the tendencies of fertility of Romania’s population, especially among the Hungarians in Romania, and its determinants. The main conclusion of his analysis is that the regional differences is the key independent variable of fertility variations, and the ethnic-cultural patterns are only secondary. The analyses were necessary as one could believe that etno-cultural differences influence fertility
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Verdery, Katherine. « Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania ». Slavic Review 52, no 2 (1993) : 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.
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For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.
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Kémenes, Árpád. « Translation of Transylvanian Culture-Specific Items into English ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 7, no 2 (1 décembre 2015) : 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausp-2015-0045.
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Abstract The present paper focuses on some difficulties encountered during the translation of culture-specific items in Zsuzsa Tapodi’s articles Links between the East and the West: Historical Bonds between the Hungarians and the Balkan Peoples and Hungarian Ethnographic Region in Romania, published in the May 2014 issue of Carmina Balcanica. As far as the theoretical framework adopted in this study is concerned, the terminology on translation strategies relies on the taxonomy developed by Aixelá (1996), while the classification of culture-specific items has been influenced by Dimitriu (2002) and Yılmaz-Gümüş (2012). The study provides a definition of the term ‘culture-specific item’, considers the targetreaders’ awareness of source-language culture, and presents a number of translation strategies applied to mediate culture-bound information between the source and target cultures.
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Péter, István. « A Pitești-i Református Egyházközség első tíz évének demográfiai adatsorai a halálozási anyakönyvek tükrében ». Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 66, no 2 (20 décembre 2021) : 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.66.2.14.
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Abstract. Demographic Data of the First Ten Years of Existence of the Pitești Reformed Church in the Light of the Official Death Registries. In the last three centuries, many Hungarians in Transylvania went to work and live in the southern part of the Carpathians. At first, they went just for seasonal work, but later they become permanent migrants. They founded new Reformed parishes and schools in the new locations. We have data on the population of Pitești from 1844, when Sándor Ürmösy described the ethnic and confessional composition of the town for the first time, and he mentions 1,500 Hungarians in Pitești. As result of the Reformed missionary work, the first Reformed churches were established in the most important towns of old Romania in the mid-19th century. The documents of those times reveal to us data on the demographic, confessional, and ethnic composition of the population. In this study, I attempted to find the most important data on the first ten years in the life of the Pitești Reformed community linked to its members’ age of death, cause of the death, and occupation. Keywords: mission, Pitești, Reformed Church, old Romania, official death registries
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Veres, Valér. « Identity and social determinants of perceiving ethnic discrimination of Hungarians from Romania ». Belvedere Meridionale 30, no 4 (2018) : 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2018.4.2.
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This paper analyses the subjective ethnic discrimination in case of Transylvanian Hungarians from Romania. We would like to know to what extent the subjective perception about discrimination is determined from a social, national identity and ethnopolitical point of view, based on a representative survey data from 2007 and 2010. During our research, we have pointed out what are the social factors that determine the perception of subjective discrimination. We analyzed the extent to which social and demographic factors, as well as the character of the ethno-national identity and the character of the regional ethnocultural environment probable alter the perception of subjective ethnic discrimination among the members of an ethnonational minority, such as Hungarians from Romania. According to our hypothesis, the perception of ethnic discrimination is primarily determined by the ethno-national minority identity loaded with nationalistic or ethnocentric elements and by the character of relationship between majority and minority, while social-demographic determination or even educational level or knowledge of other languages are less important. Alogistic regression model was involved in the analysis in order to explain the social determinants of perceiving ethnic discrimination, in three steps, including independent variables the socialdemographic ones, as well as the variables about education, school socialization and ethnolinguistic environment (variables of regional belonging). Thirdly, the model incorporates elements of national identity variables and the attitudes towards Romanians.
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Gödri, Irén. « Economical and ethnic factors of the Hungarians’ emigration from Romania to Hungary ». Erdélyi Társadalom 2, no 1 (2004) : 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.28.
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On the basis of empirical data, the author argues that there are different types of emigrants and even different discourses, narrations. The key factors, social problems and the very feeling of the ethnic discrimination share certain part in influencing emigration
47
Barna, Gergely. « Transylvanian youth organizations from the perspective of organisational sociology ». Erdélyi Társadalom 2, no 2 (2004) : 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.36.
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This paper gives a sociological analysis of Transylvanian Hungarian youth organizations. The author, Gergely Barna – consultant of the Executive Presidium of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania – attempts to describe the functions and characteristics of these groups from the perspective of organizational sociology, and to reveal the sociological characteristics of the dimensions determining this sphere. One of his main conclusions is that the organizational sphere of the youth is constituted by loose networks, but the communication between the organizations that form this network is very strong. The structure of the network is a hierarchical one, with conciliatory boards on the different levels and national umbrella organizations on the top. However, the network is more dense at the local level, with cooperations and partnerships with other organizations and institutions – especially with “grown-up” civil organizations, the churches and the DAHR
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Cioanca, Lia-Maria. « Árpád Fortification Line, as a Horthist Heritage of the Eastern Carpathians and Capitalization of the Tourism Potential of Ilvelor Valley from Bistriţa-Năsăud County, Romania ». International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no 3 (1 juin 2020) : 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0117.
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AbstractThe fortified system Árpád, which bears the name of the former Hungarian dynasty set up during World War II, mainly by the Hungarian horthist, stretched for more than 600 kilometers, one third being on the territory of Romania, and the rest on the territory of Ukraine, Slovakia and Poland. In developing this article, I applied the case study as a research method, which allowed me to inventory and evaluate these Horthy fortifications, but also to collect certain data related to their impact on the life of the local community and tourists visiting the area. Throughout the investigations and the documents studied, I found that the Hungarians built in the Rodna Mountains, right in the heart of the mountains, dozens of casemates for defense and attack and, although they had to be destroyed by those who ordered their arrangement, the hasty withdrawal of the Horthyists left some of the bunkers almost intact. The case study shows that the bunkers here were smaller and slightly stiffer. The Hungarians were inspired by the French and Belgian fortifications occupied by the Germans, and the concept was rethought and adapted to the natural conditions in the Carpathians. Following the study, I found that the horthyst defensive system in Transylvania was planned to have 5 types of casemates, depending on their role: surveillance or firing nests or depending on what they housed: ammunition, soldiers or officers. The entire northern group of the Eastern Carpathians bear the traces of armed conflict. Such arrangements can be found in the territories of Rodna, Ilva Mică, Ilva Mare and Mureşenii Bârgăului, areas with a rich natural tourism potential, which, exploited to its true value, could attract many curious and eager tourists to know the history of the places.
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Veres, Valér. « Social stratification and ethnicity in post totalitarian Transylvania ». Erdélyi Társadalom 1, no 1 (2003) : 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.16.
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The social and economic transition process from Romania reached in 1997 the stage when differences in wealth and income relate to social class position and a relative homogeneity of social strata regarding the possession of capital can be depicted. Using the tools of statistical analysis, Veres Valér investigates the tendencies of social stratification among the Hungarians from Romania and its determinants. The author applies the Erickson-n-Goldthorpe model, having in view theories of capital conversion as well. The study reveals a considerable correlation between social status and the extent of the social network of the individuals. Generally speaking, the density of the social network is higher among the middle classes and the intellectuals, whereas the elite (those occupying leadership positions) prefer rather the week ties.
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Udrea, Andreea. « The Kin-state Policies of Hungary, Romania, and Serbia in 2015 : An Increasingly Centred Approach on Extraterritorial Citizenship ». European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 14, no 1 (12 septembre 2017) : 216–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01401011.
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This article compares the kin-state policies of three countries: Hungary, Romania, and Serbia. It analyses the evolution of their legislation on kin-minorities focusing on the changes introduced in 2015. Even though the historical contexts greatly differ, all three countries became kin-states as a consequence of border changes: Hungary after the First World War, Romania after the Second World War, and Serbia following the disintegration of Yugoslavia. I show here that in spite of the normative prominence of the Act LXII of 2001 on Hungarians Living in Neighbouring Countries in Europe, recent changes in the legislation of the three countries indicate that facilitated access to extraterritorial citizenship rather than identity recognition and support for culture has come to define the nature of their current kin-state policies.